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A public-domain text about Boston, accessioned whole so the archive can quote it.","text_extract":"THE LIBRARY \n\nOF \n\nTHE UNIVERSITY \nOF CALIFORNIA \n\nIN MEMORY OF \nALEXANDER GOLDSTEIN \n\n\nPAPERS \n\n\nRELATING TO \n\n\nTHE GARRISON MOB. \n\n\nEDITED BY \n\n\nTHEODORE LTMAN, 3D. \n\n\nCAMBRIDGE : \nWELCH, BIGELOW, AND COMPANY, \n\nI'KINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. \n\n1870. \n\n\nLOAN STACK \n\n\nUNIVERSITY PRESS : WELCH, BIGELOW, & Co., \nCAMBRIDGE. \n\n\nf- \n\n\nHARDLY a night passes in any of our large cities \nwithout greater violence done to person and to \nproperty than occurred in the so-called \"Garrison \nmob.\" Although its results scarcely entitle it to the \nname of a riot, it has more historical importance \nthan can be claimed by some battles. This wretched \nstreet fight was indeed the first muttering of that \nawful storm which was to burst over this country a \nquarter of a century later. \n\nIn October of 1835 there had come to Boston \nMr. George Thompson, a Scotchman, who proposed \nto speak publicly in favor of the abolition of negro \nslavery. This was a discussion which few people \nthen heard patiently, especially from the lips of a \nforeigner ; and a considerable excitement followed. \n\nThere was to be a meeting of the Female Anti- \nslavery Society, and the Mayor, Theodore Lyman, Jr., \nsent a messenger to Mr. Garrison, editor of an anti- \nslavery paper called the Liberator, to ask if Thomp \nson would then speak; because, in such a case, it \nwould be necessary to provide additional police. \nMr. Garrison replied that Thompson would not be \n\n\n132 \n\n\npresent, and consequently no unusual precautions \nwere taken. The meeting took place at the rooms \nof the Society, No. 46 Washington Street, in the \nafternoon of October 21st. \n\nThe Mayor was soon told that the few constables \non the spot were not enough to preserve order, and \nhe went in person with more men. The mob be \ncame larger and more threatening, but was prevented \nby the police from entering the building. Mr. Gar \nrison, considering his person in imminent danger, es \ncaped by a back window into Wilson's Lane, where \nhe was seized and roughly handled by the rioters, \nand was dragged into State Street. There he was \nrescued by the authorities, and taken into the Old \nState House, a portion of which was then used as a \nCity Hall. As night was drawing on, and the mob \nseemed likely to grow too strong for the constables, \nit was thought best to place Mr. Garrison for safety \nin the jail, and to this end he was committed, pro \nforma., as implicated in a riot. He was taken from \nthe City Hall, placed by dint of hard fighting in a \ncarriage, and driven safely to the jail. The next \nmorning he was set free, having sustained certain \ndamage to his clothing, but none in his person. \n\nSuch is a sketch of this riot, and one that all \nparties will assent to as true. But there are other \nand important points which are by no means so \neasily settled. The following newspaper articles will \nbring out, quite emphatically, some of these points, \nand will serve to introduce a general consideration \nof the affair. \n\n\n5 \n\n\nNo. I. \n\n[From the Boston Daily Advertiser of Wednesday, November 3, 1869.] \nTHE GARRISON MOB. \n\nTo THE EDITORS OF THE BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER : — \n\nIn your report of Mr. Phillips's lecture on the \nQuestion of To-morrow, he is made to say, concern \ning the Garrison or \" Gentleman's \" riot, \" He saw \nthe Mayor of the city, cap in hand, almost on his \nknees, entreating the men who were his social com \npanions to have the kindness to obey the laws.\" \n\nI beg to say that the above statement is false. \nThe Mayor of the city, with the slender police force \nof that time, rescued Mr. Garrison by main force, and \nsaved his life. \n\nThis statement I make for the information of the \npresent generation. Those who knew the Mayor \nknew also that he was not a.man to go on his knees \nto anybody, certainly not to mobs. \n\nIt seems a little hard, when there are so many \nliving men at whom Mr. Phillips can throw mud, that \nhe should not confine his pastime to them. \nVery respectfully, \n\nTHEODORE LYMAN. \n\n\nNo. II. \n\nTHE GARRISON MOB. \n\nTo THE EDITORS OF THE BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER : — \n\nI see the present Mr. Theodore Lyman denies the \ncorrectness of my statement as to his father's con \nduct at the Garrison mob. I said that Mayor Ly \nman \" besought, instead of commanding, that day, \nand was, metaphorically speaking, on his knees to \nthe mob.\" His son disbelieves this, because such \nconduct would be very unlike his father. He was \nin his cradle that day. I was in Washington Street. \nI saw his father beg and sue ; I heard him beseech \nand entreat that mob to disperse and preserve order. \nHe never once commanded or sought to control it. \nHe never vindicated his office by even attempting \nto rally a force and maintain order. Had he issued \none command, even one that was disobeyed, he \nwould have done all that in him lay to redeem \nBoston, and I should have honored him. I saw him \nconsent, if not assist, at tearing down the antislavery \nsign and throwing it to the mob, to propitiate its \nrage. The city was mine as well as his, and I hung \nmy head, ashamed of it and him. \n\nHe was lamentably wanting on that occasion in \nall that befits a magistrate. Pie broke his pledge, \nmade a week before, to the Female Antislavery \nSociety. The only order he issued that day was \none ordering its members, legally met in their own \nhall, to disperse. He never commanded the mob to \ndisperse. \n\n\nThe Mayor did well in giving Mr. Garrison the \nonly refuge which Boston, under such a mayor, \ncould furnish, — its jail. He would have done his \nduty had he vindicated, or died in the attempt to \nvindicate, Mr. Garrison's right to speak what and \nwhere he pleased, and to sleep under his own roof \nin safety. \n\nThen his career would have stood an honor to \nthat generation and an example to all coming ones. \nHe had ample means to control that mob. Ten \nmen shot and sent to deserved graves would have \nscattered the mob in ten minutes. I could name a \ndozen men who would have been equal to that \nemergency. Mr. Hayes, lately of the Boston po \nlice, standing in Lyman's place, would have reversed \nthe record of that hour. Mr. Garrison would have \nslept that night at home. Some of the gentlemen \nmobocrats would have slept in graves, and some \nwould have filled Mr. Garrison's cell in the Boston \njail. \n\nTwenty years ago I said, \" The time will come \nwhen sons will deem it unkind and unchristian to \nremind the world of acts their fathers take pride in.\" \nThat hour has come. I refer to old shames, not to \ninsult the dead, but to control the living. I have \nno ill-will toward Mayor Lyman. His services to \nthe cause of education are an honor to his memory ; \nand, if report can be trusted, he bitterly repented \nhis weakness on that shameful day. \n\nBut evil-doers have one motive more to restrain \nthem, if they can be made to feel that their children \nwill blush for the names they inherit. I bring these \n\n\n8 \n\n\nthings up to show the world that reformers have \nterrible memories, and that, even if base acts win \noffice and plaudits to-day, the ears of the actor's \nchildren will tingle at the report of them half a \ncentury hence. \n\nWENDELL PHILLIPS. \nNovember 3, 1869. \n\nNo. III. \n\n[From the Boston Daily Advertiser of Monday, November 8, 1869.] \nTHE GARRISON MOB. \n\nTo THE EDITORS OF THE BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER : — \n\nMr. Wendell Phillips must take a flattering view \nof his past life when he assumes that any judicial \nmind will accept his statements as reliable. \n\nAlthough I was \" in my cradle \" when the Garri \nson riot took place, and was therefore unable to raise \nmy infant voice in beseeching the multitude, I have \nnot written without various and abundant docu \nmentary evidence of the truth of my assertions, — \nassertions further confirmed by letters since received \nfrom an eyewitness. \n\nI have also a minute account of the whole affair \nin the handwriting of the Mayor, whose word, I \nmay be allowed to think, is not more prejudiced \nthan, and certainly as generally reliable as, that of \nMr. Phillips, who says he was present. \n\nI will not fill your columns with a matter merely \npersonal, by printing letters or other testimony. I \nwill simply state that I am prepared to prove to the \nsatisfaction of any reasonable person, — \n\n\n1. That the Mayor did not humble himself before \nthe mob, but that, on the contrary, he told them, \nfrom the door of the Old State House, that the law \nshould be maintained if it cost him his life. \n\n2. That he did not assist in, or consent to, the \nthrowing of the Liberator sign to the mob. \n\n3. That, with his own hands, and not without per \nsonal risk, he rescued Mr. Garrison from a furious \ncrowd. \n\n4. That he did a very sensible thing in keeping \nMr. Garrison in jail overnight ; and that Mr. Gar \nrison himself, at that particular moment, was the \nperson who most clearly appreciated this happy con \ntrivance. \n\n5. That the Mayor never \" repented \" his action, \nbut always felt grateful to have been able to over \ncome so considerable a crisis without loss of life. \n\nIn conclusion, allow me to say that I do not blush \nfor my father ; but, in a spirit of Christian charity, \nI would gladly blush for Wendell Phillips, were he \nnot past all such help. \n\nVery respectfully, \n\nTHEODORE LYMAN. \n\n\n10 \n\nNo. IY. \nTHE MOB OF 1835. \n\nTo THE EDITORS OF THE BOSTON DAILY ADVERTISER : — \n\nMr. Theodore Lyman considers my testimony of \nno value. If it concerned only a private matter, I \nshould ask no further hearing. But the mob of \n1835 is one of grave interest and importance. I \nwill not, however, burden your columns with evi \ndence ; but, choosing one of the statements he says \nhe can prove, I will show your readers how utterly \nhe is mistaken on that point, and leave them to \ndraw their own inferences as to the other assertions \nhe makes. The sacrifice of the sign \"Antislavery \nRooms\" was a decisive act, showing, far better \nthan words could, the attitude of the Mayor towards \nthe mob. I said Mayor Lyman consented to it, if \nhe did not assist in it. His son says he is prepared \nto prove, — \n\n\" 2. That he [Mayor Lyman] did not assist in, nor \nconsent to, the throwing of the Liberator sign to the \nmob.\" \n\nLet us see how the evidence stands. The mob \ntook place October 21, 1835. The Boston Atlas of \nOctober 22, 1835, says : \" Several gentlemen, at \nthe suggestion of the Mayor, took down the sign \nbearing the words 'Antislavery Rooms,' and .threw \nit into the street. It was dashed into a thousand \nsplinters in a moment.\" \n\nThe New England Galaxy of that week says ; \n\" ' Down with the sign ! ' (Antislavery Rooms) was at \n\n\n11 \n\n\nlength shouted, and two or three gentlemen, at the \nrequest 'of the Mayor, took it down and lowered it \ninto the street, where it was speedily demolished.\" \n\nMr. Lucius B. Marsh, No. 210 Warren Avenue, \nBoston, writes me this morning : \" I saw Mr. Harry \nWilliams leave the Mayor's office (Old State House), \nand he went directly to the stairs which led up to \nthe Antislavery Rooms, followed by a large number \nof people, who evidently knew, or seemed to know, \nthe programme. (One of them carried a hammer.) \nMr. Williams in a moment or two appeared at the \nwindow with his friend with the hammer. Mr. Wil \nliams opened the window, and they both commenced \nto take down the sign. He handed the sign towards \nthe sidewalk, where it was broken to pieces. Mr. \nWilliams then said : ' Fellow-citizens, I have been \ndirected by his Honor the Mayor to take down this \nobnoxious sign. And you are now requested to go \nto your homes.' \" \n\nMr. J. B. Palmer, No. 91 Devonshire Street, says \nin a letter to me, dated also this morning : \" Mr. \nWilliams appeared at the window of the Antislavery \nRooms, and said that, by the order of the Mayor the \nsign would be removed, or words to the same pur \nport. This I am positive of. The sign was loosened, \n.... jumped on, broken in pieces, and carried off by \nthe mob.\" \n\nMr. N. B. Chamberlain, No. 310 Washington Street, \nin a letter to me, just received, says: \"I can \nassure you that I went with Harry Williams to the \nOld State House, and met Mayor Lyman on the \nsteps, during the afternoon of the Garrison mob. \n\n\n12 \n\n\nMr. Williams asked permission to take down the \nantislavery sign. I protested against such submis \nsion to the mob, repeating my protest as often as \nMr. Williams urged the measure. Mr. Lyman ap \npeared exceedingly agitated, and in fearful doubt \nwhat to do ; but at last reluctantly consented. Mr. \nWilliams immediately left, I following to the stairs \nof the Antislavery Kooms. Mr. Williams went up \nwith hammer in hand, appeared at the window, and \ncommenced tearing down the sign. It was soon \naccomplished, when he exultingly declared the work \ndone by order of the Mayor.\" \n\nThis afternoon I have been favored with the fol \nlowing note from my friend Mr. Garrison : — \n\n\" In case you make any rejoinder to Mr. Lyman's \nreply to you in the Advertiser of this morning, I \ndesire you to state, in my behalf, that the assertion \nof Mr. L. in regard to my having been sent to jail \nby his father, at the time of the mob in 1835, — \n' Mr. Garrison himself, at that particular moment, \nwas the person who most clearly appreciated this \nhappy contrivance,' — is without any foundation. A \nhappy contrivance, indeed, to shut up an innocent \nman in jail in order to save his life, and omit to \narrest any of the rioters who were seeking his life ! \nAnd this a faithful discharge of official duty by one \nsworn to execute the laws of the Commonwealth ! \nYou are certainly right in your criticisms of Mayor \nLyman's conduct.