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Little and J. Brown","r2_key":"document/e1/e16ef0207ac08eed5edd66d1c0300222cfeca090f483b59a11ba643a1a350d55.txt","record_kind":"document","sha256":"e16ef0207ac08eed5edd66d1c0300222cfeca090f483b59a11ba643a1a350d55","slug":"the-history-of-charlestown-massachusetts-2","status":"published","summary":"Frothingham, Richard, 1812-1880, 1845. A public-domain text about Boston, accessioned whole so the archive can quote it.","text_extract":"DDDDDDnaDaaDDDnaDDDanDDDnDnDDanD \n\n\n^iRST ^ \n\n\nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \n\nn \n\nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \nD \n\nD \n\nD D \n\nD D \n\na D \n\nDDnaDnnnnnDDDDDnnnDanDannnnDnnDD \n\n\nUNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS \nLIBRARY \n\n\nSPECIAL \nCOLLECTIONS \n\nF \n\ncUf9 \n\nGift of \n\nTHE FRIENDS OF \nTHE LIBRARY \n\n\n^^'^Ert^- \n\n\nV,PT7 \n\n\nF9^/Z.L \n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\nOF \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS. \n\n\nBy RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \n\n\n\" The History of a To-wm is united -with that of the Country to -which \nit belongs, and with that of the ages through which it has stpod.\" \n\n\n~^^vf4w^|-T^ \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n\nBOSTON : \nCHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. \n\n1845. \n\n\n8) \n\n\nTO THE CITIZENS OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nThe undersigned, a few years ago, prepared a series of commu- \nnications upon the history of Charlestown, intending them for the \nBunker Flill Aurora; the advice of friends induced him to keep \nthem, and add to them, until they will now appear in the more \npresumptive form of a volume. This work will be continued, so \nfar as type and paper are concerned, as it has been commenced, \nas expeditiously as business engagements will permit, until the his- \ntory is brought down to the present time ; but the number of en- \ngravings that will be given must depend upon the encouragement \nit meets with. \n\nOne great reason for choosing the mode of publication so much \nin favor with the public, — viz., in numbers, — is the hope that \nthe early ones may fall into the hands of some who may have an- \ncient family manuscripts, and be willing to loan them for the pur- \npose of making this work more complete. Communications of \nthis nature will be gladly received. The undersigned is indebted \nto several for interesting papers and valuable assistance. Oblisra- \ntions like these will hereafter be specially acknowledged. \n\nRICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \nNovember, 1845. \n\n\nN. B. An Engraving, representing a view of the Touni, intended \nfor the present number, will appear in a future one ; for the beau- \ntiful representation of the McLkan Asylum, the author is indebted \nto the liberality of the Trustees of that Institution. \n\n\nEnlercJ according to Act of Congress, in the year I6-15, \n\nBY IJICIIAUD FROTHINGHAM, JR. \n\nin the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of iMassiicliusetts. \n\n\nPRINTBD nV I. n. BUTTS, \n2 Schuol Street, Bustun. \n\n\nNUMBER TWO. \n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\nOF \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS, \n\n\nBy RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \n\n\n\"The History of a To-wn 13 •united witli that of the Country to which \nit belongs, and with that of the Ages through which it has stood.\" \n\n\n\"^^^vil©l^^~ \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n\nBOSTON : \n\nCHARLES: C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN \n\n1846. \n\n\n©G^ \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. \n\nPAGE \n\nOrganization of Local Government. — Boundaries. — Admission of \nInhabitants. — Division of Land. - - - - 49 \n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\n1630 to 1640. — The Town after the removal. — Extracts from John \nGreene's Relation. — Fort at Moulton's Point. — Ten Hills. — \nSpot Pond. — Summer of 1632. — Winter of 1632-3. —Wood's \nDescription. — Lidian Mortality. — The Great House. — A School. \n\n— Lovewell's Island. — The Common Stinted. — The Pequod \nWar. — Indian Purchase. - - - - - 58 \n\nCHAPTER X. \n\nEcclesiastical History, from 1630 to 1640. — The First Church. — \nRemoval to Boston. — Separation. — John Wilson. — A new^ \nChurch. — Thomas James. — Divisions. — Zechariah Symmes. — \nRemoval of Mr. James. — Antinomian Controversy. — John Har- \nvard : his Monument. — Thomas Allen. — Church Officers. - 67 \n\nCHAPTER XI. \n\nNotices of Early Inhabitants. - - - - - 78 \n\nCHAPTER XII. \n\nCharlestown Two Hundred years ajro. — Extent. — Cradock's Farm. \n\n— Fields. — Streets. — Market Place. — Town Hill. — Training \nField. — Burial Ground. — Ferries. — The Meeting-House. — The \nTavern. — The Watch-House. — A School-House. — The Mili- \ntary.— The Hill Fort. — The Battery. — The Poor. — Population . \n\n— Freemen. — Town Officers. — Voting. — Town Meetings. — By- \nLaws. — Colonial Laws. — Condition of the Citizens. — Their Pur- \nsuits.— Trade. — Ship Building. — Fruits of Ten Years. - 89 \n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS \n\n\nPAGE \n\nFac-Simile of an Order creating a Board of Selectmen, - - 51 \nFac-Simile of Wood's Map of New England, - - - - 63 \nRev. John Wilson, -----....69 \nView of Harvard's Monument, 77 \n\n\nNUMBER THREE. \n\n\nm \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\nOF \n\n\nCHARLES TOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS, \n\n\nBy RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \n\n\n\"The History of a To-wn is united -with that of the Country to which \nit belongs, and with that of the Ages through which it has stood.\" \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n\nBOSTON : /U*^ \n\nCHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN, \n1846. \n\n\n\"^^O^. \n\n\nCONTENTS \n\n\nCHAPTER XIII. \n\n1640. — Charlestown Village. — Location. — Municipal Government. \n\n— Woburn Incorporated. — Extract from its Records. — Woburn \nChurch Organized. — Thomas Carter — His Ordination. — Bounda- \nries. ^ A Letter. — Final Agreement. —Land of Nod. - 105 \n\nCHAPTER XIV. \n\n1640 to 1650. — Commerce. — Bounty on Wolves. — Shops. — The \nCastle. — Harvard College. —The Tide Mills. — Town Hill. — \nRate for a School. — Petition of the Ferrymen. — Customs on \nWines. — 'Case of Witchcraft. — Town Order. — A Fire. — John- \nson's Description of the Town. _ _ _ _ 113 \n\nCHAPTER XY. \n\n1650. — Mistick Side. — Settlements. — Maiden Incorporated. — \nChurch Gathered. — Marmaduke Matthews — his Ordination. — \nCongregationalism. — Matthews accused — his Defence — his Con- \nfession— his Fine. — Petition in his Behalf — his Confession to \nthe Court. — Maiden Church Arraigned — its Defence — its Fine. \n\n— Submission of the Church. — Departure of Matthews. — Mai- \nden Ministers. _-.___- 120 \n\nCHAPTER XVI. \n\nEcclesiastical History — 1640 to 1650. — Thomas Allen. — Theolog- \nical Controversies. — Samuel Gorton. — The Baptists. — The \nCambridgePlatform. — Death of Thomas Allen. - - 130 \n\nCHAPTER XVII. \n\nBiographical Sketches. — Increase Nowell. — Robert Sedgwick. — \nThomas Graves. — Francis Willoughby. — Richard Russell. 134 \n\nCHAPTER XVIII. \n\n1650 to 1670.— Penny Ferry. —Grants of Land. — Trees. —Mans- \nfield Petition. — Maiden Debts. — By-Law respecting Strangers. \n\n— The Poor. — Burying Hill. — Town House. — Cow Commons. \nDivision of Land in 1658. — Names of the Inhabitants. — Josselyn's \nVisits to the Town. — Town Buckets. — Letter of Charles II. — \nPetition of Middlesex Artillery Company. — Grant to Charlestown. \n\n— Ezckiel Cheever's Petition. — Selectmen's Order respecting \nBoys. — Petition of Freemen. — Fine of John Davis. — Seating \nthe People and Church Rates. - ._ _ _ 147 \n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS, \n\n\nWarren Schol House. - - - - - 119 \n\nFirst Congregational Church. _ _ » _ 133 \n\n\nNUMBER FOUR. \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nHISTOEY \n\n\nOF \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS, \n\n\nBv RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \n\n\n\" The History of a Town is united ■with, that of the Country to which \nit belongs, and with that of the Ages through which it has stood.\" \n\n\nBOSTON: \nCHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. \n\nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n\n1847. \n\n\n^(W \n\n\n^oO^ \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nCHAPTER XIX. \n\nEcclesiastical History, 1650 to 1070. — Thomas Shepard, — his \nviews on Toleration. — Baptism. — The Synod of 1662. — Increase \nof Baptists. — Thomas Gould, — his neglect of Baptism; views \nof the Church. — -Gould before the County Court, — before the \nChurch. — Private Meetings. — A Church Meeting. — Baptist \nChurch formed. — An Excommunication. — The Baptists and the \nGeneral Court; their Sentence. — An Oral Theological Discus- \nsion.— 'The Baptists imprisoned, — their Letter from Prison, — \npetitions in their favor, — release, — removal to Boston. — The \nQuakers. — Benanuel Bowers. — Death of Zechariah Symmes. 161 \n\nCHAPTER XX. \n\n1670 to 1686. — Ladders. — The Schools. — A Flag. — Letter of \nSelectmen. — Instructions to Selectmen. — Indian War. — Small \nPox. — Freemen. — ■ Names of Inhabitants. — Fort. — Dry Dock. \n\n— Free School. — The Stmted Pasture. — Military Companies. 176 \n\nCHAPTER XXI. \n\nEcclesiastical History, 1670 to 1686. — Thomas Shepard. — Gal- \nleries.— Thomas Gilbert. — -Election Sermon. — Joseph Browne. \n\n— Death of Thomas Shepard. — Thomas Shepard, Jr. — Daniel \nRussell. — Charles Morton. - - - - - 186 \n\nCHAPTER XXII. \n\nCustoms of Olden Time. — -Government for 1684. — Municipal Reg- \n* ulations. — Sunday. — Lecture Day. — Church Services. — Bap- \ntisms.— Marriages. — Funerals. — Thanksgivings. — Holidays. \n\n— Rejected Festivals. — Administration of Justice. — Punish- \nments. — Furniture. — Dress. — Foreign Trade. — Home Trade. \n\n— Manufactures. — Money. — Post Office. — Travelling. — Slaves. \n\n— Progress of Society. _____ 190 \n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS \n\n\nCharlestown Meeting House, 1783, _ _ _ jri \n\nStocks, _______ 207 \n\nPillory, - - _ - - _ _ 208 \n\n\nNUMBER FIVE. \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\nOF \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS \n\n\nBy RICHARD FROTHING HAM, Jr. \n\n\n\"The History of a Town is -anited -with that of the Country- to \"which \nit helongs, and with that of the Ages through which it has stood.\" \n\n\nBOSTON : \nCHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN, \n\nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n1847. \n\n\nI \n\n\n'^GD© \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nCHAPTER XXIII. \n\n1686 to 1692. Sir Edmund Andros. — Land Titles. — A Petition for \nConfirmation. — Grant to Charles Lidgett. — Remonstrance of the \nTown. — Joseph Lynde's Deposition. — Riots. — A May Pole. — \nCharles Morton's Sermon, — his accusation before the Council, — \nhis Trial. — The Guns carried away. — Revolution of 1689. — \nAction of Charlestown. — New Government opposed — Laurence \nHammond, — meeting of his Company, — his Address. — • A Press- \ngang. — Elective Rights. — Courts opposed. — Proceedings of the \nCouncil — Richard Sprague. — Address to the King, — comment \non it. — A second Address : comment on it. — Fines of the County \nCourt. — Submissions. — Morton's Letter. — _ _ 216 \n\n\nCHAPTER XXIY. \n\n1692 to 1764. — Witchcraft. —Cary's Narrative. — Attack on Billeri- \nca. — Col. Lynde's Expedition. — Town Expenses. — Execution \nin Charles River. — Town Clock. — School House Controversy. — \nNew Meeting House. — The Lecture Hour. — Bridge over Charles \nRiver. — Lioculation. — Fire Engine. — Insurance Office. — Stone- \nham. — Paving. — Town's Income. — Ministerial House. — Court \nHouse. — Riot. — Illumination. — Burglary. — Punishment. — The \nTown in 1741. — A Potter's Kiln. — A Comet. — Bounty to Sol- \ndiers. — Sale of Pews. — Forestallers. — Private School. — Slaves. \n— Small Pox. — A Spinning School. — Fish Market. — French \nNeutrals. — Impressment. — An Execution. — Minister's Salary. 237 \n\n\nERRATA \n\n\nPage 145, fifth line from bottom, for \" Whitney,\" read \" Whiting.\" \nPage 221, fifteenth line from top, for \" execution,\" read •' exaction.\" \n\n\nc^O€\\- \n\n\nNUMBER SIX. \n\n\n=^D^ \n\n\n<$ \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nHISTOHY \n\n\n^ \n\n\nOF \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS \n\n\nBy RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \n\n\n\"The History of a Tcwn is united vritli that of the Country to 'which \nit helongs, and -with that of the Ages through \"which it has stood.\" \n\n\n-^^©1=^ \n\n\nBOSTON : \nCHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. \nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n1847. \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nCHAPTER XXV. \n\n1764 to 1771. The Revolution and the Towns. — Acts of Trade. — \nStamp Act. — Riots in Boston. —Proceedings of the Town. — Re- \npeal of the Stamp Act. —The Indemnity Question. — Acts ot \n1767 —Non-Importation Policy. — Boston Convention. — Day ot \nFastino- —Domestic Manufactures. — Ninety-two and Forty-hve. \n— Opposition to Bishops. — Renewal of the Non-Importation \nAgreement. — Proceedings in relation to Tea. \n\nCHAPTER XXVI. \n\n1771 to 1774. The Contest in 1771. — Edward Sheaffe's Letter. — \nMilitary Parade. — Boston Letter. — Instructions to Representa- \ntive. — Reply to Boston. —The Tea and East India Company. — \nTown Meeting. — Resolves. —Destruction of the Tea. — Petition \nfor a Town Meeting.- Agreement of Tea Dealers. — Resolves. -— ^^^ \nBurning of Tea. _ - - - - \n\nCHAPTER XXVIl. \n\n1774 to 1775. The Contest in 1774. — Boston Port Bill, — its effect \non Charlestown. — Resolve of the General Court. — Donations. — \nCommittee of Correspondence. — Letter to Falmouth.— iown \nMeetino-. — Letter to Boston. — Removal of the Powder. — ihe \nPeople\\t Cambridge. — Alarm of the Country. — Submissions. \n— Removing the Guns. —Letter to Sharon and Salisbury. --Re- \nsolves of Provincial Congress. — Reading Contribution. — Com- \nmittee on Donations. —Town Meetings. — Close of Corporate \nAction. _ _ - - \n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS \n\n\nAttempt to land a Bishop, - - - - I |oo \n\nPetition of Citizens in 1773, ~ ~ ~ ~ _ wii \n\nAttempt to force the Duty on Tea, - - - '^''^ \n\n\nNUMBER SEVEN \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS. \n\n\nBy RICHARD FR0THINGH4-M, Jr. \n\n\n\" Tlie History of a Town is united with that of the Country to which \nit helongs, ^ncl with that of the Ages through whicli it has stood.\" \n\n\nV \n\n\n6 \n\n\nBOSTON: \n0HARr,I5S C. lylTTLE AND JAMES BROWN, \n1849, \n\n\nCONTENTS! \n\n\nCHAPTER XXVlii. \n\n1775. Military Preparations; — The Alarm Lists. — Marches of TroOpg \ninto the Country. — Massachusetts declared to be in Rebellion. — \nGeneral Gage resolves to destroy the Stores. — The British Officers. — \nRichard Deven's relation; — Expedition to Concord. -^Firing near \nProspect H ill. — Events in Charlestown. — Entrance by the Troops, — \nDistress of the Inhabitants. — Jacob Roger^s Petition. — Assembling \nof an Army. — Charlestown threatened, and distress of the Inhabi- \ntants. — Their Removal. — Fortifications. — E^scchange of prisoners. — \nResolve to occupy Bunker Hill. — Description of Charlestown. - 31^ \n\n\nCHAfTEH XXlt. \n\n1775. Breed's Hill occupied. — Caflnonadeof the British. — They lahd \nat Moulton's Point; — American defences; — Bunker Hill Battle. - 327 \n\nCHAPTER XXX. \n\nJ775. Character of the Bunker Hill Battles — Prescott; — Putnam. — \nWarren. — Porneroy; — Moses Parker. — Willard Moore. -^Thomas \nGardner. — Colonel Stark. — Major McClary. — Thomas Kno wlton. — \nNumbers engaged. — Time of the Engagement. — Losses. — British \nofficers. — The Redoubt. — British Criticism. — The destruction of \nthe Town. .:....:-. ^ . 35-^ \n\n\niLLUStRATIONS, \n\n\nCdnndnade iri the Bunker Hill Battle^ ---... 340 \n\nBritish Plan of the Redoubt, 365 \n\nView of Charlestown in 1775, 3igi \n\nt'age's Plan of Bunker Hill Battle,' - - . . ^ . 327 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN/ \n\n\nCHAPT ER I. \n\nIntroduction. — Sources of this History. — Character of the Town. — • \nValue of Town Histories. \n\nSome account may be expected of the sources from which this \nHistory has been derived. These are : \n\nI. The Town Records. These are minute in relation to the \nlocal, municipal affairs, from the settlement of the town. But \nwith the exception of a few pages at the beginning of the first vol- \nume, and the period of the Revolution, they are singularly barren \nof matters of general or political interest. With the exception of \na plan of a small portion of the town, presented to the Legislature \n\n\n1 \" A Historical Sketch of Charlestown,\" by Josiah Bartlett, M. D., \nwas, in 1814, published in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical \nSociety (2d Series, vol. ii. pp. 163 — 184) and in pamphlet form. It was \nan Address delivered Nov. 16, 1813, at the dedication of Washington Hall, \nprepared with notes for publication. Though filling but twenty-one \npages, it contains, especially in the notes, much interesting matter rela- \ntive to the town. It gives, however, but slight notices of the town from \n1634 to 1781. \n\nIn 1830, Hon. Edward Everett delivered a valuable Historical Discourse \nbefore the Charlestown Lyceum, commemorative of the arrival of Gov. \nWinihrop. It is chiefly a view of the general causes of the settlement of \nMassachusetts, with a short account of the settlement of the town. \n\nIn 1838 copious extracts from the Town Records were printed in the \nBunker Hill Aurora, understood to have been furnished by William \nSawyer, Esq. \n\nThese are the only accounts of the Town, of much length, that have \nbeen printed. \n\n1 \n\n\n5i HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nin 1781, when the latter authorized an important alteration of the \nstreets, there is no map of the town previous to 1818. This \nrenders it exceedingly difficult to locate, precisely, the residences \nof the first settlers. A plan was probably taken in 1794, which \ncannot be found. \n\nThe original records, prior to 1662, may be found in a volume \nmade up of manuscript, some of it bearing date as early as 1593,^ \nand some of it as late as 1767, and bound without regard to mat- \nter or date. Here may be found memorandums, on loose sheets, \nof selectmen, and town meetings, records of deeds, and of the \npossessions of the inhabitants in 1638. The latter is valuable so \nfar as it goes. It does not give the value of the property, and is \nexceedingly loose in description. The original records commence \nwith the year 1663, and with few exceptions, are perfect to the \npresent day. \n\nIn 1664 the first volume of the records was prepared, perhaps \nmostly from a large volume, frequently referred to but not now \nextant. This volume contains the history of the settlement of this \ntown and the neighboring towns, that is quoted by Prince and \nothers as a contemporary authority. It was written by John \nGreene, son of the ruling elder of the Church. He collected \nthe facts from \" known gentlemen that lived and were actors \" in \nthe events it relates, and read the relation to the selectmen, who \nconsented that it should \"remain\" a part of the records. It occu- \npies seven pages of the volume. Its traditionary character appears \nupon its face. It certainly cannot be relied upon as to dates. Nor \ncan the remainder of this volume be depended upon as an exact \ntranscript of the original. The selectmen ordered grants of land \nto be transcribed verbatim, but in \" other things,\" the copyist was \nallowed to use his discretion and skill in reducing them \" to the \nmost brief and clear language.\" \n\nThe first volume of the Registry of births, marriages and deaths, \nis not unlike, in character, to the volume of miscellaneous matter \n\n\n1 This MS. appears to be a part of a Letter, in which the accounts of \none of the Guilds, or Trade Corporations of England, were kept. Each \nname, generally, has adebit and credit. The following is on the credit \nside of the book : \n\n\" Stephen Woodgate of Caufoulde in the County of Suffolk Clothier is \ndewe to same this laste of November by Suffoike Clothes fifty and seaven \npoundes for his as journal 2, 57 00 00.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. O \n\nalready described. Its earliest date is 1658 — its latest 1797. \nThe leaf at one end of the volume is dated 1663, that at the other \n1720, The middle of the volume contains the following record : — \n\n\"A record of all births, deaths and marriages, that hath been \nin Charlestown since the death of Mr. Thomas Starr who departed \nthis life the twentieth day of the eighteenth mo. 1658, herein \nrecorded. — pr me Edward Burtt Clerk.\" \n\nOne side of the sheet on which this is written, contains a descrip- \ntion of the horses shipped from this town in 1664. It was the \nTown Clerk's \" Toll Book,\" wherein he recorded all the ages, col- \nors, and make, of the horses presented for export. He filled up \na few pages with these, and then went on with the births, marriages \nand deaths. This volume was bound in 1797. Some of the leaves \nof it are imperfect. \n\nII. Records of the first Church of this Town. These are origi- \nnal records, and commence with the gathering of the Church in \n1633. The first volume, a quarto of three hundred and eighty- \nsix pages, is an interesting and valuable relic of the past. The \nentries in it were made by the ruling elder, John Greene, and the \nsuccessive ministers. It commences as follows : \"The Book that \nbelongs unto the church of God in Charltovvne : which church was \ngathered, and did enter into Church Covenant the 2d day of the \n9th month 1632.\" It contains records of baptisms, admissions into \nthe Church, marriages. Church votes, proceedings against delin- \nquents, and ordinations of pastors and deacons. This volume is very \nminute in detail respecting the proceedings against the Baptists.