\" \n\nI leave the decision on this point to your readers. \nYours respectfully, \n\nWENDELL PHILLIPS. \n\nNovember 8, 1869. \n\n\n13 \n\n\nIt is proper first to see what charges Mr. Phillips \nbrings forward. In his lecture he made only one, \nwhich I will call — \n\nA. That the Mayor meanly entreated rioters to \nobey the laws (see No. I.). \n\nIn No. II. it will be found that he has added as \nfollows : — \n\nB. That the Mayor never sought to command the \nmob, nor did he issue any order. \n\nC. That he consented, if he did not assist, at tear \ning down the antislavery sign, and throwing it to \nthe mob, to propitiate its rage. \n\nD. That he broke his pledge (what pledge ?) made \nto the Female Antislavery Society. \n\nE. That he ordered said Society to disperse. \n\nF. That he had ample means to control the mob, \nand should have shot ten men ; but did not control, \nand did not shoot. \n\nBefore considering these charges, it will be well \nto introduce two or three accounts of this affair. \nThe first of these (No. V.) is in the handwriting of \nMayor Lyman, and was found among his papers. \nThe second (No. VI.) is an article signed \" Abolition \nist,\" published in the Liberator, November, 1835. \nIt was written by Hon. Samuel E. Sewall, in reply \nto a singularly scurrilous attack on the Mayor, in \nthe same paper. Mr. Sewall is well known as one \nof the \" Original Abolitionists,\" and his testimony is \nparticularly important, because he was in the build \ning during the riot and assisted Garrison in his \nescape. The third account (No. VII.) is that of Mr. \nGarrison himself. A few passages, which do not af- \n\n\n14 \n\n\nfeet the present discussion, are omitted. The origi \nnal will be found in Mrs. Stowe's \" Men of our Times/' \npage 172. \n\n\nNo. V. \nACCOUNT BY MAYOR LYMAN, \n\nIN HIS OWN HANDWRITING, FOUND AMONG HIS PAPERS. \n\nI think it was on the 18th of October that a \nnotice appeared in the Transcript, a daily evening \npaper, that a meeting of the Female Abolition So \nciety would be' held in the Society's room in Wash \nington Street on the 21st instant, at three o'clock in \nthe afternoon, and that addresses might be expected \nfrom leading friends of the cause. In the course of \nthe morning of the last-mentioned day an anony \nmous handbill * was distributed, stating that Thomp \nson would address this meeting, and calling on the \ncitizens to \" snake him out \" and carry him to the \ntar-kettle. Neither the author of the handbill nor \n\n* THOMPSON, THE ABOLITIONIST. \n\nThat infamous foreigner known as Thompson will hold forth this after \nnoon at the Liberator office, No. 48 Washington Street. The present is \na fair opportunity for the friends of the Union to snake Thompson out. \nIt will be a contest between Thompson and the friends of the Union. \nA purse of 100 dollars has been raised by a number of patriotic citizens, \nto reward the individual who shall first lay violent hands on Thompson, \nso that he may be brought to the tar-kettle before dark. \n\nFriends of the Union, be vigilant. \n\nBOSTON, Wednesday, 12 o'clock. \n\n\n15 \n\n\nthe mode of its circulation was, at the time, known, \nor could be traced. \n\nIn the forenoon of the 21st instant I sent one of \nthe Deputy-Marshals * to the Liberator office, a well- \nknown Abolition paper, in order to ascertain whether \nThompson was in town or not. The officer was \nassured by Garrison, one of the editors of the paper, \nthat Thompson was not, and that he would not be \npresent at the meeting in the afternoon. On re \nceiving this information I thought that, as Thomp \nson was the object of popular disfavor, no serious \ndisturbance of the peace was to be feared at a meet \ning it was known he did not attend. I took, there \nfore, no other precaution than to have a small num \nber of police-officers assembled for the afternoon. \nMore especially I conceived there was no danger of \na riot, as, but a short time before, the same Society, I \nbelieve, held a meeting, where quiet and order were \nmaintained by a few constables, though a number \nof noisy, ill-disposed persons attempted to interrupt \nthe proceedings. \n\nDuring the summer and autumn, the public mind \nbeing in a very heated, irritable state, the city had \nnow and then been menaced with a riot. On seeing \nmeetings announced that I thought likely to lead to \ntumult and disorder, I had, on several occasions, \nexpressed that opinion to the persons concerned, at \nthe same time admitting their right to hold these \nmeetings, and acknowledging that it was my duty \nand purpose to protect them in the exercise of their \nright. I expressed these sentiments to some gentle- \n\n* See No. XIV. \n\n\n16 \n\n\nmen of the Methodist connection, when it was pub \nlicly announced that Avery,* who had been recently \ntried in Rhode Island for a murder of a very aggra \nvating description, would preach on a week-day \nevening ; once, also, to some members of the \nColonization Society, and twice, at least, to mem \nbers of Abolition Societies. Some of the meetings \nproposed took place, others did not; and though \nthere was once or twice a good deal of noise and \ncrowding, nothing like a riot occurred. \n\nIn the afternoon of the 21st I went to the Mayor \nand Aldermen's room a few minutes before three \no'clock, and as I passed across Washington Street, \nseeing that a number of people had assembled in \nthe neighborhood of the Abolition Room, I sent Mr. \nPollard to the spot with several officers, with instruc \ntions to send for me if he thought necessary. I was \nsoon informed that the crowd was increasing very \nrapidly, and that the Society could not proceed in \ntheir business. In fact, on reaching the ground, I \nfound the street literally full opposite the door lead \ning to the Society's room, which was on the third \nstory. Of this door and passage-way I took posses \nsion, by the aid of the officers already on the spot \nand of the few that came with me. I placed myself \non the third or fourth step of the staircase, where I \ncould see all in the street opposite the door, and \nsome distance to the right and left. The crowd \ngreatly increasing, and the excitement exceedingly \n\n* A clergyman tried for the mysterious murder of a young woman, \nbut acquitted, both by the court and by his p^yn sect. He died in Ohio \nduring the past year. — ED. \n\n\n17 \n\nso, I stated to the people within the sound of my \nvoice, that Thompson was not in town, supposing \nthat this declaration might induce some to go away \nand render others more quiet, but it had no such \neffect. The mob becoming more boisterous and \ninflamed, I was well satisfied that we were menaced \nwith a serious riot. The passage-way was, however, \nmaintained by the officers, but by no means with \nout the exercise of great strength as well as spirit. \nHaving no doubt of what was approaching, I went \nup stairs with the intention of representing the \nstate of things to the females assembled, and of ad \nvising them to withdraw. I found twenty or thirty \npersons (perhaps one half lads) crowding about the \ndoor of the room. I was not aware till that time \nthat these individuals were in the building, but I \nsuppose that they entered before Mr. Pollard reached \nthe spot. And in consequence of the dense throng \nnow in front, it was very difficult to get them out. \nOn entering the room, I found twenty-five or thirty \nwomen assembled there, mostly white, but some \nnegroes and mulattoes. They were all seated except \nthe chairman ; but, on speaking to them, several rose \nand came towards me. One said in substance, that \nif it was necessary to die in that cause, they might \nas well die there and then. Not considering these \nwomen in any danger of their lives or of personal \ninjury, — at the worst, exposed only to insult and \nto be the spectators of a disgraceful riot, — I smiled \nand replied, \" At any rate they could not die there.\" \nAnother said that they would withdraw, if I would \nsecure them a passage. To effect this I went down \n\n3 \n\n\n18 \n\n\nstairs to the street door, and after some difficulty a \nlane was opened in the crowd through which the \nwomen passed. There were some groans and some \nhissing by the mob, but more laughter. The \nwomen appeared to be very willing to leave the \nroom. I heard no objection expressed beyond the \nremark, already mentioned, in regard to martyrdom. \n\nBut the mob did not disperse. On the contrary, \nthey now began to cry vehemently, even furiously, \nfor Garrison. At this time I did not know that he \nwas in the building. It was now perhaps four \no'clock,* and the afternoon was dark and cloudy. \nWe had the prospect before us of a most stormy \nnight. I had no police beyond what was necessary \nto keep the street door during daylight, and to \nguard the upper rooms of the building, nor any \nmeans of procuring an additional force till after \ndark, and in season to prevent immediate and great \noutrages and damage both to persons and property. \n\nThompson not being in town, Garrison now ap \npeared to be the object of popular vengeance. I \nascertained, also, about this time, that there were \ntwo or three gentlemen in the building that were \nhis friends, and that felt very solicitous for his safety, \nbut they said that he could not get out on the roof \nor escape by the rear. A person, also, that I thought \nowned the building or property in it, was very \nanxious for Garrison's removal, for fear of injury to \nthe premises by the mob. Up to this time I had \nleft my position on the staircase but once. Seeing, \nhowever, more and more of the menacing, raging \n\n* The sun sets, at that season, a few minutes past five. — ED. \n\n\n19 \n\n\nstate of the mob, which, as far as I could judge from \nthe place where I stood, increased continually in \nnumbers, and being exceedingly anxious for Gar \nrison, for whom a cry was often raised, I went up \nagain to the upper part of the building, and in the \nAbolition Koom I now saw Garrison, and about him \nhis friends that I have mentioned. There were also \nin the same room several individuals that had ob \ntained admittance before the passage-way was occu \npied by the constables. Whether the latter knew \nGarrison or not I cannot say. I spoke to him, how \never, and as his friends had told me that there was \nno means of escape for him by the roof or the rear of \nthe building, I asked him if he could not find $ place \nin the garret where he could remain concealed. He \nsaid that he would see, and went up the attic stairs \nwith alacrity. This is all that I said to Garrison \nduring the afternoon. \n\nI returned to my position at the bottom of the \nstaircase in the passage-way, which I did not again \nquit till the mob rushed up Washington Street. \n\nFrom the time that the females withdrew I ob \nserved that the sign of the Society now and then \nattracted the notice of this angry mob, their ill-tem \nper displaying itself in the shape of shouts and yells. \nI suppose it was the only thing they could see that \nreminded them of the object of their vengeance. I \nthought, too, that as soon as it became dark, it might \noccur to these rioters, that, if they could get stones \n(and there were plenty there, as State Street had \nbeen recently macadamized) they would commence \na pelting of this sign, and from the sign proceed to \n\n\n20 \n\n\nthe windows of the building, and then, perhaps, to \nthe constables and others engaged in maintaining \norder. I therefore sent a person up the stairs to see \nif this sign could be taken into the room from the \nwindow. Instead of that being done, the man was \ninterfered with by some of the lads and men, already \nmentioned as being in the building, the sign-board \ntorn off the hooks and thrown down into the street.* \nIn the mean time Garrison had escaped. By the \naid of his friends. he got out of the back window of \na bookseller's shop upon a shed in the rear of the \nbuilding, and thence fled to Wilson's Lane. I was in \nformed of this fact as soon as the escape was effected, \nthough I did not witness the transaction. I thought \nthe danger of a boisterous night was now much di \nminished ; Garrison, I supposed, was safe, and I had \nlittle doubt but that sufficient men could be assem \nbled in season to prevent, at any rate to check and \nstop, serious mischief. \n\n* I think that Garrison in one of his papers in the Liberator says that \nI \" ordered \" the ladies to retire from the Abolition room. \" An Ab \nolitionist \" says, \" he urged the ladies to retire.\" \" An Abolitionist \" is \nMr. Samuel E. Sewall. He was in the building the whole time, but \nneither he nor Garrison were in the Abolition room at the time I went \nin; but Mr. Sewall was as likely to have correct information from the \nladies themselves as Garrison. He was doubtless as much in their friend \nship and confidence. He states the fact correctly. \n\nGarrison, I think, also says, or intimates, that I directed the sign of the \nSociety to be thrown into the street. \n\n\" An Abolitionist \" says, the Mayor, \" in sanctioning the removal of the \nSociety's sign.\" This is far from saying that I ordered it to be thrown \ninto the street. Mr. Sewall was very active the whole afternoon in efforts \nfor Garrison's security, and finally did a great deal towards aiding him to \nescape. He probably saw what was done about the sign. Garrison \ncould not, for he was concealed. He must have heard from others, or \nimagined it. \n\n\n21 \n\n\nPerhaps ten minutes after I was told that Gar \nrison had escaped a person informed me that the \nmob had caught him. I said, \" No, he has been gone \neight or ten minutes.