^ \n\nIII. The Colony Records, the Probate and Registry Records, \nfiles of newspapers, the various public libraries, and the collection of \nmanuscripts at the State House, recently arranged into volumes. \nThe latter has supplied many documents of interest and impor- \ntance. These \" Massachusetts Archives\" constitute an invaluable \nmacrazine of materials for Town Histories. \n\n\n1 A full and accurate description of this curious volume, with copious \nextracts from its contents, may be found in the American Quarterly Keg- \nister, vol. xii. pp. 247, 250. Rev. S. Sewall, the author of this \naccount, says : — \" The records of this Church are, it is believed, the \nonly records in existence of any Church in the county of Middlesex \nformed as early as the seventeenth century, which have been kept in reg- \nular, and (in the main) unbroken series from the beginning, except the \nrecords of the Church of Lexington, gathered 1696.\" \n\n\n4 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nIV. Private collections of papers. Wherever these exist and \nhave been called for, they have been most liberally supplied. But \nthey are not very numerous. From many descendants of old \ninhabitants the same reply has been made, in answer to inquiries, \nviz : That the family memorials were probably destroyed when the \nTown was burnt in 1775. Two documents, both by two of its \nmost prominent citizens, once in the possession of Prince, would \nhave been of great value in making this compilation ; viz : \" Two \noriginal books of Deputy Governor Willoughby and Captain \nHammond, giving historical hints from 1651 to 1678 inclusive : \nAnd \" An original journal of the late Capt. Lawrence Hammond \nof Charlestown and Boston, from 1677 to 1694 inclusive.\" It is \nsupposed that these were destroyed with other papers in Prince's \nLibrary, in the tower of the old South Church, Boston, at the \ncommencement of the Revolution. Belknap cites a journal \nsupposed to have been written by Capt. Hammond. \n\nThe author, from such sources, has compiled a History of \nCharlestown. This place when first visited by Europeans, was \nknown by the name of Mishawum, and was full of stately timber and \nhospitable Indians. Here a colony, composed of men of mode- \nrate fortunes and of high character, founded a town. Many of its \ninhabitants were men of capacity and enterprise, and were called \nto fill important situations in the colonial government. Even while \ndischarging these duties they took an active share in the municipal \nconcerns of the town. The board of selectmen shows, for a \ncentury and a half, an uninterrupted succession of such men:^ \n\n\n1 Increase Nowell, a leading character in Church and State, was at the \nhead of the board of selectmen nineteen years, until his death in 1G55. and \nduring this period he had as associates, Francis Willoughby, Deputy Gov- \nernor ; Robert Sedgwick, Major General ; Francis Norton, a prominent \nmilitary cliaracter ; Abraham Palmer, the Spragues and others. After \nMr. Nowell's decease, Richard Russell, for twenty years the Treasurer of \nthe colony, was at tlie head of the board : he served on it twenty-six \nyears in succession. After 1676, Lawrence Hammond, another prominent \nmilitary and civil character was selectman twelve years ; Richard \nSprague, son of Ralph, fourteen years ; Joseph Ijyndc, fifteen years ; and \nJames Russell, son of the Treasurer, fourteen years. From 1700 to \n1765, the following, among others — John Piiillips, Jonathan Dowse, \nNathaniel Carey, Daniel Russell, Charles Cliambers, Isaac Royal, Thomas \nGraves, Ezekiel Cheever, Chambers Russell, Edward Sheafe, James \nRussell (1760), and Nathaniel Gorham — all holding high civil olficcs, as \nCouncillors and Judges and leading men in the colony — appear for \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 5 \n\nwhile the corporate action of the town affords evidence of a \npublic spirit, that was acknowledged valuable on important and \ntrying occasions. This is seen especially in the Revolutions of \n1689 and 1775. It is not less decidedly seen in the support of \nreligion and education. The Church and the School House \nstood side by side, quietly diffusing their beneficent influences, \nuntil the great day of sacrifice. The burning of their homes \nrather quickened, than cast down, the public spirit of the citizens. \nIn May, 177G, they gathered in legal meeting, amid the yet smoul- \ndering ruins, to respond to a call to sustain a Declaration of \nIndependence ; and then pledged their lives to the support of this \ngreat measure. \n\nAnd it is not too much to say, that, at the present day, Charles- \ntown is doing faithfully its part in maintaining republican insti- \ntutions. Its appearance indicates a prosperous community. It \nhas handsome streets and creditable public buildings. Its religious \ninstitutions and common schools are liberally supported. Nume- \nrous benevolent associations are constantly distributing their char- \nities. It has a thoroughly furnished and efficient fire-department, \nand makes ample provision for its poor. Its police is vigilant. \nIts military corps patriotic. It bears the impress of the commer- \ncial enterprise of the day, and is rapidly increasing in population, \nwealth and consequence. Nor have its inhabitants lost that public \nspirit that is so conspicuous in the early history of the town. \n\nA town history must necessarily consist mainly of local details, \nsmall in themselves, and chiefly interesting to the descendants of \nthe actors of them, or to those who occupy their places. Yet this \ndetail, these little things, if judiciously selected, \" illustrate classes \nof men and ages of time; \" and as they show the feelings, opinions, \nand action of a period, constitute its life. Such, indeed, was the \nunity of spirit that prevailed in the towns, those of New England \nespecially, and so similar was their internal management, that a \nhistory of one will illustrate the history of all. And hence a work \n\nmany years in succession, members of the board. The town clerks \nwere generally particular to prefix their titles in full. As a sample take \nthe record of the board for 1695, — at this time, \" The most worshipful \nJames Russell \" was commonly moderator of the Town Meetings. James \nRussell, Esq., Col. Jno. Phillips, Esq., Lieut. Col. Joseph Lynde, Esq., \nCapt. Samuel Hayman, Esq., Mr. Jacob Greene, Jr., Capt. Jonathan \nCall, Ensign Timothy Phillips.\" \n\n\n6 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nof this kind, if accurate, will be a useful contribution to general \nhistory. \n\nBut there is, or ought to be, a peculiar interest attaching to \neach town, for each has its peculiar history and traditions. Each \nhas some noted spot, where the Indian may have fought for his \nburial places, or the colonists for their freedom ; that may have \nsheltered a hermit or a regicide; that superstition may have \ninvested with a fairy legend, or nature have robed with more than \nfairy magnificence. Each has had its Liberty Tree, its Green \nDrao-on, its Faneuil Hall, where its patriots may have counselled \nor acted. And each town has had citizens who laid its founda- \ntions, perhaps in hardship and danger; who labored for its prosper- \nity, or who went out to suffer in a common cause. Each has had \nits Man of Ross and village Hampdens. They acted as worthily \nin their sphere, and deserve as grateful remembrance, as those \nwhose fame is on every tongue. It is for the local annalist to \ngather up these traditions and histories, for they are to a town, \nwhat common recollections are to the country. \n\nBut besides such local details, the memorable events that have \noccurred within its limits, may render a history of Charlestown of \nmuch general interest. Salem excepted, it is the oldest town of \nthe Massachusetts Colony. Here the founders of the latter \nwrestled fearfully with famine and mortality. Yet, when enduring \nthe keenest anguish that can rive the human heart, they persevered \nin their work in the highest faith that can mark the christian life. \nThe dead \"were buried about the Town Hill.\" ^ They were \n\" the first victims to the cause of liberty.\" ^ The other heights \nare redolent with Revolutionary associations. \" All are the altars \nof precious sacrifice,\" ^ where patriots, to maintain liberty, acted \nwith a heroism kindred to that which their ancestors displayed in \nplanting it. In consequence of this, how wide has become their \nfame ! Under the rule of the Red Man, Bunker Hill may have \nbeen noted as a favorite spot on which to light his council fires. \nBut, in the order of Providence, the council fires are to die away, \nand, under a new dominion, a new fire is to be kindled, that is \nto go onward and upward, until it culminates upon its summit. \nThe deeds which the good and the brave here performed for their \n\n1 Town Records. 2 Edward Everett. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 7 \n\ncountry and their race, have made Bunker Hill to America what \nMarathon was to Greece. \n\nThese events will be traced, as much as possible, from contem- \nporary authorities. Although, where so many have gleaned before, \nbut little may be presented that will be new, in relation to the mil- \nitary transactions, yet the nature of this work will justify a narra- \ntive more minute, than, perhaps, can be elsewhere found. \n\nStill, it must be borne in mind, that these pages purport to be, \nnot a history of the Country, or of Massachusetts, but simply a \nmemorial of Charlestown. They will contain but little that is not \nconsidered necessary to exhibit the condition of its inhabitants, or \nthe events that have transpired within its limits. It will be com- \npiled, mostly, from manuscripts, and it will be the author's aim to \nset down no fact without an authority for it. Still, errors are \nalmost unavoidable. He will cheerfully correct, in the best manner \nhe is able, those that friends will have the kindness to point out. \n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\n1614 to 1628. — Early Boundaries of the Town. — Discovery by Smith. \n— Visit of PIvmouth Settlers. — The Fishermen. — Grant to Robert \nGorges. — His Colony. \n\nCharlestown is a peninsula, formed by the Mystic and Charles \nrivers and a small tract on the main land, with which it is con- \nnected by a narrow isthmus. So far as it regards territory, it is \nthe smallest town in the State. \n\nBut, originally, Charlestown was far more extensive. It included \nMaiden, Woburn, Stoneham, Burlington, and Somerville, a large \npart of Medford, and a small part of Cambridge, West Cambridge \nand Reading. \n\nWoburn, comprising Burlington, was incorporated in 1642 ; \n\n\n1 The dates in this work are altered, so far as it respects the months \nand years, to correspond with the new style. Up to 1752 the year began \nMarch 25. It was altered that year to January 1. To bring the days into \n\n\n8 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMaiden, in 1649 ; Stoneham, in 1725; Somerville, in 1842. In \n1724 and 1725, a large tract called \"North Charlestown,\" was set \noff, part to Maiden and part to Reading. In 1754, another tract, \nincluding several large farms, was set off to Medford, and now forms \nthe eastern part of that town. A tract was set off to Cambridge \nin 1802, and to West Cambridge in 1842. The only one of these \ntowns whose history, to the present day, is connected with \nCharlestown, is Somerville. \n\nThe first Englishman who is known to have visited its shores, \nwas the celebrated navigator, John Smith. In 1614, he sailed on \na voyage from London, and while his men were engaged in fish- \ning, he spent three months exploring the coasts. He entered \nCharles River and named it.