\" The gentleman repeated his \nremark, and said that he was in the upper story of \nthe building looking out of a back window, and \nfrom the movement of the crowd he was satisfied \nthey had found him. I thought this very improb \nable, not knowing that Wilson's Lane was beset. \nWhile speaking, however, to Mr. Pollard, I observed \nthe whole crowd in front of the building turn and run \nup Washington Street. I no longer had any doubt \nbut that Garrison, or some one, was found. I left \nthe passage-way instantly, told the officers to follow, \nand ran with the mob. When I reached the street \non the north side of the City Hall, I looked down \nand saw a vast throng passing to the south along \nthe head of State Street. I continued on past the \nPost-Office. \n\nOn my way from the Liberator office to the City \nHall, — a short distance, say one hundred and fifty \nyards, — several persons said to me, \" They are going \nto hang him ; for God's sake, save him ! \" — at least, ten \nor fifteen said this. I turned down the street south \nof the City Hall, and there I saw Garrison, without \nhis hat, in the midst of what seemed a prodigious \nconcourse of people. I rushed to his rescue. I met \nhim a little to the east of the south door of the \nHall. He was in the hands of two men, one hold \ning him with great strength on each side. As soon \nas I reached Garrison, he looked up (before, his head \nwas bent to the earth) and smiled. I said to the \n\n\n22 \n\n\nmen who held him, \" Take him into my office.\" I \nplaced myself before him and backed, as well as I \ncould, towards the steps of the Hall. After a short \nstruggle, and in the midst of a vast deal of noise \nand clamor, we reached the steps. Going up the \nsteps, I sank partly down on a man that had fallen. \nGarrison was forced into the City Hall, and the doors \nwere shut. This was only effected by the use of \ngreat physical strength. The mob made no attempt \nto come in at the south door, but great numbers ran \nround and entered at the north so as to fill the \nlower hall. Garrison was, however, carried up stairs. \nI took my station at the foot of the staircase leading \nto the Mayor and Aldermen's room. The crowd \nwas extreme for a minute. ' I spoke to the people \nand said in substance, that the law must be main \ntained, the order of the city preserved, and that I \nwould lay down my life on that spot to effect these \nobjects. These remarks were well received. The \ncrowd continued intense in the street on the south \nside of the Hall. I therefore went to the window \nover the south door, and got out on the ledge or cap \nover that door, where I was able to stand, though \nthe position was anything but safe. I here again \nspoke to the people very much as in the Hall. \nThese remarks were also well received. The mob \nnow appeared to be waiting for a movement on the \npart of the city authorities. . It was nearly dusk, and \nthe moment was critical ; for if Garrison was kept in \nthe City Hall till night, no one could doubt but that \nthere would be a great tumult. The mob had, in \nthe first place, been roused to fresh vigor by having \n\n\n23 \n\n\nfound Garrison, and then greatly inflamed by having \nhad him taken out of their grasp. After careful \ndeliberation no suitable place could be thought of \nbut the jail. Sheriff Parkman, who was present, \nsaid that he would commit him as a rioter. The \nusual law paper was made out, and Garrison agreed \nto go to jail on the condition (as I was informed by \nParkman) that he should not be subject to any ex \npense. A carriage was procured, and, after a prodi \ngious deal of resistance on the part of the mob, he \nwas placed in it ; and, after a second severe strug \ngle, the carriage was driven off. The hackman \nluckily had good horses, and had good courage \nhimself, for in the course of a hundred yards or so \nhe got his horses into a gallop, and then, instead of \ngoing towards the jail, he drove towards Cam \nbridge bridge. The mob (or a part of it) followed \nthe carriage, but the manoeuvre of the hackman dis \ntracted them, and a large portion stopped in Bow- \ndoin Square. \n\nRunning the greater part of the way, I reached \nthe jail before the carriage, which, however, soon \ncame up, but not before between two and three \nhundred persons had assembled there. But a line \nwas made to the jail by officers, and, on the door \nbeing opened, Garrison seemed to bound from the \ncarriage to the jail door with a single leap. Mob \nabout the jail then dispersed. \n\nI went to my office and took all the precautions \nin my power for the quiet of the town during the \nnight, having all the watch on the alert, and having \nofficers placed in the neighborhood of Garrison's \n\n\n24 \n\n\nhouse and the Liberator office. The night passed \noff without disturbance, though there was a very \nlarge collection of people on Washington Street till \ntowards ten o'clock. \n\nThroughout the whole of this riot Garrison ac \nceded cheerfully and readily to the measures pro \nposed for his security and protection. \n\nThe property destroyed on this occasion, so far as \nI have been informed, was a panel of a door broken \nin, a wooden partition somewhat injured, and the \nsign of the Society broken up. The whole to the \namount, perhaps, of fifteen or twenty dollars. \n\nGarrison himself received no personal injury. \nHis trousers wrere torn, and I believe he lost his hat. \n\nMr. Pollard, the city marshal, remained the whole \ntime by the door of the building while the mob \nwere in Washington Street ; Sheriff Parkman in the \nupper rooms. Being in the office when I was sent \nfor early in the afternoon, he volunteered to go and \naid in keeping the peace. He contributed much to \nthat object by the courage he displayed, as well as \ngood-nature, which never left him, though he was \nonce or twice roughly handled. It was intended \nthat Sheriff Parkman should go to the jail in the \ncarriage with Garrison, but he could not be got in. \n\n\n25 \n\n\nNo. VI. \n\nARTICLE, BY HON. SAMUEL E. SEWALL, SIGNED \"AN ABOLITION \nIST,\" PUBLISHED IN THE LIBERATOR IN NOVEMBER, 1835. \n\nCONDUCT OF THE MAYOR. \n\nMR. GARRISON : — \n\nI read with deep feelings of pain and regret an \narticle in the last Liberator, signed \" Hancock/' in \nwhich the writer charges Mr. Lyman, the Mayor of \nBoston, with being a co-operator with the mob in \nthis city of the 21st ult., and makes a show of \nlabored argument to substantiate his accusation. \n\nI am neither the eulogist nor the apologist of \nMr. Lyman. But I believe that he was as sincerely \ndesirous of suppressing the riot as any man in the \ncity, and adopted such measures as seemed to him \ncalculated to effect the object. % \n\nIf he committed any errors on the occasion, it is \njust that they should be pointed out, but with the \nkindness and courtesy which are due to every man \nwho means to do his duty. To those who are dis \nposed to judge harshly of his conduct in a new and \ndifficult emergency, I would say, Have you ever at \ntempted to put down a mob yourselves ? \n\nThe writer of the piece referred to argues, in the \nfirst place, that the Mayor was accessory to the mob, \nfrom his previous conduct. \n\nHe says that the Mayor exerted all his private \npersonal influence for some time previous to Homer \nand Palmer's call for the mob, to dissuade Abolition- \n\n4 \n\n\n26 \n\nists from holding public meetings. Is it fair from \nthis to conclude that the Mayor wished for mobs ? \nHis desire obviously was the very reverse, that is, \nto persuade the Abolitionists to forego their meet \nings, and thus afford no excuse for mobs. The writer \nought to have added in this connection, if he was \naware of the fact, that Mr. Lyman always said, if the \nAbolitionists chose to have meetings, in spite of \nthe excited state of public feeling, he would defend \nthe right of free discussion at the peril of his life. \n\nMr. Ly man's next offence is, that he was chairman \nof the proslavery Faneuil Hall meeting.* I regret \nthat he should have aided 011 that disgraceful occa \nsion ; but I am not aware that he or any other per \nson who addressed that assembly was in favor of \nmobs. Now, although the tendency of such a meet \ning, when the public mind was in a state of effer \nvescence, was probably to encourage lawless violence \nagainst Abolitionists, yet it seems to me most un \ncharitable to charge men like Mr. Lyman, whom we \nknow to have been always opposed to such violence, \nwith a design to promote it, without some more \ndirect evidence to substantiate the charge. \n\nIn regard to the gallows erected before Mr. Gar \nrison's door, it would, it seems to me, have been \nproper for the city government to have made efforts \nto detect the offenders who placed it there. But I \ncannot say that the city authorities were in favor \n\n* \" A meeting not called for the purpose of exciting a mob against the \nAbolitionists, — but for the expressed purpose of discountenancing them \n\n, — a meeting the call for which was signed by some of the most \n\nupright and pious men in this city.\" \n\n\"ANOTHER ABOLITIONIST,\" in the Liberator, November, 1835. \n\n\n27 \n\nof mobs because they might think the course I ap \nproved unnecessary or inexpedient. The gallows, it \nshould be recollected, was very promptly removed \nby the city officers. \n\nHancock next contends that the conduct of the \nMayor, between the direct call for the mob and its \nassembling, shows him to have been accessory to it. \nHancock contends that when the Mayor knew of \nthe call for violence, he was bound to say that the \nladies should have their meeting, and if appearances \ndemanded, he was bound by the laws of the city to \nhave called out the military, and to have lined the \nstreets with bayonets and cannon. Here, it seems to \nme, Hancock is altogether wrong. I do not know \nwhether there is any law of the city which author \nizes the Mayor to assemble a military force, because \na mob is anticipated. But supposing there is such a \nlaw, the occasion did not seem to require a military \nforce to be assembled in anticipation of the meeting. \nThe Mayor, I believe, had made such arrangements \nas he thought would be sufficient to quell the mob, \nif any should arise. Was he bound to do more ? \nHe was promptly on the spot, soon after the com \nmencement of the tumult, with the City Marshal and \nconstables, — a force which he probably supposed \nwas sufficient for the emergency. \n\nThe conduct of the Mayor during the mob is \ncharged as proof of his being accessory to it. But \ndoes Hancock give us any detailed account of the \nMayor's conduct at this time, in support of the \ncharge ? 0 no. He offers a long imaginary (!!!) \ndialogue, which he says he thinks is a just inference \n\n\n28 \n\n\nfrom the Mayor's conduct during this period. A \nmore unfair course than that adopted by your cor \nrespondent could scarcely have been conceived of. \n\nThe Mayor is held up to ridicule and contempt by \nwords put into his mouth which he confessedly never \nuttered. Suppose a man on trial for any offence, \nand a witness should undertake to tell what he \nthinks, judging from the prisoner's conduct, he might \nhave said. Would such a witness be listened to for \na moment ? Yet this is the mode in which Hancock \nproposes to try the Mayor. \n\nPerhaps I might conclude without any further \nanswer to this branch of the accusation. But let us \nexamine the real course of the Mayor's conduct, and \nsee if it affords any proof of his co-operating with \nthe mob. \n\nHe urged the ladies to retire. \n\nWhether this was the most judicious course or \nnot I shall not stop to inquire. I believe many \nAbolitionists think it was right for the ladies to \nquit the room. It certainly affords us no reason \nfor doubting the Mayor's good faith, that he rec \nommended this course. \n\nThe Mayor, with his officers, certainly cleared the \nbuilding of the rioters, and defended its entrance \nafterwards, for a long time, against repeated and \nviolent assaults. \n\nHe thus protected Mr. Garrison's life, and the \nproperty of the Society, and so far, it seems to me, \nhe deserves commendation. \n\nI will not, for a moment, justify the Mayor in \nsanctioning the removal of the Society's sign. But I \n\n\n29 \n\nhave no doubt he acted honestly, in the hope that \nthis course might pacify the mob, and tend to pre \nvent further outrage. For such an error of judg \nment, it seems to me most uncharitable to charge \nhim with being leagued with the mob. \n\nThe Mayor has been very much blamed for not \ntaking the course for suppressing the riot which is \ndirected by a recent statute.* I know not what his \nmotive was for this neglect of duty. I certainly \nshall not attempt to justify it. Yet, taking the whole \nof his conduct on the occasion into view, and know \ning that he was, in fact, using exertion to oppose \nand disperse the mob, it seems to be absurd to con \ntend that he could feel any sympathy with a lawless \nrabble, who were endeavoring to prostrate his au \nthority. \n\nIn the imaginary dialogue, Hancock most unfairly \nrepresents the Mayor as having betrayed Mr. Garri \nson's escape from the building, and thus induced the \ncrowd to pursue him. The charge is wholly ground \nless. \n\nWhen Sheriff Parkman stated to the multitude \nthat he could not find Mr. Garrison in the building, \nit was supposed by those who saw Mr. Garrison \nescape out of the window that he was already safe \nfrom pursuit. The communication was made for \nthe purpose of dispersing the crowd. No inti \nmation, I am confident, was given by the Mayor \nor Sheriff Parkman that Mr. Garrison had escaped \nfrom the building. The conduct of the Mayor after \nMr. Garrison was brought to his office seems to \n\n* See page 62. — ED. \n\n\n30 \n\nhave been dictated by an anxious desire to promote \nhis safety. His measures at this time seem to have \nbeen in the main prompt and judicious. I should \nhave preferred that Mr. Garrison should have been \nsent out of town rather than to the jail. But the \ngreat object of saving Mr. Garrison was success \nfully accomplished. The Mayor is charged by Han \ncock with false imprisonment of Mr. Garrison. But \nI believe Mr. Garrison went voluntarily to the \njail. \n\nThe conduct of the Mayor since the mob is next \narraigned. He is blamed for not exerting himself \nto bring the rioters to justice. If he is blame \nworthy in this, it is a blame which he shares with \nmany other citizens, including some Abolitionists. \nFor it is competent for any citizen to prosecute \nthese offenders. \n\nHowever, I admit that the city government is to \nblame for not having made suitable efforts to detect \nthe rioters and the publishers of the handbills. But \nI cannot infer from this that they were friendly to \nthe mob, but merely that in their opinion it is not \nadvisable for the city government to act on the sub \nject. Dislike to abolition principles has probably \nhad an influence in leading to this conclusion. Yet \nhowever much I disapprove of the silence in which \nour city authorities have passed over an enormous \nand high-handed violation of the laws, I cannot \nconclude from thence that they either encouraged \nor approved of the riot. \n\nI must conclude. We should be just even to our \nopponents. We should endeavor to judge charita- \n\n\n31 \n\n\nbly of their conduct, and not ascribe it to the worst \npossible motives. In looking at the course which \nthey have pursued, we should be ever on the watch \nnot to be carried into false judgment by party feel \nings. While truth compels us to extenuate nothing \neither in friend or foe, we should be equally careful \n\nto \" set down naught in malice.