^ On his return, he wrote a glowing \ndescription of the places he had discovered, and pronounced \"the \ncountry of the Massachusetts the paradise of all those parts, for \nhere are many isles, all planted with corn, groves, mulberries, \nsalvage gardens, and good harbors.\" He found the natives \" very \nkind, but in their fury no less valiant.\" \n\nIn 1621, Sept. 20, ten of the infant colony of Plymouth were \nsent on an expedition, partly to trade, and partly to conclude \npeace with the Massachusetts Indians. They landed under a \ncliff\", supposed to be Copp's Hill, where they met with a kind re- \nception from the natives. Though they touched at several places \nin the harbor, they do not appear to have landed here. Having \nbeen absent four days from Plymouth, and collected a considerable \nquantity of beaver, they returned home with so good an opinion \nof the country, as to wish it had fallen to their lot to have occu- \npied it. \n\nAt this early period, fishermen were frequent visitors to the \nharbor. In 1622, thirty-five of their vessels were on the coasts of \nNew England. Though they may have run up the Bay, yet there \nis no account existing of their having landed at this place. \n\nnew style, add for the seventeenth century ten days to the date, and for \nthe eighteentli, up to 1752, eleven days. A full and inlprcstino; account \nof old and new style, double dating, &c., may be found in the American \nQuarterly Register, vol. xiv. \n\n1 Smith, in Mass. Hist. Collections. \" I took the fairest reach in this \nbay fur a river, whereupon I called it Charles River.\" llulclmison, vol. \ni. p. 410, says that l^rince Charles \" gave the name of Charles River to \nwhat had been before called Massachusetts River.\" Wood, N. E. Pros- \npect, mentions \" Mishaum\" River among the Indian names of rivers. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 9 \n\nIn 1620, King James granted to the Council of Plymouth \nthe territory lying between forty and forty-eight degrees north \nlatitude, and in length by all this breadth throughout the main \nland, from sea to sea. This was the foundation of all the grants \nin New England. \n\nIn 1622, Dec. 30, this Company granted to Robert Gorges, all \nthat part of the main land \"commonly called or known by the \nname of the Messachusiack,\"^ situate \" upon the north-east side of \nthe Bay, called or known by the name of the Messachusett.\" \nThis included the shores and coast, \" for ten English miles towards \nthe north-east,\" and \" thirty English miles unto the main land, \nthrough all the breadth aforesaid,\" with all the rivers, islands, \nminerals, &lc. This grant included the limits of Charlestown. \n\nIn 1623, the Plymouth Council appointed Robert Gorges, Lieu- \ntenant-General of New England. He came over that year to \nestablish a colony, and thus secure his patent. With him came \nWilliam Morrill, an Episcopal clergyman, who had a commission \nto superintend the Ecclesiastical affairs. Gorges arrived in the \nMassachusetts Bay about the middle of September, with \"passen- \ngers and families,\" and selected the place that Weston had \nabandoned. \n\nMorton, in the N. E. Memorial, relates a difficulty Gorges had \nat Plymouth, after which he took his leave, gratified with the \nhospitality of the colonists, and \" went to the Massachusetts by \nland. \"2 Gorges, for about a year, endeavored to promote the \nsuccess of his colony. No supplies however reached him from \nEngland, and his friends \" advised him to return home until better \noccasion should offer itself unto him.\" He left his rights to the \ncare of his agents. ^ \n\nHutchinson, writing of 1626, says : \" I find mention made of \nplanters at Winnissemit about the same time, who probably re- \nmoved there from some other plantation.\" It is not improbable \n\n\niTlie territory known as Massachusetts was, in the early days of the \nColony, confined to the region about Boston harbor, from Nahant to Point \nAlderton. Thus, •Governor Winthrop writes that, June 17, 1G30, he \nwent from Salem to \"Massachusetts, to find out a place for our sitting \ndown.\" — Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 27. \n\n2 N. E. Memorial, p. 106. \n\n3 Gorges, chap 27; Hazard, vol. i. p. 91 ; Hubbard, p. 86. \n\n3 \n\n\n10 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthat these were a part of the colony of Gorges. William Black- \nstone, the first settler of Boston, is named three years later, as \nbeing in the agency of John Gorges; so also is Jeffries, afterwards \none of the first settlers of Ipswich. These individuals may have \nheld their lands under the authority of this patent ; and this may \nhave been the case, also, with Thomas Walford, the smith, — the \nEuropean found here by the first settlers. \n\nHutchinson remarks, that the patent of Robert Gorges was \nloose and uncertain, and no use was ever made of it.^ It covered \na part of the territory afterwards granted to the Massachusetts \nCompany. The conflicting claim thence arising, was the imme- \ndiate cause of the settlement of Charlestown. \n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\n1628. — John Oldham's Lease. — Gi-ant to Massachusetts Company. — \nControversy respecting Claims. — Arrival of Endicott. — The Spragues. \n\nRobert Gorges died soon after his attempt to occupy his \npatent. His right descended fo his eldest brother, John Gorges. \nThe latter probably in 16\"28, leased a portion of the territory that \nfell to him to John Oldham and John Dorrill. The former ap- \npears to have managed the negotiations. He was an intelligent \nand enterprising planter, who had acquired an intimate knowledge \nof the natives, and had a high opinion of the country. He is the \nsame person whose murder, by the Indians, in 1G36, was the imme- \ndiate cause of the Pequot war. He had been entrusted by the \nGovernor of Plymouth with the charge of Morton, the Merry \nMount rioter, and went to England in the summer of 1628. This \nlease included the limits of Charlestown, and reads as follows : — \n\n\" All the lands within the Massachusetts Bay, between Charles \nRiver and Abousett- River, containing in length; by straight line, \nfive miles up the Charles River into the main land, north-west from \n\n^Hist. Mass., vol. i. p. 14. ^gaugus River. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 11 \n\nthe border of said Bay, including all creeks and points by the \nway ; and three miles in length from the mouth of the foresaid \nriver Abousett, up into the main land, upon a straight line south- \nwest, including all creeks and points: and all the land in breadth \nand length between the foresaid rivers, with all prerogatives, \nroyal mines excepted.\" \n\nAnd on the sight of this grant, \" Mr. Blackstone, clergyman, and \nWilliam JefTryes, gentleman,\" were authorized to put Oldham in \npossession of this territory. ^ \n\nThe Plymouth Council, whose only source of revenue was the \nsale of patents, on the 19th of March, 1G28, sold this same terri- \ntory over again to the Massachusetts Company, bounding their \ngrant to a territory three miles north of the river Merrimack, and \nthree miles south of the river Charles, and extending from the \nAtlantic Ocean to the South Sea.^ This was the Company that \ncolonized Massachusetts. It took immediate steps to occupy its \ngrant. \n\nOn his arrival in England, 1628, Oldham first endeavored to \nobtain from this Company an important agency in its concerns, \nholding out as the inducement, the prospect of large profits from \nhis management. Having failed in this, he next appears engaged \nin a controversy with the Company respecting his lease, — the \nquestion being the validity of his title ; he contending that it was \ngood, — the Company, by the advice of counsel, that it was \"voyd \nin law.\" Oldham is characterized in the records as obstinate \nand violent — \"so affected to his own opinion, as not to be re- \nmoved from it neither by reason, nor by any persuasion.\" They \nstate that, \" unless he could have his own way, there would be but \nlittle hope of quiet or comfortable subsistence, where he should \nmake his abode.\" -^ \n\nAbout the time this controversy commenced, John Endicott, in \nthe ship Abigail, Henry Gauden, master, arrived at Salem. This \nwas September G, 16\"2S. After this arrival, three brothers, Ralph \n\n\n1 Hazard, vol. i. p. 68. \n\n2 This sale Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, had his approbation only \" so \nfar forth as it might not be prejudicial to his son's interests, whereof he \nhad a patent under the seal of the charter.\" — Gorges, chap. 26, Mass. Col. \n\n^Hazard, vol. i. p. 268. \n\n\n12 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nSprague, Richard Sprague, and William Sprague, with three or \nfour others, with Endicott's permission, \" travelled through the \nwoods\" to this peninsula. The Town Records give the following \nrelation of this event, preceded by a history of the discovery and \nsettlement of the country. It forms the beginning of the first \nvolume, and was written by John Greene, in 10G4. \n\n\"Captain John Smith having (in the reign of our sovereign \nLord James, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, \nFrance, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,) made a discovery of \nsome parts of America, lighted, amongst other places, upon the \nopening betwixt Cape Cod and Cape Ann, situate and lying in \n315 degrees of longitude, and 42 degrees 20 min. of north latitude, \nwhere by sounding and making up, he fell in amongst the islands, \nand advanced up into the Massachusetts Bay, till he came up into \nthe river, between Mishaum, (afterwards called Charlestown,) and \nShawmutt, (afterwards called Boston,) and having made discovery \nof the land, rivers, coves, and creeks in the said bay, and also \ntaken some observations of the natures, dispositions, and sundry \ncustoms of the numerous Indians, or natives, inhabiting the same; \nhe returned to England, where (it was reported that) upon his \narrival, he presented a map of the Massachusetts Bay to the king, \nand that the prince (afterwards King Charles the First,) upon in- \nquiry and perusal of the aforesaid river, and the situation thereof \nupon the map, appointed it to be called Charles River. \n\n\" Now, upon the fame that then went abroad of the place, both in \nEngland and Holland, several persons of quality sent over several \nat their own cost, who planted this country in several places, but \nfor want of judgment, care, and orderly living, divers died, others \nmeeting with many hazards, hardships, and wants, at length being \nreduced to great peimry and extremity, were so tired out, that they \ntook all opportunities of returning to England, upon which several \nplaces were altogether deserted, and by only some few that upon a \nbetter principle, transported themselves from England and Hol- \nland, came and settled their plantation a little within Cape Cod, \nand called tlie same Plymouth: these, notwithstanding all their \nwants^ hazards, and sufferings, continued several years in a man- \nner alone, at which time this country was generally called by the \nname of New England. \n\n\"At length divers gentlemen and merchants of London obtained \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 13 \n\na patent and charter for the Massachusetts Bay, (from our sovereign \nLord King Charles the First,) gave invitation to such as would \n(transport themselves from Old England to New England) to go \nand possess the same : and for their encouragement, the said pa- \ntentees, at their own cost, sent over a company of servants, under \nthe government of Mr. John Endicott, who, arriving within this \nbay, settled the first plantation of this jurisdiction, called Salem : \nunder whose wing there were a few also that settle and plant up \nand down, scattering in several places of the bay : where, though \n\nthey met with the dangers, difficulties, and attending \n\nnew plantations in a solitary wilderness, so far remote from their \nnative country, yet were they not left without company : for in \nthe year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight, \ncame over from England several people at their own charge, and \narrived at Salem, after which, people came over yearly in great \n\nnumbers; in years many hundreds arrived, and settled not \n\nonly in Massachusetts Bay, but did suddenly spread themselves \ninto other colonies also.\" \n\n\" Amongst others that arrived at Salem at their own cost,^ were \nRalph Sprague, with his brethren Richard and William, who with \nthree or four more, by joint consent and approbation of Mr. John \nEndicott, Governor, did the same summer of Anno 1628, under- \ntake a journey from Salem, and travelled the woods above twelve \nmiles to the westward, and lighted of a place situate and lying on \nthe north side of Charles River, full of Indians called Aberginians.^ \ntheir old Sachem being dead, his eldest son, by the English called \n\n\n1 In a letter of the Company to Governor Endicott, dated May 28, 1629, \nthis description of settlers is alluded to as follows: \"We desire that \n'fhonias Beard may have fifty acres of land allotted to him, as one that \ntransports himself at his own charge, but as well for him as all others \nthat shall have land allotted to them in that kind, and are no adventurers \nin the common stock, which is to support the charge of fortifications, as \nalso for the ministry, and divers other aflairs, we hold it fit., that these \nkind of men, as also such as shall come to inherit lands by their service, \nshould, by way of acknowledgment to such from whom they receive these \nlands, become liable to the performance of some service certain days in \nthe year, and by that service they, and their posterity after them, to hold \nand inherit these lands, which will be a good means to enjoy their lands \nfrom being held in capite, and to support the plantation in general and \nparticular.\" — Hazard, vol. i. p. 283. \n\n- A.berginians was not the name of a tribe, but a general name for In- \ndians. \n\n\n14 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nJohn Sagamore, was their chief, and a man naturally of a gentle \nand good disposition, by whose free consent they settled about \nthe hill of the same place, by the said natives called Mishawum, \nwhere they found but one English pallisadoed and thatched house, \nwherein lived Thomas Walford, a smith, situate on the south end \nof the westermost hill of the East Field, a little way up from \nCharles River side, and upon survey, they found it was a neck of \nland generally full of stately timber, as was the main, and the land \nlying on the east side of the river, called Mystick River, from the \nfarm Mr. Craddock's servants had planted called Mystick, which \nthis river led up unto ; and indeed generally all the country round \nabout, was an uncouth wilderness, full of timber.\" \n\nThis interesting relation is immediately succeeded by a record \nof the names of the inhabitants that \" first settled in this place, and \nbrought it into the denomination of an Enorlish town.\" The re- \ncord places this also in 1G28. But it includes among these names \nMr. Graves, who \" this year built the Great House,\" and Mr. \nBright, \" minister to the Company's servants.\" Now it is certain \nthat neither Graves nor Bright sailed from England until 1I329. \nHence there is evidently an error at this point in the date of the \nrecords. Tiiis error continues for two years, making the arrival \nofWinthropto be 16:29, when it ought to be 1630. Does the \nerror begin with the account of the journey of the Spragues? \nThey, with their companions, may have arrived here in the sum- \nmer or fall of 1628, and encouraged by the friendly reception they \nmet with from the Indians, and a desire of the Company, (that may \nhave been already known to them,) to take immediate possession of \nthe country, have here built their huts, and remained through the \nwinter of 1628-9.^ Yet it appears probable that the Company \nthat came with Endicott would have kept together the first winter. \nIf the Spragues came over after Endicott, unless they came in a pri- \nvate vessel, it would bring it to 1629, as no other ship came over in \n1628. The same authority states that it was not until Mr. Graves \nhad laid out the town, that the lots of these pioneers were located, \nor that they began to build. To understand why so many of the \n\n\n1 Felt (Aimals of Salem) say-s the Sprap-ues came with Endicott. E. \nEverett (Orations) concludes, t'rom the records, they were not of his com- \npany. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 15 \n\nCompany occupied this place the succeeding year, it is necessary \nto glance briefly at some of its proceedings in England. \n\n\nCHAPTER IV. \n\n1029. — John Oldham. — Sir William Brereton. — Thomas Graves. — \nEmigration with Higginson. — Instructions to Endicott. — Arrival at \nCharlestown. \n\nIn 1629, the controversy between Oldham and the Massachusetts \nCompany was concluded by the following vote of the latter, May, \n11 : \" Mr. Oldham propounded unto Mr, White that he would \nhave his patent, &,c., and it is agreed by the Court, not to have \nany treaty with him about it, by reason, it is thought, he doth it not \nout of love, but out of some sinister respect.\" ^ \n\nBut the Company, by this time, were engaged with another \nclaimant to the land about Massachusetts Bay, who is, throughout, \ntreated with marked respect, — Sir William Brereton. John \nGorges, by a deed dated January 10, 1629, conveyed to Sir William \nBrereton of Handforth, in the county of Chester, Bart, and his \nheirs, \" all the land in breadth lyeinge from y\" East side of Charles \nRiver to the easterly parte off the cape called Nahannte and all \nthe lands lyeinge in length 20 miles north east into y\" maine land \nfrom the mouth the said Charles River lyeinge also in length 20 \nmiles into the maine land north east from y^ said cape Nahannte : \nalso two Islands lyeinge next unto the shoare betweene Nahannte \nand Charles River the bigger called Brereton and the lesser \nSusanna.\" ^ \n\nNegotiations with Sir William Brereton were continued for a \nyear. His object was to make such an arrangement with the \nCompany, in relation to the settlement of a contemplated colony, \nas would preserve the title he acquired of Gorges. In this he was \n\n1 Colony Records. \n\n2 Massachusetts Archives. — Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 14. The two islands \nwere, East Boston and Belle Isle. — Lewis's Lynn. \n\n\n16 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nnot successful. Nor would the Compnny, by purchase, acknowledge \nthe validity of his claim. On the lUth of February, 1G30, it voted \na respectful invitation to him to join it \" according to the Charter,\" \nand that such servants as he might send over should \" receive all \ncourteous respect, and be accommodated with land, and what else \nshall be necessary as other servants of the Company.\" At the same \ntime that this decision was formally communicated to him, a com- \nmittee of two were appointed to \" signify the Company's affection \nand respect unto him.\" ^ \n\nWhile these negotiations were pending, the Company were taking \nefficient steps to further improve their patent. On the 4th of \nMarch, 1C21>, a Royal Charter constituted the \"Associates\" a body \npolitic. This charter, cherished with so much care for half a cen- \ntury, was regarded as a confirmation of their grant from the \nPlymouth Council. On the 10th of March, the Company signed \na contract with an engineer of high reputation, — Thomas Graves, \n— who laid out Charlestown. This commenced as follows : — \n\n\"This 10th March 1G38-9, I, Thomas Graves of Gravesend, \nin the County of Kent, gent, and by my profession skillful and \nexperienced in the discovery and fynding out of Iron mynes, as \nalso of lead, copper, mineral : salt, and in fortifications of all sorts \naccording to the nature of the place, in surveying of buildings and \nof lands and in measuring of lands, in describing a country by \nmappe; in leading of water to pp (proper) uses for millers or \nother uses; in fynding out * * * sorts of Lyme stone and mate- \nriels for building ; in manufacturing, have this present day agreed \nto serve the New England * * * and in theire employment to take \nmy passage for nevve England in such shippe as they shall appoynt \nme, and during my stay there according to the conditions heere- \nafter expressed to doe my true and uttermost indeavour in all or \nany the particulars above mentioned for the most good and benefit \nof said companie.\" \n\nThe compensation of Mr. Graves was to be, his passage out and \nback, five pounds a month while in New England, in case he \nremained but eight months. If he remained three years, the \npassage of his family, their support until the harvest after their \narrival, a house, one hundred acres of land, fifty pounds a year. \n\n\nColony Records. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 17 \n\nand the same proportion of land as those who have families. \nAfter this time, Mr. Graves was often consulted in relation to the \noperations of the Company. \n\nIn April, the preparations for a large emigration were completed. \nRev. Francis Higginson and about two hundred persons, embarked \nin April and May, 16-29. At this time, the Company sent a long \nletter to Gov. Endicott, which shows how solicitous they were to \nhave the territory claimed by Oldham and Brereton immediately \nimproved. This letter is dated April 17, 1029. It says, in refer- \nence to Oldham : — \n\n\" We fear that as he hath been obstinate and violent in his \nproceedings here, so he will persist and be ready to draw a party \nto himself there, to the great hindrance of the common quiet : we \nhave therefore thought fit to give you notice of his disposition, to \nthe end, you may beware how you meddle with him, as also you \nmay use the best means you can to settle an agreement with the \nold planters so as they may not hearken to Mr. Oldham's danger- \nous though vaine propositions.