\" \n\nAN ABOLITIONIST. \nBOSTON, Saturday, November 21, 1835. \n\nNo. VII. \nACCOUNT BY MR. WILLIAM L. GARRISON, \n\nTO BE FOUND IN MRS. STOWED \"MEN OF OUR TIMES.\" \n\nAs the meeting was to commence at three o'clock, \np. M., I went to the hall about twenty minutes before \nthat time. Perhaps a hundred individuals had al \nready gathered around the street door and opposite \nto the building, and their number was rapidly aug \nmenting. On ascending into the hall, I found about \nfifteen or twenty ladies assembled, sitting with se \nrene countenances, and a crowd of noisy intruders \n(mostly young men) gazing upon them, through \nwhom I urged my way with considerable difficulty. \n\" That 's Garrison,\" was the exclamation of some of \ntheir number, as I quietly took my seat. Perceiv \ning that they had no intention of retiring, I went \nto them and calmly saicl, \" Gentlemen, perhaps you \nare not aware that this is a meeting of the Boston \nFemale Antislavery Society, called and intended \nexclusively for ladies, and those only who have \nbeen invited to address them. Understanding this \n\n\n32 \n\n\nfact, you will not be so rude or indecorous as to \nthrust your presence upon this meeting. If, gen \ntlemen\" I pleasantly continued, \"any of you are \nladies in disguise, — why, only apprise me of the \nfact, give me your names, and I will introduce you \nto the rest of your sex, and you can take seats \namong them accordingly.\" I then sat down, and \nfor a few moments their conduct was more orderly. \nHowever, the stairway and upper door of the hall \nwere soon densely filled with a brazen-faced crew, \nwhose behavior grew more and more indecent and \noutrageous. Perceiving that it would be impracti \ncable for me, or any other person, to address the \nladies ; and believing, as I was the only male Aboli \ntionist in the hall, that my presence would serve as \na pretext for the mob to annoy the meeting, I held \na short colloquy with the excellent President of the \nSociety, telling her that I would withdraw unless \nshe particularly desired me to stay. It was her ear \nnest wish that I would retire, as well for my own \nsafety as for the peace of the meeting. She assured \nme that the Society would resolutely but calmly \nproceed to the transaction of its business, and leave \nthe issue with God. I left the hall accordingly, and \nwould have left the building if the staircase had \nnot been crowded to excess. This being impractica \nble, I retired into the Antislavery office (which is \nseparated from the hall by a»board partition), accom \npanied by my friend, Mr. Charles C. Burleigh. It \nwas deemed prudent to lock the door, to prevent \nthe mob from rushing in and destroying our publi \ncations. \n\n\n33 \n\n\nIn the mean time the crowd in the street had aug \nmented from a hundred to thousands. The cry was \nfor \"Thompson! Thompson!\" But the Mayor had \nnow arrived, and, addressing the rioters, he assured \nthem that Mr. Thompson was not in the city, and \nbesought them to disperse. As well might he have \nattempted to propitiate a troop of ravenous wolves. \nNone went away, but the tumult continued momen \ntarily to increase. It was apparent, therefore, that \nthe hostility of the throng was not concentrated upon \nMr. Thompson, but that it was as deadly against the \nSociety and the Antislavery cause. The fact is wor \nthy of special note, for it incontestibly proves that \nthe object of these \" respectable and influential \" \nrioters was to put down the cause of Emancipation, \nand that the prejudice against Mr. Thompson was \nonly a mere pretext. \n\nNotwithstanding the presence and frantic behavior \nof rioters in the hall, the meeting of the Society \nwas regularly called to order by the President. She \nread a select and appropriate portion of Scripture, \nand offered a fervent prayer to God for direction \nand succor, and the forgiveness of enemies and \nrioters. It was an awful, sublime, and soul-thrilling \n\nscene The clear, untremulous tone of that \n\nChristian heroine in prayer occasionally awed the \nruffians into silence, and was heard distinctly even \nin the midst of their hisses, yells, and curses, — for \nthey could not long silently endure the agony of \nconviction, and their conduct became furious. They \nnow attempted to break down the partition, and par \ntially succeeded ; but that little band of women still \n\n5 \n\n\n34 \n\n\nmaintained their ground unshrinkingly, and endeav \nored to transact their business. \n\nAn assault was now made upon the door of the \noffice, the lower panel of which was instantly dashed \nto pieces. Stooping down, and glaring upon me as \nI sat at the desk, writing an account of the riot \nto a distant friend, the ruffians cried out, — \" There \nhe is ! That 's Garrison ! Out with the scoundrel ! \" \n&c., &c. Turning to Mr. Burleigh, I said, \" You may \nas well open the door, and let them come in and do \ntheir worst.\" But he, with great presence of mind, \nwent out, locked the door, put the key into his \npocket, and by his admirable firmness succeeded in \nkeeping the office safe. \n\nTwo or three constables having cleared the hall \nand staircase of the mob, the Mayor came in and \nordered the ladies to desist, assuring them that he \ncould not any longer guarantee protection, if they \ndid not take immediate advantage of the oppor^ \ntunity to retire from the building. Accordingly they \nadjourned, to meet at the house of one of their num \nber, for the completion of their business ; but as they \npassed through the crowd they were greeted with \n\"taunts, hisses, and cheers of mobocratic triumph, \nfrom gentlemen of property and standing from all \nparts the city.\" Even their absence did not dimin \nish the throng. Thompson was not there, the ladies \nwere not there ; but \" Garrison is there ! \" was the \ncry. \" Garrison ! Garrison ! We must have Garrison ! \nOut with him ! Lynch him ! \" These and numberless \nother exclamations arose from the multitude. \n\nFor a moment their attention was diverted from \n\n\n35 \n\n\nme to the Antislavery sign, and they vociferously \ndemanded its possession. It is painful to state, that \nthe Mayor promptly complied with their demand ! \nSo agitated and alarmed had he become, that in very \nweakness of spirit he ordered the sign to be hurled \nto the ground, and it was instantly broken in a thou \nsand fragments by the infuriated populace. The \nsign being demolished, the cry for Garrison was re \nsumed more loudly than ever. It was now apparent \nthat the multitude would not disperse till I left the \nbuilding, and as an egress out of the front door was \nimpossible, the Mayor and some of his assistants, as \nwell as some of my friends, earnestly besought me \nto escape in the rear of the building. \n\nPreceded by my faithful and beloved friend, J. R. \nC., I dropped from a back window on to a shed, \nand narrowly escaped falling headlong to the ground. \nWe entered into a carpenter's shop, through which \nwe attempted to get into Wilson's Lane, but found \nour retreat cut off by the mob. They raised a shout \nas soon as we came in sight ; but the proprietor \npromptly closed the door of his shop, kept them at \nbay for a time, and thus kindly afforded me an \nopportunity to find some other passage. I told Mr. \nC. it would be futile to attempt to escape, — I would \ngo out to the mob, and let them deal with me as \nthey might elect ; but he thought it was my duty to \navoid them as long as possible. We then went up \nstairs, and, finding a vacancy in one corner of the \nroom, I got into it, and he and a young lad piled \nup some boards in front of me to shield me from \nobservation. In a few minutes several ruffians broke \n\n\n36 \n\n\ninto the chamber, who seized Mr. C. in a rough man \nner, and led him out to the view of the mob, saying, \n\" This is not Garrison, but Garrison's and Thompson's \nfriend, and he says he knows where Garrison is, but \nwon't tell.\" Then a shout of exultation was raised \nby the mob, and what became of him I do not know; \nthough, as I was immediately discovered, I presume \nhe escaped without material injury. On seeing me, \nthree or four of the rioters, uttering a yell, furiously \ndragged me to the window, with the intention of \nhurling me from that height to the ground; but one \nof them relented, and said, \" Don't let us kill him \noutright.\" So they drew me back, and coiled a rope \nabout my body, — probably to drag me through the \nstreets. I bowed to the mob, and, requesting them \nto wait patiently until I could descend, went down \nupon a ladder that was raised for that purpose. I \nfortunately extricated myself from the rope, and \nwas seized by two or three of the leading rioters, \npowerful and athletic men, by whom I was dragged \nalong bareheaded (for my hat had been knocked off \nand cut in pieces on the spot), a friendly voice in \nthe crowd shouting, \" He sha'n't be hurt ! He is an \nAmerican ! \" This seemed to excite sympathy in \nthe breasts of some others, and they reiterated the \nsame cry. Blows, however, were aimed at my \nhead by such as were of a cruel spirit, and at last \nthey succeeded in tearing nearly all my clothes \nfrom my body. Thus was I dragged through Wil \nson's Lane into State Street, in the rear of the City \nHall. \n\nThey proceeded with me in the direction of the \n\n\n37 \n\n\nCity Hall, the cry being raised, \" To the Common ! \" \nwhether to give me a coat of tar and feathers or to \nthrow me into the pond was problematical. As we \napproached the south door, the Mayor attempted to \nprotect me by his presence ; but as he was unassist \ned by any show of authority or force, he was quickly \nthrust aside ; and now came a tremendous rush on \nthe part of the mob to prevent my entering the \nhall. For a time the conflict was desperate ; but at \nlength a rescue was effected by a posse that came to \nthe help of the Mayor, by whom I was carried up \nto the Mayor's room. \n\nIn view of my denuded condition, one individual \nin the Post-Office below stairs kindly lent me a pair \nof pantaloons, another a coat, a third a stock, a \nfourth a cap, &c. After a brief consultation, the \nmob densely surrounding and threatening the City \nHall and Post-Office, the Mayor and his advisers \nsaid that my life depended on committing me to \njail, ostensibly as a disturber of the peace. Accord \ningly a hack was got ready at the door, and I was \nput into it, supported by Sheriff Parkman and \nEbenezer Bailey, the Mayor leading the way. And \nnow ensued a scene which baffles all description. \nAs the ocean, lashed to fury by a storm, seeks to \nwhelm a bark beneath the waves, so did the mob, \nenraged at their disappointment, rush like a whirl \nwind upon the frail vehicle in which I sat, and \nendeavored to drag me out of it. Escape seemed \na physical impossibility. They clung to the wheels, \ndashed open the doors, seized hold of the horses, \nand tried to upset the carriage. They were, how- \n\n\n38 \n\n\never, vigorously repulsed by the police, a constable \nsprang in by my side, the doors were closed, and \nthe driver, using his whip on the bodies of the \nhorses and the heads of the rioters, happily made \nan opening through the crowd, and drove with all \nspeed to Leverett Street. \n\nIn a few moments I was locked up in a cell, safe \nfrom my persecutors, accompanied by two delightful \nassociates, — a good conscience and a cheerful mind. \n\n\nNow to consider the original charge, — \n\nA. That the Mayor meanly entreated the rioters \nto obey the laws. \n\nMr. Phillips is extremely vague in his accusation. \nHe says (No. II.) he was himself in Washington \nStreet, but does not mention the time, nor does he \nsay where the Mayor was when these degrading \npleadings were uttered. Such obscurity is charac \nteristic of bad testimony the world over. \n\nFrom the accounts already introduced, it is plain \nthat the Mayor was either in the entry of the Anti- \nslavery building or on the steps of the Old State \nHouse, and in either case a person in Washington \nStreet might have seen and heard him. He was for \na long time in the entry of the Antislavery build \ning, but, in his own account, there is no mention of \nan address to the crowd, beyond the statement that \n\"Thompson was not in town\" (page 17). The fol \nlowing letter contains an important allusion to this \npoint. \n\n\n39 \n\n\nNo. VIII. \n\nLETTER FROM MR. HENRY GUILD* TO THE EDITOR. \n\nHaving read the controversy in the papers be \ntween yourself and Mr. Phillips, and having been an \neyewitness to the circumstances referred to, and a \nconvert to the Antislavery cause from that date, I \nbelieve I can bear witness to your father's efforts to \nsubdue the mob and rescue Mr. Garrison. \n. My impression is that the Riot Act was read under \nthe windows of the Antislavery rooms ; at any rate, \nI recollect distinctly your