\" \n\nThis letter also gives Governor Endicott the following positive \ninstructions to occupy Massachusetts Bay : — \n\n\" We pray you and the council there, to advise seriously \ntogether for the maintenance of our privileges and peaceable gov- \nernment, which, if it may be done by a temperate course, we \nmuch desire it, though with some inconvenience so as our gov- \nernment and privileges be not brought in contempt, wishing rather \nthere might be such an union as might draw the heathen by our \ngood example to the embracing of Christ and his Gospel, than that \noffence should be given to the heathen, and a scandal to our \nReligion through our disagreement amongst ourselves. But if ne- \ncessity require a more severe course, when fair means will not \nprevail; we pray you to deal, as in your discretions you shall think \nfittest for the general good and safety of the plantation and preser- \nvation of our privileges. And because we would not omit to do \nany thing which might strengthen our right, we would have you \n(as soon as these ships, or any of them arrive with you, whereby \nyou may have men to do it) send forty or fifty persons to Massachu- \nsetts Bay to inhabit there, which we pray you not to protract, but \nto do it with all speed ; and if any of our Company in particular \nshall desire to settle themselves there, or to send servants thither, \n\n3 \n\n\n18 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwe desire all accommodation and encouragement may be given \nthem thereunto, whereby tlie better to strengthen our possession \nthere against all or any that shall intrude upon us, which we would \nnot have you by any means give way unto; with this caution not- \nwithstanding— That for such of our countrymen as you find \nthere planted, so as they be willing to live under government, you \nendeavor to give them all fitting and due accommodation as to any \nof ourselves ; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with more \nthan ordinary privileges in point of trade.\" ^ \n\nIn this letter Mr. Graves is highly recommended, \" as much for \nhis honesty as for his skill.\" Express instructions were given to \nthe Governor to consult with him in relation to the proposed set- \ntlement. He had been \" a traveller in divers forraigne parts to \ngaine his experience.\" Therefore say the Company, \" we pray you \ntake his advice touching the premises, and where you intend to sit \ndown in, to fortify and build a town that it may be qualified for \ngood air and water, according to your first instruction, and may \nhave as much natural help as may be, whereby it may with the \nless labor and cost be made fit to resist an enemy.\" \n\nThis letter, dated April 17, was sent by the George Boneven- \nture.2 This ship arrived at Salem, June 22.^ The Talbot and \nLion's Whelp, with Higginson and Bright, arrived June 29. Dur- \ning the last week of June, or the first week of July, 1 629, Mr. Graves, \nRev. Francis Bright, with a part of the emigrants, settled in Charles- \ntown. Describing the colony this year, Higginson says : — \" There \nare in all of vs both old and new planters about three hundred, \nwhereof two hundred of them are settled at Neihum-kek, now \ncalled Salem : and the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets \nBay, beginning to build a towne there which wee doe call Cher- \nton, or Charles Towne.\" ^ \n\n\n1 Hazard vol. i. p. 259. 2 Felt's Salem, 2d ed. p. 86. \n\n3 Higginson in Hutch. Coll. ^ Higginson in Force's Tracts, vol. i. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 19 \n\n\nCHAPTER Y. \n\n1629 to 1630. — Foundation of the Town.i — First Settlers. — Winter of \n1629-30. — Indian Conspiracy. — Francis Bright. — Thomas Graves. \n— Descriptions of the Country. — Charlestown in 1629. — lime's \nChanges. \n\nIn 1629, when Graves and Bright arrived here, a few settlers \nhad located themselves in the neighborhood. Samuel Maverick, \nearly noted for his hospitality, had a residence at Noddles Island. \nWilliam Blackstone, an Episcopal clergyman, lived at Shawmut, \nnow Boston. At Mishawam, now Charlestown, Thomas Walford \nhad built his \" pallisadoed and thatched house.\" The precise \ndate when these pioneers of civilization first pitched their tents, \nis not known. \n\n\n1 Dr. Bartlett (2 Mass. Coll. vol. ii. p. 163,) and Hon. E. Everett, (Ora- \ntions p. 210, 213) place the foundation of the town in 1628. So do Prince \nand other writers. The only authority for this date however is liie t wn \nrecords. Prince (p. 250) erroneously supposed these written by Increase \nNowell ; they state Endicott's arrival correctly, but are otherwise erro- \nQeous S.S to dates previous to 1632. Besides : \n\n1. The records indicate that the Spra^ues eame over after Endi- \ncott came, yet they say, \" in the same summer \" of 1628 — which must \nhave been after Sept. 6 — they, with three or four more, settled about the \nTown Hill. And furthermore, they expressly state that Graves, Bright \nand the Palmeri, were of those \" who first settled in this place.\" But some \nof these did not come over until 1629. \n\n8. Though the Spragues may have explored this peninsula previous to \nthe arrival of Graves, yet they, the records, expressly say, did not begin to \nbuild until he had laid out their lots, which must have been in 1629. \n\n3. Danforth's Almanac, the entries of which were made in 1647, sev- \nenteen years before this relation was written, places the foundation of the \ntown in 1629. \n\nThe precise date may reasonably be fixed as the day of Graves's arri- \nval. The Talbot, with Higginson, did not arrive at Salem until June 29. \nBut \" the George,\" he writes, (Hutch. Coll. p. 33) \" having the special \nand urgent cause of hastening her passage, set sail before the rest about \nthe middle of April.\" The imperative nature of the instructions she car- \nried (see p. 17) will explain the \" urgent cause.\" She arrived June 22. \nEndicott would not be likely to \" protract,\" but to send some of the em- \nigrants to inhabit at Massachusetts Bay. That most accurate of early \nwriters, Prince, (p. 261) places the arrival here of Thomas Graves, under \nthe dale of June 24. Add ten days, to bring this to new style, and it will \ngive July 4, 1629, as the only date for the foundation of Charlestown, for \nwhich good authority can be adduced. \n\n\n20 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nSeveral of the early towns had no special acts of incorporation. \nThis was the case with Salem and Lynn. It was also the case \nwith Charlestown. It was the original purpose of the colonists to \nbuild a large town, and the Company voted, May 1, 1629, when \nin England, that, when a site had been decided upon, \" no man \nshall presume to build his house in any other place,\" — making \nhowever the exception, \" unless it be in the Massachusetts Bay, and \nthen according to such direction as shall be thought meet for that \nplace.\" 1 The Spragues and their associates, who this year found- \ned the town, acted under the immediate direction of an agent of \nthe Company, — Thomas Graves; and before there appears on \nrecord any precise grant, or the boundaries were defined, proceeded \nto occupy the land, and the next year even to build in the country \ntowards Cambridge. But they had, undoubtedly, permission from \nthe Company, as an order of September 7, 1030, prohibited any \n\" to plant at any place within the limits \" of their patent without \nleave from the governor and assistants, or the major part of \nthem.^ \n\nThe following is the record of their first proceedings : — \n\" The inhabitants yt : first settled in this place and brought it \ninto the denomination of an English Towne was (were) in Anno \n1628 (1629) as follows, viz : \nRalph Sprague, Abra. Palmer, \n\nWalter Pamer, \n\nNicholas Stowers, \n\nJohn Stickline, \n\nTho. Walford smith \n\nyt lived heere alone \n\nbefore \n\n\nRichd. Sprague, \nWilliam Sprague, \nJohn Meech, \nSimon Iloyte, \n\n\nMr. Graves \n\nwho had charge of \nsome of the servts. of \nthe Company of Pa- \ntentees with whom hee \nbuilt the great house \nthis yeare for such of \nthe sd Company as are \nshortly to come over \nwhich afterwards be- \ncame the Meeting \nhouse. \nAnd Mr. Bright Minister to the Companies Servants.\" \n\nBy whom it was jointly agreed and concluded, that this place \non the north side of Charles River, by the natives called Misha- \n\n\nColony Records. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. %i \n\nwum, shall henceforth from the name of the river, be called Charles- \ntown, which was also confirmed by Mr. John Endicott, governor. \n\nIt is jointly agreed and concluded by the inhabitants of this \ntown, that Mr. Graves do model and lay out the form of the town, \nwith streets about the Hill, which was accordingly done and \napproved of by the Governor. \n\nIt is jointly agreed and concluded, that each inhabitant have a \ntwo acre lot to plant upon, and all to fence in common ; which \nwas accordingly by Mr. Graves measured out unto them. \n\nUpon which Ralph Sprague and others began to build their \nhouses, and to prepare fencing for their lots, which was (were) \nafterwards set up almost in a semi-circular form on the south and \nsouth-east side of that field laid out to them, which lies situated on \nthe north-west side of the Town Hill. \n\nWalter Pamer and one or two more, shortly afterwards began to \nbuild in a straight line upon their two acre lots on the east side of \nthe Town Hill, and set up a slight fence in common, that ran up to \nTho. Walford's fence, and this was the beginning of that east field.\" \n\nSome account may be expected of these founders of the town. \nRalph Sprague was a farmer and the oldest of the three brothers. \nTheir father, Edward Sprague, was a fuller of Upway, in the \nCounty of Dorset, England. Ralph Sprague was about twenty- \nfive years of age when he emigrated. In 1630, he was chosen \nconstable and made freeman, and in 1632, one of the founders of \nthe church. He was selectman several years, and representative \nnine years, — first in 1637. He was a member of the Boston \nArtillery Company 1637. In 1639, he was elected Lieutenant. \nHe died in 16-50. He was a prominent and valuable citizen, — \nactive in promoting the welfare of the town and of the colony. \nThe General Court, in 1639, granted him one hundred acres of \nland \" having borne difficulties in the beginning.\" He left four \nsons : John and Richard, born in England ; Samuel born 1631 ; \nand Phineas. Also a daughter Mary, who married Daniel \nEdmands. His widow, Joanna, married Edward Converse and \ndied about Nov. 1680. Of his sons, Richard became a prominent \ncitizen, and Samuel had a daughter who married Ebenezer Austin, \n— the ancestor of Benj. Austin of Boston and Gen. Nathl. Austin \nof this town.^ \n\n^ Genealogy of the Sprague Family. \n\n\n22 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\nRichard Sprague was a merchant, and the third son of Edward \nSprague. He was made freeman 1631, one of the founders of the \nchurch, 1632, Captain of the Charlestown Military Company, a \nmember of the Artillery Company, Boston, several years select- \nman, and a representative from 1659 to 1666. He died Nov. 25, \n166S, leaving to Harvard College thirty-one sheep and thirty lambs, \nand thirty pounds, in value, to the church of this town. His \nestate was valued at ^2357, 16s. Sd. of which one item was ,£600 \nin money. He left the greatest part of this to his widow, Mary. \nHe bequeathed to Ralph's son, Richard, a wharf and warehouse, \nand other property; and to his brother William, of Hingham, his \nsword, which, in 1S28, was in the possession of his descendants. \nHe left no children. His widow, Mary, died 1674. \n\nWilliam Sprague was the youngest of the three brothers. In \n1629, he visited Hingham, in a boat, and afterwards became one \nof its founders. His name appears repeatedly as an inhabitant of \nCharlestown until 1635. In 1636, he obtained a grant of land at \nHingham, removed there, and continued to live there, sustaining \nimportant town offices, until his death, Oct. 26, 1675. His wife's \nname was Millesaint. He had eleven children. \n\nAbraham Palmer, a merchant, was one of the prominent men \nof the colony. He signed the instructions to Gov. Endicott, May \n80, 1628. He probably came over in Higginson's fleet in 1629, \nand arrived in this town with Graves. He was freeman in 1631, \nand selectman several years, and elected six years a representative, \nfirst in 1634, the last time in 1646. His name appears on the rec- \nords in connection with the most important business. He was \nsergeant in the Pequot war, in which he is mentioned as dcing \nefficient service, being ordered with twelve men to surround a part \nof the swamp in the great fight, to prevent the Indians from escap- \ning. In 1638, he is styled Ensign Palmer, and was chosen town \nclerk, and to make a record of the possessions of the inhabitants. \nIn 1638, he was a member of the Artillery Company, and in 1642, \n\" clerk of the writs.\" He died at Barbadoes, about 1653. His \nwife's name was Grace, who died about 1660. He was, probably, \na brother to Walter Palmer. \n\nWalter Palmer is mentioned in a jury, Sept. 28, 1630, called to \nhold an inquest on the body of Austin Bratcher. It found \" that \nthe strokes given by Walter Palmer, were occasionally the means \nof the death of Austin Bratcher, and so to be manslaughter. Mr. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 23 \n\nPalmer was tried at the next Court in October, and acquitted. He \nwas freeman 1631, elected selectman in 1635, and constable in \n1636. His son Benjamin was baptized in this town in 1642. \nSoon after he removed to Rehoboth, of which he was one of the \nfounders. He there appears to have been an influential citizen. \nHe died about 1662, leaving property to his sons John, Jonas, \nWilliam, Gersham, Elihu, Nehemiah, Moses, Benjamin ; and \ndaughters Grace, Hannah, and Rebecca. He left to Jonas his \n\" lot at Seaconke,\" who resided there. His son John remained in \ntown. \n\nNicholas Stowers was freeman in 1631, and herdsman in 1633. \nHis duties were \" to drive the herd forth to their food in the main \nevery morning, and to bring them into town every evening, and \nto have fifty bushels of Indian corn for keeping the milch cows till \nIndian harvest be taken in.\" He was also to have the benefit of \nkeeping such other cattle as came into town during the summer. \nHe died May 17, 1646, leaving property to his wife Amy, to sons \nJoseph and Richard, to daughters Jane and Abigail, and daughter \nStarr. Richard Stowers, named as arriving in 1628, died July 8, \n1693. \n\nJohn Meech may have emigrated to Connecticut. Simon Hoyte \nand John Stickline, were admitted freemen 1631. \n\nThomas Walford, the smith, remained in town but two years. \nIf he held his land originally from Robert Gorges, or one of his \nagents, and reluctantly acknowledged the validity of the Massa- \nchusetts patent, it will account for the severity of the Court \ntowards him. In 1631, the following order appears upon the rec- \nords : Thomas Walford of Charlton is fined ^10, and is enjoined, \nhe and his wife, to depart out of the limits of this patent before \nthe 20th day of October next, under pain of confiscation of his \ngoods, for his contempt of authority and confronting officers.\" \nA month later, he was again fined £2, and \"paid it by killing a \nwolf\" Even after he had left the town, the government distrust- \ned him. On the 3d of September, 1633, it was ordered, \" that \nthe goods of Thomas Walford shall be sequestered and remain in \nthe hands of Ancient Gennison, to satisfy the debts he owes in the \nBay to several persons.\" \n\n\" This severity, Mr. Savage writes, must be regretted.\" He was \nthe first English inhabitant of the town. And it is not improbable. \n\n\n24 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthat to the good offices he rendered to the Indians, the Spragues and \ntheir companions were indebted for their friendly reception. \n\nWalford removed to Piscataqua, now Portsmouth. Here his \nconduct goes far to show that the severity with which he was \ntreated was undeserved, for he became a prominent and valuable \ncitizen. In 1G40, he was one of two trustees or wardens for the \nchurch property, one of the grand jury in 1G.54, and died about \n16G7. His enterprise was rewarded by a competent estate, for he \nleft property to the amount of .£1433, 35. 8d. \n\nJohn Walford, probably a son of Thomas Walford was, in \n1692, one of the council of Gov. Allen of New Hampshire. \nJane Walford, perhaps the wife of Thomas, was in 1656, present- \ned by her neighbors as a witch, and, ten or twelve years later, \nrecovered damages against one for calling her by that odious \nname.\" ^ \n\nThis little band are all that are recorded as inhabitants in 1629. \nThese had wives and children. But the \" servants of the Com- \npany of patentees,\" under the charge of Mr. Graves, — mentioned \nby Higginson as those who \" began to build at Cherton,\" — are to \nbe added to this list of early residents. Their names are not \nknown. These, until more convenient lodgings could be pre- \npared, lived in wigwams and huts.^ The work of building went \non slowly. By the succeeding June, if Roger Clapp may be cred- \nited, there was but one house in town.^ This is not improbable, \nas the infant colony experienced more than the common hardships \nof early settlements. During the following winter, provisions became \nscarce, and disease so thinned their numbers, that, by April, eighty \nhad died, and those that were alive were \" weak and sick.\" In \nthis situation they were alarmed by rumors of hostile Indians. \nThe early residents of Charlestown shared in these hardships ; \nat one time \" all hands, men, women and children \" were engaged \nin providing for self-defence. The town records contain the fol- \nlowing significant relation : \n\n\" About the months of April and May, in the year of our Lord \n\n1 Savage's Winthrop, 53. Adams's Portsmouth. I have not been able \nto locate precisely the spot of Walford 's residence. It is usually fixed oa \nthe Town Hill. But the \" westermust Hill of the East Field,\" was \nprobably, Breed's Hill. He lived on the south side of it, a short distance \nIrom the water. \n\n2 R. Clapp. He refers to the Great House, as the only habitation \nworthy of the name. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 25 \n\n1629, (1630) there was a great design of the Indians, from the \nNarragansctts, and all round about us to the eastward in all parts \nto cut otr the English, which John Sagamore (who always loved \nthe English) revealed to the inhabitants of this town ; but their \ndesign was chiefly laid against Plymouth (not regarding our pau- \ncity in the bay) to be effected under pretence of having some \nsport and pastime at Plymouth, where after some discourse with \nthe Governor there, they told him if they might not come with leave \nthey would without, upon which the sd. Governor sent their flat \nbottomed boat (which was all they had) to Salem for some powder \nand shot : At which time, it was unanimously concluded by the \ninhabitants of this town, that a small fort should be made on the \ntop of this Town Hill, with palisadoes and flankers made out, \nwhich was performed at the direction of Mr. Graves by all \nhands of men, women and children, who wrought at digging and \nbuilding, till the work was done : But that design of the Indians \nwas suddenly broke up by the report of the great guns at Salem, \nonly shot off to clear them, by which means they were so frighted, \nthat all their companies scattered and ran away, and though they \ncame flattering afterwards, and called themselves our good friends, \nyet were we constrained by their conspiracies yearly to be in \narms.\" \n\nDuring this time the work of the Gospel was not neglected. \nThe Company had instructed the three ministers they had engaged \nto come over, namely, Messrs. Higginson, Skelton and Bright, that \nin case they could not agree who should \" inhabit at Massachu- \nsetts-Bay,\" they should \" make choice of one of the three by lot,\" \nand he, on whom the lot should fall, should \" go with his family to \nperform that work.\" \n\nIn accordance with these instructions, Rev. Francis Bright, of \nRoily, Essex, \" trained up under Mr. Davenport,\" came to Charles- \ntown. The Company had engaged to give him twenty pounds \ntowards the expenses of his journey, his passage out and back, and \na salary of twenty pounds a year : Also, ten pounds for the pur- \nchase of books and a dwelling-house and land, to be used by him, \nand left to his successor in the ministry. If he remained seven \nyears he was to have one hundred acres of land for his own use.\" ^ \n\n\n1 His contract is printed in Felt's Annals of Salem, vol. i. p. 570. \n4 \n\n\n2G HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMr. Bright resided in town over a year, and is termed on the \nrecords, \" minister to the Company's servants.\" He was named \nas one of the council for the government of the colony. But he \nwas a moderate, rather than a thorough Puritan, and affection for \nthe church of England restrained him from going with his brethren \nin their increasing non-conformity. Hence, his labors would be \nlikely to grow daily more unsatisfactory to the people. He sailed \nfor England in the ship Lyon, in July, 1630. Hubbard says, that \nhe was \" a godly minister.\" On mentioning his departure, he \nquotes the character another gave him, \"that he began to hew \nstones in the mountains wherewith to build, but when he saw all \nsorts of stones would not suit in the building, as he supposed, he, \nnot unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the Lord, and went \ndown to Tarshish.\" ^ If he was an Episcopalian, he would not \nbe permitted to \" hew stones\" for the building of the new Eccle- \nsiastical temple of Congregationalism. Mather classes him with \nRev. R. Smith, a clergyman of opposite tendencies, and then buries \n\" all further mention of them among the rubbish in the foundation \nof the colony.\" - \n\nThere is no record of the gathering of a church, though it is \nnot probable that the people remained a year without the enjoyment \nof the ordinances. But this brief notice of Mr. Bright is interesting, \nas it shows, that the institutions of religion were coeval with the \nfoundation of the town. \n\nOf Thomas Graves, the distinguished engineer, there is little \nthat is authentic. He is spoken of as a person of eminent skill, and of \nextensive travel. He was named one of the council, and consulted \noften respecting the division of land. In 1029, he had a wife and five \nchildren. These circumstances indicate a person somewhat ad- \nvanced in years. \n\nThe papers in the possession of the descendants of \" Rear Ad- \nmiral Thomas Graves,\" who died in 1G53, make the two identical. \nThey state, however, that the admiral was born in 1005, which \nwould make him too young a person to be the engineer. It is \nprobable the latter soon returned to England. But he may have \nbeen connected with the family that became so prominent in the \ntown and the colony. \n\nThis year, 10-21), Mr. Graves sent to England a flattering \ndescription of the country. He writes as follows : — \n\n1 Hubbard, p. 113. 