father warning the mob to \ndisperse ; this was before the seizure of Mr. Garri \nson, who was taken from Wilson's Lane, with a rope \naround his body (not around his neck, as has been \noften stated), and carried up State Street, on the \nnorth side, and down on the south side of the Old \nState House ; and it was on the way down, and near \nthe old pump that the police force, not more than \nten or fifteen men, made a raid upon the mob and \ntook him from them. \n\nI could not say what part your father took in the \narrest of Mr. Garrison from the mob, but I was \ninformed, shortly after, that Mr. Garrison, in relating \nhis experience in a public meeting, stated that he \nnever was so glad to get into a jail in his life. I \nthink your father did all that lay in his power, with \na mere handful of men at his command ; and \nalthough, as I said before, I am, and have been, an \nAntislavery man, I am also a lover of justice. \n\n* Manufacturing Jeweller, Winter Street. \n\n\n40 \n\n\nThese few recollections have been scratched down \nhastily. I could give you a more extended and \nparticular account if you should think it worth \nwhile to call upon me. \n\nBOSTON, November 13, 1869. \n\n\nMr. Guild was then a clerk of Mr. Quincy Tufts, in \na neighboring store, and he ran out to see what was \ngoing on. He says, \" I recollect distinctly your father \nwarning the mob to disperse; this was before the \nseizure of Mr. Garrison,\" therefore it was while the \nMayor was in or near the entry of the building, and \nit was (perhaps) while Mr. Phillips was hanging his \nhead with shame ; which act seems to be the only \nsupport he gave to the law and the authorities \non that important occasion. Such men as Colonel \nSever ran in and took rioters by the collar ; but Mr. \nPhillips hung his head. \n\nBut perhaps the entreating \" almost on his knees \" \ntook place later, at the Old State House. The \nMayor writes, \" I said in substance that the law must \nbe maintained, the order of the city preserved, and \nthat I would lay down my life on that spot to effect \nthese objects \" (page 22). The following letters \nbear directly on this point. \n\n\n41 \n\n\nNo. IX. \n\nLETTER FROM MR. JOHN H. THORNDIKE* TO THE \nEDITOR. \n\nIn this morning's Advertiser is a letter over the \nsignature of Mr. Wendell Phillips, which contains \nsuch gross misstatements as to what occurred at the \ntime of the \" Garrison Mob,\" that I am impelled to \nwrite you what I know upon the subject. I would \nnot say that Mr. Phillips intentionally says that \nwhich is not true, for it is fair to suppose that one of \nhis excitable temperament, and taking the part which \nhe did in the antislavery movement at that time, \nneither \" saw \" nor \" heard \" correctly. Upon the \nafternoon of that day, as I was walking down Wash \nington Street, on the way to my office in State Street, \nI saw, when near Joy's Building, a large crowd of \npeople, and curiosity led me on to the corner of \nCourt Street. I asked a laborer there what the mat \nter was ; he answered that there were two or three \nmen up there preaching to a lot of women about \nslavery. I went a little farther, and found myself \nnext to Mr. John L. Dimmock, who appeared to be \ndoing what he could to allay the excitement which \nwas momentarily increasing. Men had crowded up \nthe stairs of the building where the meeting was \nheld, and there was much loud talk by some of them \nin the mob. Cries were distinctly heard, \" Tear down \nthe sign ! \" Mr. Dimmock said to two men whom he \n\n* Lately President of the Water Board. \n6 \n\n\n42 \n\n\nspoke to as if he knew them, \" You had better take \nin that sign,\" and very soon one or both of them \nwere at work doing it. When this was done I set \nout again for my office, and just as I reached the \nlast corner of the Old State House there was a rush \nof some dozen men close together from Wilson's \nLane, and in their midst a bareheaded man with a \nrope round his neck. Instantly others surrounded \nthem, most of whom appeared to be well-disposed \ncitizens, crying out, \" Don't hurt him,\" and directed \nthe bareheaded man (who I afterwards learned was \nMr. Garrison) to the south door of the Old State \nHouse. Your father, Mayor Lyman, met them at \nthe door with only one or two on either side of him, \nand under his direction Mr. Garrison was passed up \nstairs. When the most excited of those present \ntried to follow, he pressed them back, declaring in a \nclear and loud voice, \" You can go no farther, and \nany man who passes here will have to pass over my \ndead body.\" Upon this, satisfaction was manifested \nby cheers and clapping of hands. He came in a \nmoment after to the window over the entrance and \nagain spoke to those remaining, asking them as good \ncitizens to disperse, which they did. From that \ntime I have had the highest respect for your father, \nstanding there as he did, almost alone, fearing no \none and caring for no one, bearing on his counte \nnance and in the energy of his manner a determina \ntion to protect the man and maintain the peace. \n\nBOSTON, November 6, 1869. \n\n\n43 \n\n\nNo. X. \n\nLETTER FROM MR. OTIS CLAPP* TO THE EDITOR. \n\nThe reading of your letter this morning on the \n\" Garrison Mob \" revived -my recollections of the \nscene. \n\nI happened to be standing on the south corner of \nState and Washington Streets when the mob came \nup Washington Street, with General Lyman and his \nofficers surrounding Mr. Garrison, who turned him \ninto State Street, and up the steps into the Old State \nHouse (then the City Hall), when the door was \nclosed and guarded. This action produced great \nexcitement among the mob, which increased in fury \neach moment, and threatened to break down the \ndoor. Soon after, General Lyman stepped through \nthe window on the roof over the door through \nwhich they had entered City Hall, and addressed \nthe multitude. \n\nHe asked all to aid in keeping the peace, and \nadvised all to quietly retire. The laws, he said, so \nfar as rested upon him, must and should be obeyed, \nif he died in the attempt ; or words to this effect. \n\nHis figure, as he then appeared, when he straight \nened himself up and spoke, is impressed upon my \nmind as though it was within a year, and the fire \nwith which he declared his determination rings in \nmy ears to this day. The effect upon the multitude \nwas electric, and all was hushed for some moments ; \n\n* United States Assessor. \n\n\n44 \n\n\nwhen parties began to gather in quiet groups, and \ntalk over the matter. \n\nI watched this transaction with intense interest, \nas it was my first lesson in the management of \nmobs; and I have always felt that General Lyman's \naction in this matter was in the highest degree \nmanly and courageous. \n\nAs there are not many living witnesses of this \nscene, I presume, it has seemed to me well to say \nthus much upon the subject. \n\nBOSTON, November 3, 1859. \n\nNo. XL \n\nLETTER FROM COL. JAMES W. SEVER TO THE EDITOR. \n\nI take great pleasure in stating to you in writing, \nat your request, the substance of a verbal commu \nnication made to you a few days since in reference \nto the \" Garrison Kiot,\" so called, which occurred in \nthis city on the 21st day of October, 1835. \n\nPassing down State Street on the afternoon of that \nday, I encountered a large mass of people coming \nround the eastern end of the Old State House from \nthe direction of Wilson's Lane, having in custody \nWilliam L. Garrison, in his shirt-sleeves, and without \na hat, having a rope around his waist. \n\nAs they turned towards Washington Street they \nwere met by the Mayor and a force of constables. \nAt this moment the cry was raised, \" To the Frog \nPond with him ! \" followed by an appeal to the by \nstanders to assist the Mayor, when, among many \n\n\n45 \n\n\nothers, the late Colonel Thomas C. Amory and my \nself aided in the rescue of Mr. Garrison from the \ncrowd, and in placing him within the south door of \nthe Old State House, which was at once closed. \n\nImmediately afterwards the Mayor appeared at \nan open window over the door, from which he ear \nnestly addressed the excited populace, advising and \ncommanding them to disperse and go peaceably to \ntheir homes, — avowing his determination to main \ntain the peace of the city at all hazards, and notify \ning them in the most emphatic terms that, if any \nattempt should be made to force an entry to the \nbuilding, it should be done only over his body. \n\nAt the close of his address he was heartily and \nvery generally cheered. \n\nAn intimation having been given by some of \nthe constables to those who had aided the authori \nties that a carriage had been ordered to the north \ndoor, and that assistance might be required there, \nwe immediately repaired to that point, where we \nfound the constables in the act of putting Mr. Gar \nrison in a carriage, and the crowd rapidly increas \ning, and endeavoring to prevent it, some trying to \noverturn the carriage, large numbers hanging on to \nthe wheels and calling out to \" Cut the traces ! cut the \nreins 1 \" An individual drew his knife and made an \nattempt to do this, when he was seized by myself \nand thrust aside. The driver effectually applied \nhis whip, and with difficulty succeeded in breaking \naway, when he drove rapidly up Court Street to \nthe jail, followed by the mob. \n\nI have delayed this communication in the hope of \n\n\n46 \n\n\nfinding the letter which I addressed to my father, in \nwhich, on the evening of this day, I gave a minute \naccount of the events and occurrences of the day, \n\" quorum parva pars fui\" ; but I have not been able \nto put my hand upon it. \n\nI have, however, a most vivid recollection of \nthese occurrences as I have narrated them, and no \none could have witnessed them without the convic \ntion that the utmost coolness, good judgment, and \nintrepidity were conspicuously exhibited by General \nLyman on that occasion, and that he fully met all \nthe claims upon him as the Chief Magistrate of a \ngreat city. \n\nBOSTON, February 1, 1870. \n\nNow here are three persons who write of their \nown prompting and without collusion, twenty years \nafter Mr. Lyman's death, and who never read the \nprivate manuscript quoted above ; yet they all 'con \nfirm his words in a remarkable manner. \n\nIn the face of this testimony, Mr. Phillips would \nhave us believe that this Magistrate did, in that very \nhour, at some place not designated, employ servile \npleadings with these same rioters. About a matter \nso distinct in itself, such opposite statements are \nnot to be reconciled by attributing them to faults \nof memory or of hearing. Either, then, Mr. Phillips \nbears false witness against his neighbor, or these \nthree persons have, without previous consultation, \nall told exactly the same falsehood. The reader is \nat liberty to render judgment on the evidence. \n\n\n47 \n\n\nCharge B. That the Mayor never sought to com \nmand the mob, nor did he issue any order. \n\nColonel Sever (No. XL) expressly says, \"com \nmanding them to disperse and go peaceably to their \nhomes \" ; and the words and spirit of the other docu \nments (Nos. IX., X., &c.) fully bear out this expres \nsion. In the Liberator of November, 1835, \"Another \nAbolitionist\" says, \"He declared that the law should \nbe supported, if it cost him his life, and ordered them \n[the rabble] to disperse.\" Mr. Phillips (No. II.) says, \n\"Had he issued one command, even one that was \ndisobeyed, I should have honored him.\" I hereby \ncall on Mr. Phillips publicly to make good this his \nwritten promise ! \n\nCharge C. That he consented, if he did not assist, \nat tearing down the Antistavery sign and throwing it \nto the mob, to propitiate its rage. \n\nThat the sign was taken down and thrown to the \nmob and broken up are facts needing no proof; \nthat the Mayor ordered the sign to be taken down I \ndo not deny, for he expressly says, \"I sent a person \nto see if this sign could be taken into the room from \nthe window,\" &c. (No. Y. page 20); but that he or \ndered it thrown to the mob, or consented thereto, is \na petty and malignant supposition which can only \nbe admitted on the most emphatic evidence. The \nnewspaper sentences quoted in No. IV. are no evi \ndence ; such reports are only hearsay. The testi \nmony of Mr. L. B. Marsh does not touch the point. \nEven supposing that Mr. Harry Williams removed \nthe sign and spoke those exact words, they do not \nconvey 'the meaning that the Mayor ordered the \n\n\n48 \n\n\nsign thrown down. Those who remember Mr. Wil \nliams as well as I do will be inclined to smile at \nseeing a person of his singularly eccentric and \" in \ndependent \" character quoted as one who would be \nlikely to do as he was \" directed.\" Mr. J. B. Palmer \nreports the words of Williams thus, \" By order of the \nMayor the sign would be removed\" ; and this state \nment (by whomever uttered) was a correct one. He \ndid order the sign taken into the room, for sensible \nreasons referred to in the passage above ; and Mr. \nPhillips is shooting at rovers when he brings an \narray of witnesses to prove a point that nobody \ndenies. \n\nWhat I offered to prove was (No. III.) that the \nMayor \" did not assist in, or consent to, the throwing \nof the sign to the mob\" Mr. N. B. Chamberlain \n(No. IV.) reports that he and Harry Williams met \nthe Mayor on the steps of the Old State House, and \nthat the latter, u agitated and in fearful doubt,\" con \nsented to have the sign taken down. This report \nmay be summarily dealt with. He says he saw and \ntalked with the Mayor on the steps of the Old State \nHouse. If so, he talked with what the demonologists \ncall a \"vicarious image,\" because Mr. Lyman was \nnot there. As Mr. Phillips and Mr. Garrison, both \nprincipal parties in this dispute, have called them \nselves into court as witnesses (Nos. II., IV.) it is \nproper that another principal should be heard. The \nMayor may justly be supposed to know where he \nwas on that day ; and, since he had no motive for \nfalsehood in this particular case, his word should \nhave authority. He says (page 18), \" Up to this \n\n\n49 \n\n\ntime I had left my position on the staircase but once \" \n(to confer with the women); and again (page 19), \n\" I returned to my position at the bottom of the \nstaircase, in the passage-way, which I did not again \nquit till the mob rushed up Washington Street.\" \nThat is to say, he was constantly in the Antislavery \nbuilding from the outset of the riot until Garrison \nwas taken ; which period, of course, includes that \nreferred to by Mr. Chamberlain. Evidently, then, \nMr. Chamberlain talked to somebody whom he \nmistook for the Mayor. Mr. John H. Thorndike \n(No. IX.) testifies that Mr. John L. Dimmock really \nplayed the leading part, and said, \" You had better \ntake in\" (not throw down) \"that sign.\" Mr. Garri \nson (page 34) says the Mayor was so alarmed that, \nin very weakness of spirit, he ordered the sign \nhurled to the rioters. Unfortunately, Mr. Garrison \nwas just then hiding in the garret, and so his testi \nmony is nothing ; but Mr. Sewall, who uses the \nmeasured language of a trained lawyer, says (page \n28) Mr. Lyman sanctioned the removal, which is the \nexact truth. \n\nIn fact, the case is simple enough to any person \nof common sense. The Mayor deemed it wise to \ntake the sign into the room ; he sent somebody (no \nmatter whether Williams or not) to do it ; this per \nson, either from folly or because others interfered, \n(and this again is of no consequence,) threw the \nboard into the street. \n\nTo live in 1870 and to look back with a clear eye \nto 1835 is difficult. Consider the position of a good \ncitizen in 1835. Slavery existed, and it is the great- \n\n7 \n\n\n50 \n\n\nest mistake to think it was not then lamented as an \nevil and a sin. But the question was how to get \nrid of it The wise said : If we open the question, \nthe master will strain the negro's bonds tighter ; if \nwe persist, there will be civil war, and that is a \nhorror with which no one has a right to charge his \nconscience. \n\nAnd what is to-day the fact of history ? It has \npleased God to lead us to liberty over the dead \nbodies of half a million men. Were our fathers \nweak tremblers because they shrunk from giving \ntheir children to the sword ? They could not know \nthat war would bring about liberty. Therefore \nthey deprecated agitation, when there was no good \nplan for action. And in so doing they were right, — \nabsolutely right! And the Extremists, who went \nbeyond patient argument and charitable thought, \nwere wrong. \n\nWhen we were brought to the terrible pass of \ncivil war, the sober-minded and prudent, — in fact, \nthe men of action, — seeing the inevitable upon \nthem, rose in their might, and they — and they \nalone — fought the good fight and saved the Union \nand freed the slave. If any one doubts this, let \nhim think of the names of Grant, Meade, Sherman, \nThomas, Sheridan ; of Lincoln, Seward, Stanton, Fes- \nsenden, Adams, Andrew. And let him find, if he \ncan, the name of an Extremist who really DID any \nthing notable in the struggle. \n\nCharge D. That he broke his pledge made to the \nFemale Antislavery Society ? \n\nThis, in its vagueness, reminds one of the cele- \n\n\n51 \n\n\nbrated accusation hurled by Dr. Johnson against the \nfishwoman, that \"she kept an isosceles triangle in \nher back garret.\" We may pass over this charge, \nuntil it gets its specifications. \n\nCharge E. That he ordered said Society to dis \nperse. \n\nMr. Phillips (No. II.) and Mr. Garrison (page 34) \nsay he ordered the meeting to disperse. Neither of \nthem saw anything. Mr. Phillips was hanging his \nhead, on the pavement ; Mr. Garrison was seeking a \nrefuge in the upper story. Mr. Sewall (page 28) \nsays he u urged the ladies to retire,\" and, as a warm \nfriend of Mr. Garrison and a man of high integrity, \nwe may safely assume that he was at pains to find \nout the truth. Mr. Lyman (the only witness pres \nent) agrees to Mr. Se wall's account, and says (page \n17) that he went up stairs to advise them to with \ndraw ; and, further on, \" The women seemed very \nwilling to leave the room. I heard no objection ex \npressed, beyond the remark already mentioned, in \nregard to martyrdom\" (page 18). \n\nThere is nothing hard to understand in all this. \nHere were a score of women in a room ; the street \nwas filled by a noisy and threatening mob ; night \nwas coming on ; at any moment stones might be \nthrown through the windows, or an attempt might \nbe made to force the doors. Was it not, in such a \ncase, the part of a considerate gentleman to ad \nvise and urge women to withdraw ? And was it \nnot a sensible thing in them to seek a place of \nsafety ? \n\nCharge F. That he had ample means to control \n\n\n52 \n\n\nthe mob, and should have shot ten men ; but did not \ncontrol, and did not shoot \n\nThis charge may best be considered under two \nheads, — (a) the means to control the mob; (6) the \npropriety of shooting ten men. \n\nThe means of controlling mobs are the police and \nthe military. In 1835 Boston had no police, as we now \nunderstand that word. There were about thirty night \nwatchmen who went on duty for alternate nights, \nmaking some sixty men in all. They were under \nthe orders of the Captain of the Watch, who was an \nofficer independent of the City Marshal. During \nthe day they pursued their callings, most of them \nbeing teamsters or truckmen ; and it was only at \nnight, when they reported for duty at their watch- \nhouses, that they could be certainly counted on. \nWhen the Mayor says (page 23) that he had \"all \nthe watch on the alert,\" he means that the whole of \nthe men, instead of one half, were put on duty dur \ning the night of the riot. Of day patrolmen there \nwere none ; but there were fifteen constables who \nhad offices in the city, and who gained their living \nby keeping order in the courts, serving subpoenas, \nwrits of ejectment, and the like. Of these there \nwere five who were generally, but not always, em \nployed by the city to patrol the disorderly quarters \nduring the day. They were under the orders of the \nCity Marshal, who, in 1832, had been authorized to \ncommand all \" constables in the service of the city.\" \nIt is fair to assume that the Mayor could, at any \ntime, send for these five men during the day ; but, \nbeyond them, he had to rely, in sudden emergencies, \n\n\n53 \n\n\non such of the ordinary constables as could be \nfound, and were not too old for duty, and on such \nof the night watchmen as could be found, and were \nwilling to leave their work. \n\nIn 1835 the population of Boston was 78,603, and \nthe available day police was six men, including the \nCity Marshal. In 1869 the population, within the \nold limits, was not far from 200,000, and the regular \npolice, exclusive of constables, about four hundred \nand fifty men, all well armed, and subjected to a mili \ntary discipline under their captains, lieutenants, and \nsergeants.* \n\nThe reader will now understand the words of the \nMayor (page 18), when he says he had \" no means of \nprocuring an additional force till after dark.\" \n\nThe following letter will be found to refer inci \ndentally to the police of that time. \n\nNo. XII \n\nLETTER FROM HON. JOSTAH QUINCY TO THE \nEDITOR. \n\nI herewith, at your request, send an extract from \nmy journal of Wednesday the 21st of October, \n1835:- \n\n\" Forenoon at office. In the afternoon a mob as \nsembled in order to prevent a meeting of the Female \nAntislavery Society. No great outrages were com \nmitted, although, when I saw Garrison in the hands \nof the mob, I feared he might be seriously injured, \n\n* Some of these details will be found in the entertaining little book \nby Captain E. H. Savage, \" Police Recollections.\" \n\n\n54 \n\n\nas he would have been had it not been for the \nprompt and spirited interference of Mr. Lyman, the \n\nMayor Went down twice in the evening to \n\ntender my services to the Mayor, but they were not \nneeded.\" \n\nOn that afternoon I was at my office. No. 27 State \nStreet, which commanded a view of the entire length \nof Wilson's Lane : my attention was attracted by the \nshouts of a multitude. On going to my window I \nsaw a crowd approaching, with Mr. Garrison in its \nmidst. As I was President of the Council, I rushed \ndown and forced myself into his immediate vicinity, \nand remained at his side until he was placed in a \ncarriage, and drove off. My opinion of the action of \nyour father is stated as above, in the record I made \non the same evening. \n\nIn judging of the situation of the Mayor, it should \nbe remembered, that the action of the mob was \nunexpected ; that the whole police force at that time \nconsisted of a few superannuated constables, whose \nprincipal duty was to attend the courts ; and the \nnight watchmen who were not on duty. As to call \ning out the militia, he had no time to do it, even if \nit had been advisable, which it was not. Fears were \nentertained that there would be another outbreak at \nnight, and a number of citizens enrolled themselves \nas special constables and reported during the even \ning to the Mayor for orders, which, fortunately, he \nwas not obliged to give. \n\nNo one who knew your father as I did could ever \nhave suspected him of a want of energy, spirit, or \n\n\ncourage. \n\n\nBOSTON, January 7, 1870. \n\n\n55 \n\n\nMr. Guild (No. VIII.) speaks of the force that \nrescued Garrison as \" not more than ten or fifteen \nmen/' and these embraced the Mayor, the Sheriff, the \nCity Marshal, and apparently some citizen volun \nteers (not, however, including Mr. Wendell Phillips). \nIf this force was \" ample \" to control two or three \nstreets full of angry people, it is quite clear that our \npresent day police is conducted on an extravagant \nscale, and should at once be reduced to thirteen \npatrolmen, which would be the relative proportion \nto the population. \n\n(6.) The propriety of shooting ten men. One is \nled first to ask, How were they to be shot ? The \nauthorities were having a hard time in keeping \nthe building clear. They had no guns or pistols ; \nscarcely good stout sticks. It would not have been \na very usual course to send about and ask for volun \nteers, with fowling-pieces and king's arms, to fire \npromiscuously into the crowd. As to calling on the \nmilitia, that method will presently be considered. \nBut this much may be said in regard to shooting in \ngeneral, — a bullet does not pick and choose ; it will \ngo through a good man as likely as through a bad \none. Now there were in that mob many good men, \nfriends of order and friends of Mr. Garrison. The \nMayor testifies (page 21) that ten or fifteen persons \ncried out, \" They are going to hang him ; for God's \nsake, save him! \" and Mr. Garrison (page 36) speaks \nof sympathy showed him by persons in the crowd. \nThere comes to us, then, this solemn question : Does \nMr. Phillips advocate killing certain worthy citizens, \nin order that his ten mobocrats may be sent to their \n\n\n56 \n\n\ndeserved graves ? Perhaps he thinks the good men \nhad no business there, and that they should have \ngone home, as he did, leaving the regular authorities, \nand the rioters, and Mr. Garrison, to settle it among \nthemselves as best they might. \n\nAs to calling out the militia, and getting the ten \nmen shot out of hand, the Mayor had no more \nauthority to do it than had Mr. Phillips himself. \nThe legal process by which the militia could be got \non the ground would have taken all night for its \nexecution. \n\nIt may be profitable here to examine the law in \nregard to the conduct of the military in quelling \ndisturbances. \n\n(1.) By what process could a Mayor call out the \nmilitia to suppress a mob ? \n\nMayors of cities had no statute authority, under \nthe laws of the Commonwealth, to issue orders \ndirectly to the militia, until the year 1840. (Ch. 92, \nsec. 27.) \n\nPrevious to that time, judges of certain courts, \nand the sheriff of any county, within his precinct, \ncould issue warrants to the military officer com \nmanding the battalion or company nearest the \nscene of disturbance, to quell the riot. (Rev. Stat. \n12, 134. But the Act of 1840 added, in explicit \nterms, \" the Mayor of any city.\" \n\nBy the constitution of Massachusetts (1780, ch. \n2, sec. 1, art. 7), the militia were placed entirely \nin the control of the Governor as commander-in- \nchief, and this would effectually cut off any common- \nlaw duties of mayors under the English system. \n\n\n57 \n\n\nMoreover, the Acts of 1787, cli. 59, point out the \nmanner in which the Mayor shall act in case the \nmilitia are needed, viz. he shall notify the Governor \nas commander-in-chief that the militia are wanted, \nand here his power ends.* \n\nOne or two English cases are, however, instructive \non this point, viz. Rex v. Pinney, 5 Carrington and \nPaine's Reports, 254. Here the judge said, \" It is no \npart of the duty of a magistrate to go out and head \nthe constables, neither is it any part of his duty to \nmarshal and arrange them; if he gives the military \norders to act, it is all that the law requires of him.\" \n\nThis was an information against the Mayor of \nBristol for alleged negligence in quelling a riot, and \nseems conclusive as to the point that in England \nmuch discretionary power is given to the military. \n\n* The following is the language of the Acts of 1787, ch. 59, relative \nto more speedy and effectual suppression of Tumults, &c., &c. \n\n\" SEC. 2. Be it enacted, &c., That if in the opinion of the sheriff, or any \ntwo of the justices either of the Supreme Judicial Court, or of the Court \nof Common Pleas in any of the Counties of this Commonwealth, it shall \nbe necessary for the suppression of any insurrection existing or appre \nhended, as aforesaid, in said County, that a force shall be instantly raised \nand called forth for that purpose ; and if, by reason of distance, the \nnecessary aid cannot be obtained by order of the commander-in-chief, it \nshall be the duty of such sheriff or justices to certify the same under his \nor their hand to the major-general or commanding officer of the division, \nwherein such county lies, or the commanding officer of some regiment or \ncorps in the vicinity, and to request him or them to detach the whole or \nsuch number of the militia under the command of such officer for the \nsupport of the civil authority, as the said justices or sheriff may think \nnecessary to defeat the purposes of such insurgents, and to apprehend \nand safely keep them for trial, and, as soon as may be, to give notice of \nsuch application to the commander-in-chief, that he may take the neces \nsary orders thereon, and it shall be the duty of such major-general or \ncommanding officer to detach such number of the militia, as shall be re \nquested as aforesaid, armed and equipped according to law ; the militia so \n\n\n58 \n\n\nTo sum up the first proposition then : in 1835, a \nMayor per se could not call out the militia, having \npower only to suggest to the Governor that an \nexigency had arisen calling for military force. \n\n(2.) Under what circumstances may magistrates \nfire on a mob, and after what preliminaries ? \n\nThis question is a broader one than the other, \nand one in regard to which the authorities are \nsomewhat conflicting. \n\nBy the English Statute 2 Geo. I. c. 5 (com \nmonly called the Riot Act), it was provided that, \" if \nany riotous assembly did not disperse within one \nhour after proclamation \" (made in due form provided \nin the act), \" the officers of the law should seize and \napprehend them \" (enumerating sheriffs, mayors of \ncities, &c., &c., as such officers) ; and \" if any persons \n\ndetached and collected shall afford their assistance to and be under the \ncontrol of the civil officer or magistrate, unless in case of a rebellion \ndeclared by the legislature.\" \n\nAt this time, and until after 1835, there was no form prescribed for the \ncertificate \" under the hand of said officers,\" but the Revised Statutes \ngave one in substance, as follows : — \n\nWARRANT. \n\nSEAL. \n\nCommonwealth of Massachusetts. — SUFFOLK ss. \n\nTo A. B., COMMANDING FIRST DIVISION M. V. M. \n\nWHEREAS, it has been made to appear to me, C. D., Sheriff of said \nCounty, that there is threatened a tumult, riot, and mob of a body of \nmen, acting together by force with intent to offer violence to persons and \nproperty, and by force and violence to break and resist the laws of this \nCommonwealth in said County of Suffolk, and that military force is \nnecessary to aid the civil authorities in suppressing the same. Now, \ntherefore, I command you to parade (specifying the force) in due form \naccording to law. Hereof fail not at your peril, &c., &c. \n\nSome such form as this was probably used in 1835. \n\n\n59 \n\n\nso unlawfully, tumultuously, and riotously assembled, \nor any of them, should happen to be killed, maimed, \nor hurt in the dispersing, seizing, or apprehending, \nby reason of their resisting the person so dispersing, \nseizing, or apprehending, the said officers shall be \nheld harmless from all private action or criminal \nprosecution on account of the killing or maiming as \naforesaid.\" \n\nThis statute only embodied the common law, for \nBlackstone in his Commentaries (IV. 180) declares \nthat the powers of magistrates were the same before \nthe Riot Act ; it would seem, therefore, that magis \ntrates would be safe in obeying their own convictions. \nThe decisions, however, do not bear out this idea. \n\nIn 1768 (after the Riot Act), Mr. Gillam, an ex \ncellent magistrate of the County of Surrey, was tried \nfor his life at the Old Bailey, for ordering the militia \nto fire, in a riot in St. George's Fields, after long and \npatiently enduring the provocations of the rioters, \nand twice reading the Riot Act ; of this case we have, \nunfortunately, no full report, as the Nisi Prius Re \nports did not begin until 1810, or thereabouts. As \nthe result of this, during the Lord Gordon riots, \nthe civil officers were unwilling to take any respon \nsibility ; and they were therefore severely blamed. \n\nThis case shows the tenor of the judicial decisions \nin the matter ; for every English court has been very \ncareful in its construction of the act, — never justify \ning firing on a mob unless it is proved to be a last \nresort. \n\nThe act itself justifies killing or maiming only \nwhen the rioters resist the seizing, &c., &c. \n\n\n60 \n\n\nAccording to the authorities on justifiable homicide, \nno officer, civil or military, is justified in firing on a \nmob and killing a rioter, unless he is satisfied the \nriot can be quelled in no other way. Judge Hoar, \nin his charge to the Suffolk Grand Jury in 1854 (17 \nLaw Reporter, 168), speaks of this point; he intimates \nthat so many lives are risked by any discharge of \nfire-arms by military, the innocent often suffering \nwith the guilty, that officers should wait to the last \nmoment before firing. \n\nTo sum up : no order to fire should ever be given \nwhile the authorities feel that any expedient remains \nuntried ; and they are so strictly responsible in their \nexercise of discretionary power, that they are person \nally liable to indictment for murder if they show \nany negligence, or too great zeal. \n\nNow as to the preliminaries to be observed before \nfiring. In England the Riot Act, or that part em \nbracing the proclamation, must be read as near the \nriot as the officers can come with safety, and then, if \nthe mob does not disperse within one hour, the \nmilitary may fire. \n\nThis custom has, however, never been generally \nadopted in this country.* \n\n* On April 8, 1835, a statute was passed following almost literally the \nwords of the English Riot Act, the following being a brief abstract of \nit: — \n\nAn Act more effectually to suppress Riots. \n\nCXL, 1835. \n\nSEC. 1. Be it enacted, &c., &c., That if persons to the number of \ntwelve or more, armed with dangerous weapons, or if persons to the \nnumber of thirty or more, armed or unarmed, shall be riotously, tumul- \ntuously, or unlawfully assembled in any city, town, or district in this \n\n\n61 \n\n\nIn this country, therefore, the preliminaries before \nfiring would vary in each case, and cannot be defined \nin general terms ; the law, however, would demand \nthat proper warning should be given to a mob before \nthey are fired upon, and on a trial of soldiers for \nhomicide by firing on mobs, it would be a question \nfor the jury whether proper warning was given. \n\nHaving considered the charges preferred by Mr. \nPhillips in Nos. II. and IV., I would gladly have left \nthe discussion in its simplicity, and without extend \ning it to other persons. And this might have been \ndone, were it not for the note of Mr. Garrison at the \nend of No. IV. Therein he not only denies that he \nwas willing to go to jail, but uses this sweeping ex \npression, \" You are certainly right in your criticisms \n\nCommonwealth, it shall be the duty of the mayor of such city (select \nmen, justices of the peace, &c., &c.) to go among such persons, or as near \nas may be safe, and to command them to disperse ; and if they do not \ndisperse, said officers may take them in custody ; said officers may also \ncommand all bystanders to assist them, and persons refusing shall be \ndeemed rioters and treated accordingly. \n\nSEC. 2. Be it enacted further, That it shall be the duty of the mayor \nand aldermen of any city, and every justice of the peace, and selectmen \nof any town or district, and the sheriff of the county or either of his \ndeputies, whenever any persons shall be unlawfully assembled as afore \nsaid, to immediately proceed to the place of their assembling, or as near \nthereto as safely may be, and to take such measures as are herein pro \nvided, to disperse such assembled persons ; and each and every of the \naforesaid magistrates and officers, who, knowing of such unlawful and \ntumultuous assembly, shall neglect or refuse to proceed as aforesaid, or \nwho shall wilfully or negligently omit to exercise the authority with \nwhich he is invested by this act, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemea \nnor, and shall be liable to pay a fine not exceeding $ 300 for every \noffence, to be recovered in any court competent to try the same. \n\nSEC. 3. That if any persons assembled as aforesaid, after command \ngiven to them to disperse as above, shall refuse or neglect to do so with- \n\n\n62 \n\n\nof Mayor Ly man's conduct,\" — which can mean \nnothing less than that Mr. Phillips is right in his \ncharges, A to F inclusive ! \n\nI wish Mr. Garrison could be kept out of this part \nof the discussion. He has shown himself a notable \nman, perhaps even a great one. He had a high and \nnoble idea which was pursued, with an almost heroic \nconstancy, to its triumph. \n\nNo one can be surprised that Mr. Garrison felt in \ndignant, after his experience in the riot. Nothing \ncan be more annoying, or harder to bear, than that \nmingling of the tragic and the ludicrous which ac \ncompanies maltreatment by a cowardly and mis \nchievous mob. But he should not vent his feelings \non the magistrate who honestly defended him ; or \n\nout unnecessary delay, any two of the magistrates or officers aforesaid \nmay require the aid of a sufficient number of persons, in arms or other \nwise, and may proceed to take such measures as in the judgment of such \ntwo magistrates or officers are expedient to disperse said tumultuous as \nsembly, and to seize and secure the persons composing the same ; and if \nany such persons, or any other person then being present, as spectators \nor otherwise, shall be killed or wounded by reason of the efforts of said two \nmagistrates or officers to disperse said assembly, said officers and magis \ntrates shall, as also persons acting under their direction, be held guiltless \nand justified in law ; but if said magistrates or officers are killed, the \nrioters shall be answerable therefor. \n\nApproved by the Lieutenant-Governor^ April 8, 1835. \n\nBy comparing the above with the Riot Act, it will be seen that the \nwords of the two are almost identical, and as the Riot Act was in 1835 a \npart of our common law, this act is plainly nothing more than an explicit \nstatement of the common law doctrine on the subject. \n\nIt is undoubtedly this act which is referred to by \" Abolitionist \" in \nthe Liberator (page 29) ; but he does not make clear what use the Mayor \ncould make of the act, since he already had asked the aid of good \ncitizens, had requested and commanded the crowd to disperse, and had \npersonally, and with his constables, struggled as hard as he could with \nthe mob. \n\n\n63 \n\n\ncarp at the means by which his person, perhaps his \nlife, was saved. \n\nNobody thinks, or even pretends, that Mr. Garri \nson was sent to prison to punish or disgrace him, or \nto make him appear ridiculous ; he was sent there \nfor safety. Mr. Phillips talks sheer nonsense when \nhe demands that Garrison's right to sleep under his \nown roof in safety should be \"vindicated.\" No one \ndenied his right to do it ; the question was whether \nhe could do it on that particular night. Mr. Garri \nson (No. IV.) speaks indignantly of \" shutting an \ninnocent man up in jail in order to save his life.\" \nVery well ; should the innocent man be left out-of- \ndoors in order to lose his life ? The Mayor's first \nduty was to protect this man ; and in so doing he \nwas to run no risks, he was to see that the man \nwas returned to society alive and well. It was for \nhim to judge how strong his police was and how \nstrong the mob was, and to place the man in such \nconditions as guaranteed his safety. And for all this \nhe was responsible under his oath.* The real fact \nis, that Mr. Garrison, in the moment of peril, was \nonly too glad to go to jail, or to any other place \nthat promised security. But, when the danger was \nover, he began to doubt whether he had exhibited \nproper dignity, and had got as much martyrdom as \n\n\" In the celebrated Doctors' Mob of 1788, in New York, the physicians \nand medical students of that city were confined two days in the common \nprison for protection from the populace. I think you [Garrison] com \nplain without reason of a mere formality, necessary in consequence of \nthe requirements of the law, and not intended as a gratification to the \nmob or as an injury to your feelings. I refer to the charge made against \nyou as a disturber of the peace.\" \n\n\" ANOTHER ABOLITIONIST \" in the Liberator, December, 1835. \n\n\n64 \n\n\nwas his due. Hence his outcry about false imprison \nment, and the studied care with which, in his ac \ncount (No. VII.), he strives to exhibit his own con \nduct as remarkably calm, while that of the Mayor is \ndescribed as weak. He further tries to speak as \nlightly as may be of the Mayor's part in the rescue ; \nindeed, when he says (page 37) that a tremendous \nrush was made to \" prevent his entering the hall,\" \none would infer that he was then rescuing him- \nself. _ \n\nIt is not easy to prove the mental condition of a \nman at any particular moment; nevertheless, there \nis documentary evidence sufficient to show us what \nwere his real sentiments during, and directly after, \nthe riot. The Mayor, whose testimony is as admis \nsible as that of Mr. Garrison, says (page 23), \" The \nusual law paper was made out, and Garrison agreed \nto go to jail on the condition (as I was informed by \nParkman) that he should not be subject to any ex \npense \" ; and again (page 24), \" Throughout the \nwhole of this riot Garrison acceded cheerfully and \nreadily to the measures proposed for his security \nand protection.\" \n\nMr. Sewall (page 30) says, \"I believe Mr. Garri \nson went voluntarily to the jail.\" Mr. Garrison him \nself writes in the Liberator (December 12, 1835), \n\"It is true that I made no objection to leaving his \n[the Mayor's] office \" ; and, inasmuch as he \" left his \noffice \" for no other possible purpose than to go direct \nto the jail, we may accept this as a sort of Celtic \neuphuism, to be translated thus, \" I went to jail, \nand was glad of the chance.\" As a commentary on \n\n\n65 \n\n\nthis translation, there may be added an extract from \nthe letter of Mr. Guild (No. VIII), « I was informed, \nshortly after, that Mr. Garrison, in relating his ex \nperience in a public meeting, stated, that he never \nwas so glad to get into a jail in his life.\" \n\nMore than this, he was (for a very short time) pos \nitively grateful to Mr. Lyman, although he soon after \ndiligently disclaimed any such emotion. The follow \ning letter, with the indorsement thereon, will ex \nplain this assertion. \n\n\nNo. XIII. \n\nCOPY OF A LETTER TO MR. KNAPP, ONE OF THE \nPUBLISHERS OF THE LIBERATOR. \n\nMY DEAK Sm : — \n\nYou probably recollect, that, the morning after \nthe riot in Washington Street, in the autumn of \n1835, you called on me in company with another \ngentleman, Mr. Cobb [?] at my office in the City \nHall, where we had a long conversation on the \nevents of the preceding day. Both you and Mr. C. \nexpressed yourselves in terms, in regard to my con \nduct, that could not but be very agreeable and flat \ntering to me. Among other things, you said that \nyou had paid a visit to Mr. Garrison that night, \nand that he remarked that he considered that he \nowed his life to the exertions I made to rescue him \nfrom the hands of the mob. If you still recollect \nhaving made this statement in substance, I shall feel \nmuch obliged to you for a reply to this note, to that \n\n9 \n\n\n66 \n\n\neffect. I ought, however, to add that, in requesting \nthe communication, nothing is further from my \nthoughts than to make any public use of it. Hav \ning lived for many months a life of great solitude \nand retirement, I have passed a portion of that time \nin looking over and arranging the numerous papers \nin my possession relating to the various and multi \nfold affairs in which I was engaged, during the two \nyears I held the office of Mayor. Finding many \nconcerning the most important event that occurred \nwhile in office, — and, while reading them, the con \nversation I had with you and Mr. Cobb [?] recurring \nfresh to my recollection, — I feel desirous to file away, \nwith those I already possess, any communication you \nwill take the trouble to make to me on that subject. \n\nI am, &c. \n\nWALTHAM, October 19, 1837. \n\nWill you have the goodness to direct your answer \nto this Post-Office ? \n\n[Indorsement on the copy.] \n\nThe within is a copy of a letter to Knapp, one of \nthe editors or publishers of the Liberator. To my \nknowledge the original note was carried to the of \nfice of the Liberator, but I never received any answer \nto it. \n\nIt is perfectly and distinctly fresh in my recollec \ntion that Knapp told me, on the occasion men \ntioned in this note, that Garrison told him, the night \nof the riot, 21st October, 1835, that he, Garrison, \nowed his life to my exertions to protect and rescue \nhim from the hands of the mob. \n\n\n67 \n\n\nIt is also as fresh in my mind that Sheriff Park- \nman told me, the day after the riot, that Garrison \nmade the same statement to him respecting my \nconduct. \n\nTHEODORE LYMAN. \n\nThe following official paper will prove how accu \nrate was the memory of Mr. Lyman. \n\nNo. XIV. \n\nSTATEMENT BY ASSISTANT-MARSHAL WELLS. \n\nBOSTON, 1835. \n\nI have deemed it expedient, for various reasons, \nto make a record of the following facts : — \n\nA meeting of the Boston Female Antislavery \nSociety was notified to be held at the rooms of the \nMassachusetts Antislavery Society, No. 46 Wash \nington Street, on the afternoon of October 21, \n1835, at which time several addresses would be \nmade. In consequence of the strong prejudice ex \nisting in the minds of the citizens of Boston against \nthe proceedings of the Abolitionists, especially those \nof Mr. George Thompson, the Mayor of the city in \nstructed me to ascertain from the Antislavery office \nif the said Thompson was to address the meeting, \nor if he had left the city ; at the same time to in \nform them of the object of the inquiry, which was, \nthat if Thompson was to make an address, that the \nMayor might be provided with sufficient force to \nquell the riot which would immediately ensue, or if \nhe had left the city, that he might state that fact. \nOn receiving these instructions, I immediately called \n\n\n68 \n\n\nat their office, and obtained an interview with Wil \nliam L. Garrison, one of the leading Abolitionists \nand editors of the Liberator. He seemed rather to \nquestion the authority of the Mayor thus to inter \nfere in their affairs, but on my assuring him that \nthe only object the Mayor had in view, in eliciting \nthe information, was to do all he could to preserve \nthe peace of the city ; and also, stating to him \nthat, in case Mr. T. did address th.e meeting, it was \nfeared a riot would take place, and that blood might \nbe shed, he gave me the desired information, but it \nseemed to me with great reluctance, undoubtedly \nthinking that a different motive other than the true \none prompted the inquiry. \n\nI should not omit to mention that subsequently \nto the morning interview* both Mr. Garrison and \nMr. Knapp told me that he (Mr. G.) owed his life, \nunder God, to the Mayor. I more readily make this \nlast statement, having understood that Mr. Garrison \nhas indulged in very violent and ungrateful lan \nguage upon the conduct of the Mayor of the city \non that day. \n\nThis is? as near as I can recollect, the substance of \nthe interview with Mr. Garrison on Wednesday, \nOctober 21, 1835. I had further conversation with \nMr. Garrison on the expediency of holding their \nmeetings during the highly excited state of the \ncommunity on this occasion, but which I do not \nthink relevant to the present statement. \n\nCHARLES B. WELLS, \n\nOne of the Assistant-Marshals^ of the City of Boston. \n\n* That is to say, after the riot had occurred. — ED. \n| At that time there were two Assistant Marshals, and their duties \ncorresponded pretty nearly to those of our present Health Officers. — ED. \n\n\n69 \n\n\nMr. Charles B. Wells has this day informed me \nthat he wrote the paper to which this certificate is \nattached. \n\nI am personally well acquainted with Mr. \"Wells ; \nhe has been in the service of the city over thirteen \nyears. \n\nI know the paper to be written in his hand \nwriting, with which I am also acquainted. \n\nSAMUEL F. McCLEARY, City Clerk. \nBOSTON, February 14, 1848. \n\nThe foregoing testimony conclusively proves, — \n\n1. That Mr. Garrison went cheerfully, and of his \nown free-will, to jail, as to a proper place of safety. \n\n2. That, at one time, he was deeply grateful to \nMr. Lyman as the preserver of his life. \n\nBy what process of reasoning he brought himself \nto believe that he was not frightened, and did not \nwish to go to jail, and was not saved by the Mayor, \nis unimportant. His friends will perhaps speak of \nhis conduct as a change of belief; I should be in \nclined to express it by the more simple term, \ningratitude. \n\nI have spoken of the matter of Mr. Phillips's \ncharges ; and it remains only to speak of their \nmanner. \n\nIn his lecture of November 1st, the style of his \nattack on the Mayor is his normal one, it might \nbe called his average every-day abuse. (No. I.) \nWhen brought suddenly to defend himself, his old \nlegal instincts rise within him, and a certain un- \n\n\n70 \n\n\nwonted caution is to be observed. The Mayor is no \nlonger \"almost on his knees,\" but is, \"metaphorically \nspeaking, on his knees \" ; and he is at pains to sum \nmon witnesses to make his case good. (Nos. II. \nand IV.) \n\nA couple of weeks later he delivered what he \nwas pleased to term a repetition of his discourse, at \nSteinway Hall in New York. Here he failed not to \nmake up for any little constraint he might have felt \nin Boston, as the following sentences will show : — \n\n\nBoston Lecture, Nov. 1. | Newspaper Discussion. \n\n\n\" He saw the Mayor \nof the city, cap in \nhand, almost on his \nknees, entreating the \nmen who were his so \ncial companions to \nhave the kindness to \nobey the laws.\" \n\n\n\" Mayor Lyman be \nsought instead of com \nmanding that day, and \nwas, metaphorically \nspeaking, on his knees \nto the mob.\" \n\n\nNew York Lecture, \nNov. 16. \n\n\" I saw the Mayor, \nthe representative of \nlaw and magistracy, en \ntreating, suing like a \nspaniel, beseeching like \na beggar, this crowd of \nhis social companions, to \nrespect the law. I saw \nthe turbulent defiance, \nthe derisive laugh, with \nwhich his good-natured \nappeals were received. \nI saw him descend \nlower and lower in his \nappeals to the mercy \nof the mob, that they \nwould spare his office.\" \n\n\nWhence these additions, — this increased venom ? \nDo they reveal the uncontrolled indignation of a \npatriot against meanness and incornpetency ? or do \nthey betray the anger of a coward, who seeks to \nexasperate the living by insulting the dead? \n\nWho was this person who is spoken of as a \n\n\n71 \n\n\nspaniel, a beggar, and a panderer to the worst pas \nsions of mobs ? \n\nPerhaps Carlyle might have called him \" an inar \nticulate man \" ; for he never got on platforms to tell \nhow good he was, or how bad others were. He was \none of those whose right hand did much, and the \nleft knew it not; one who never turned the poor \nfrom his door ; one who was a leader in many move \nments for the improvement of mankind. Even Mr. \nPhillips, tingling though he was under the public \nexposure of a base calumny, was forced to say of \nhim, \" His services to the cause of education are an \nhonor to his memory.\" \n\nSuch actions go to make a good citizen. He, \nhowever, did something more. First in this country \nhe established the principle that young culprits are \nnot to be cast, like lost felons, into a common prison, \nbut are to have a chance for better lives. He \nfounded the State Reform School, and endowed it \nwith seventy thousand dollars of his money. Only \nafter his death was it known who had conferred this \nbenefit on the Commonwealth. \n\nThe Rebellion was Mr. Phillips's opportunity. \nHere was the harvest-time of the seed he had sown \nfor many seasons. How feebly did he put in the \nsickle ! \n\nYet he had good models to follow. If Thucydides \nwrites true history, Mr. Phillips has copied closely \nthe oratory of a demagogue who lived more than \ntwo thousand years ago. Cleon, the Athenian \nleather-dresser, had that very way of saying what \n\n\n72 \n\n\nought to be done, in the most violent and most \ndogmatic words the Attic dialect could furnish. But \nCleon could do more than talk. Witness his con \nduct in the affair of Pylos. \"Give me/' he said, \n\" the troops now in the city, in addition to those in \nPylos, and I will die for it, but within three weeks \nI bring you those Spartans prisoners of war ! \" * \n\"You shall command,\" shouted the Demos, think \ning it the best joke of the season. Cleon went to \nPylos, stormed the Spartan camp, and was back \nagain with his prisoners within the time fixed. \nDoubtless he was a demagogue, and a dangerous \none ; but he was no poltroon, and met his death at \nlast on the field. \n\nMr. Phillips, with a burst of Cleonian eloquence, \ncries out that in the war he sees salvation, and that \nevery act of his life moves him to give it a hearty \nand hot welcome.-)- \n\nWhy, then, did he not go to the war ? Was he \na non-resistant? Non-resistants do not wish ten men \nsent to bloody graves for maltreating Mr. Garrison. \nWas he sick or feeble ? An orator who can pace a \n\n\nTavra de e^oiv ecprj Trpos rols fv HuXa) orparicormj €VTOS \nfi£fiv AaKf8aijjioviovs £a>VTas TJ avroii drroKrevflv. \n- Kai TOV K\\ea>vos KaiVep p.avia>dr)s ovaa TJ V7TO(T^eo-is a7re[3r) • evrbs \nyap fUoaiv f}/j.€pcov fjyayrj rovs tivdpas wairep VTreo-rrj. \n\nGovKvdidov Svyypdcprjs, IV. 28, 39. \n\nf On April 21, 1861, he said in Boston: \"Every act of my life has \ntended to make the welcome I give this war hearty and hot ..... The \nfirst cannon-shot upon our forts has put the war-cry of the Revolu \ntion on her lips ..... No man can prevail against the North in the \nnineteenth century.\" He also spoke of the \" Abolitionists who thank \nGod that He has let them see salvation before they die.\" — SCHOULER'S \nMassachusetts in the Civil War, p. 113. \n\n\n73 \n\n\nstage by the hour and shout slander to two thousand \npeople, might well sit on a horse and cry \"Forward!\" \nto a brigade of infantry. Was he too ignorant or \ntoo old ? General James Wadsworth was the older \nman, and knew no more than he of military art. \nI saw General Wadsworth with his gray hair, as he \nrode, at the head of his division, into the thickets of \nthe Wilderness. And there, in the forefront of the \nbattle, he fell, — a simple gentleman, who did not \nthink he could do more good by staying at home. \n\nThe War was Mr. Phillips's opportunity. Brave \ndeeds would have compelled men to bury under \nlaurels the memory of his slanderous abuse and \nmurderous eloquence. But he lost that opportunity : \nand posterity will remember only his eloquence, his \nbitterness, his injustice, and his cowardice. \n\n\n14 DAY USE \n\nRETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED \n\nLOAN DEPT. \n\nRENEWALS ONLY— TEL. NO. 642-3405 \nThis book is due on the last date stamped below, or \n\non the date to which renewed. \nRenewed books are subject to immediate recall. \n\n\nLD21A-60m-6,'69 \n(J9096slO)476-A-32 \n\n\nGeneral Library \n\nUniversity of California \n\nBerkeley \n\n\n","title":"Papers relating to the Garrison mob","updated_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:41.885115Z","urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:papers-relating-to-the-garrison-mob","version":1,"withdrawn_reason":null},"urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:papers-relating-to-the-garrison-mob","version_history":[{"change_note":"accessioned from the Internet Archive, item papersgarrisonmob00lymarich","changed_by":"archive-ingest 0.1.0","recorded_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:42.174478Z","version":1}]}