2 Magnalia, vol. i. p. 64. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 27 \n\n\"Thus much I can affirme in general!, that I never came in a \nmore goodly country in all my life, all things considered: If it \nhath not at any time been manured and husbanded, yet it is very \nbeautifull in open lands, mixed with goodly woods, and again open \nplaines, in some places five hundred acres, some places more, \nsome lesse, not much troublesome for to cleere for the plough to \ngoe in, no place barren, but on the tops of the hils ; the grasse \nand weeds grow up to a man's face, in the lowlands and by fresh \nrivers aboundance of grasse and large meddowes without any tree \nor shrubbe to hinder the sith. I never saw, except in Hungaria, \nunto which I always paralell this countrie, in all our most respects, \nfor every thing that is heare eyther sowne or planted prospereth \nfar better then in Old-England: The increase of corne is here \nfarre beyond expectation, as I have seene here by experience in \nbarly, the which because it is so much above your conception I \nwill not mention. And cattle doe prosper very well, and those \nthat are bredd here farr greater than those with you in England. \nVines doe grow here plentifully laden with the biggest grapes that \never I saw, some I have seene foure inches about, so that I am \nbold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly said in Germany of \nHungaria, that for cattel, corne, and wine it excelleth. We have \nmany more hopefull commodities here in this country, the which \ntime will teach to make good use of: In the mean time wee \nabound with such things which next under God doe make us sub- \nsist : as fish, fowle, deere, and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk- \nmillions, water-millions, Indian pompions, Indian pease, beanes, \nand many other odde fruits that I cannot name ; all which are \nmade good and pleasant through this maine blessing of God, the \nhealthfulnesse of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts that \never I have beene in : It is observed that few or none doe here \nfaJ sicke, unless of the scurvy, that they bring from aboard the \nship with them, whereof I have cured some of my companie onely \nby labour.\" ^ \n\n\n1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i. This is an extract from a letter writ- \nten by Mr. Graves in 1629. There is said to be in the British Museum \n\" A coppie of a letter from an in^ineer sent out to New England, writ- \nten to a friend in England, A. D. 1629, giving an account of his landing \nwith a small company at Salem, and thence going and making a set-^ \ntlement at Massachusetts Bay, laying the foundation of a town, to which \nthe Governour gave the nameof Charlestown, with a pleasing description \n\n\n28 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThis commendation of the country was even exceeded by Higgin- \nson. \" Experience doth manifest,\" he wrote, \" that there is hardly \na more health full place to be found in the world that agreeeth bet- \nter with our English bodyes. Many that have been weake and \nsicklie in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly \nhealed and growne healthfull strong. For here is an extroar- \ndinarie cleere and dry aire that is of a most healing nature to all \nsuch as are of a cold, melancholly, flegmatick, rheumatick temper \nof body.\" \" A sup of New England's aire is better than a whole \ndraught of Old England's ale.\" \n\nBut these accounts were by far too flattering. They raised \nexpectations in England that were doomed to sad disappointment. \nDeputy Governor Dudley, two years later, writes, that \" honest \nmen out of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote some- \nwhat hyperbolically of many things here.\" \n\nSuch were the events, such the hopes and fears, attending the \nfoundation of Charlestown. It is not difficult to imagine the ap- \npearance of the peninsula and the occupation of its inhabitants, \nduring this first year of settlement. The latter, numbering per- \nhaps a hundred souls, arrive here in one of the Company's ves- \nsels, and bring with them materials for building. They find \nThomas Walford, living \" alone,\" — that is the only Englishman \nin the place, — in his rude palisaded residence on the south side \nof Breed's Hill ; having a wife, and, probably, children ; cultiva- \nting his grounds and trading with the Indians. He receives them \nwith coldness and jealousy; but \"the gentle and good\" Sagamore, \nthe owner of the soil, gives them his \"free consent\" to commence \na settlement. Accordingly they set up huts or tents, for a tempo- \nrary shelter, about the Town Hill ; and then the accomplished \nGraves proceeds to lay out the streets and divide the ground. Soon, \nWalter Palmer and a few others, begin to fence in their lots, and \nprepare for building on the east side of Main-street, not far \nfrom Walford's \" thatched \" residence ; while the Spragues and \n\n\nof the exceedintr Pleasantness and Fruitfulness of the country, and of \nthe civility of the natives. In one sheet MS. Ex dono Rev. Alexandri \nYoung, S. T. B.\" \n\nThe author has made two ineffectual attempts to get this letter. It \nappears to contain interesting historic matter. But it is not in its place \nin the British Museum and cannot he found. It is not improbable that a \npart of this letter is quoted in the text. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 29 \n\nothers, do the same on Bow-street around the Hill. But the most \nimportant work is going on in the Square, where Mr. Graves, with \na crowd of workmen, is building the \" Great House,\" — anxious, \nthat, when the Governor comes to live in it, and the Court to sit \nin it, it may be pronounced worthy of his reputation. Such are \nthe six-days' occupations. But as each Sunday comes round, the \nechoes of the axe and the hammer cease to reverberate in the \n\" uncouth wilderness ; \" and all join with that \" godly man,\" Rev. \nFrancis Bright, in praise and prayer. At first, health blesses the \nlaborious pioneers ; their boards are crowned with plenty, and they \nrejoice in being at peace. But winter approaches, and brings \nwith it sickness and a dearth of provisions. Spring opens, \nand their faithful friend, the Sagamore, starts them from their \ndream of security, by revealing to them the \" conspiracy \" of the \nhostile tribes to cut them off. The duty of self-preservation then \nsupersedes all other duties. They all, — \" men, women and chil- \ndren,\"— repair to the Town Hill, and there work at \" digging \nand building,\" until they complete a fortification. \n\nBut the peninsula \" is full of Indians,\" who are attentive specta- \ntors of this infant colonization. With what wonder do they re- \ngard each note of preparation ! They follow the engineer as he \ngoes from point to point with his curious instruments, \" model- \ning \" the town ; and then carry tidings of the strange things they \nsee, to the Saunks of the late King Nanepashemit. She, in all her \nQueenly dignity, with the Powwow of the Tribe in her train, \ncomes down from her residence in the woods, to verify for herself \nthe wonderful reports. The \" Squa Sachem \" gazes curiously \nupon each household implement; while her son, Wonohaquaham, \nnotes each timber in the construction of the \" Great House.\" As \nhe watches these things his countenance is unmoved, and he ut- \nters only the customary \" ugh.\" But as he beholds the white \nman's stated and simple sacrifice to the Great Spirit, another feel- \ning is awakened ; until at length, Indian stoicism relents into the \nconfession, that an answering chord is touched in his own undis- \nciplined breast. Ere he dies, his spirit longs for communion with \nthe \" Englishman's God.\" ^ \n\nAnd as, at intervals of their labors, the founders of the town \n\n1 New England's First Fruits. \n\n\n30 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nsurvey the surrounding scenery, it is not strange that they kindle \ninto admiration and enthusiasm. Nature blooms in its virgin \nfreshness and magnificence. The peninsula, with its fine eminen- \nces sloping gently to the river side, is \" generally filled with stately \ntimber;\" and over it roam freely the wild tenants of the forest: \nbut it presents to the scientific observer, a site for one of the most \nbeautiful towns in the world. ^ And the prospect from its hill-tops \nis one, that, for beauty accompanied with variety, is seldom equal- \nled. If the eye turns towards the sea, the harbor ^ reflects like a \nmirror from its polished surface, the emerald isles that gem its \nbosom: 3 if toward the land, the hills all around, crowned with \nforests, form a natural amphitheatre of unsurpassed loveliness. \nBut the only traces to be seen of man are the fortified abode of \nMaverick on the neighboring island, the cottage of Blackstone by \nthe hills of Shawmut, the smoke from the wigwams of the natives, \nand their birch canoes gliding over the waters. How changed has \nbecome the scene from these summits ! The same sky spreads \nover them ; the same waters flow below them ; there is the same \nsplendid amphitheatre. But now the works of man mingle with the \nvesture of nature. Immediately about them are the hum of in- \ndustry, and the dwellings, school-towers, and churches, of a free \npopulation. Where there was the solitary residence of Maverick, \nthere is a thriving city. Tri-mountain is a forest of human \nabodes, and far-famed for its triumphs of art, and commerce, and \nfreedom ; and, nestling among the surrounding hills, are the \nhalls of learning, the asylums of benevolence, and circles of \nflourishing towns, with their altar-spires pointing towards Heaven. \nThe old trails of the savage are crossed by the iron paths of the \nsteam car. In place of his frail skiffs dancing upon the waves, \nthere are sails from every clime moving among the islands, \nand among them, the giant forms of our National war-ships, \nriding in their splendid repose ; while, on the Mount of \nSacrifice, sublimely rising \" over the land and over the sea,\" \n\n\n1 Dwight's Travels, vol. i. p. 46G. \n\n2 Hubbard, p. 17, writes that Charles River, \" affords as gallant an \nharbor near tlie mouth of it, as any river of that bigness iu all Christeu- \ndom.\" \n\n3 A. H. Everett. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 31 \n\nstands the solemn monumental pile, speaking continually of \n\nCOURAGE, PATRIOTISM, and LIBERTY. \n\n\nCHAPTER YI. \n\nThe Indians; their connection with the town. — The Massachusetts.— \nThe Pawtackets. ^ Wood's Description. — The Tarratines. — Nan- \nepashemit. — Squa Sachem. — Webcowit. — Wonohaquaham. \n\nThe Spragues found Mishawum^ full of Indians who were \ncalled Aberginians.2 Their chief gave them his free consent to \nsettle in the peninsula. To follow this friendly reception, there \nare none other than friendly relations to detail between the early \ninhabitants and the fading red man. The former took care to \nsatisfy the original owners of the soil before they divided the land ; \nif injury was done, by a reckless citizen, to their corn, or swine, or \nproperty, the law ordered prompt restitution; no Indian was \nallowed to be held in bondage, and their old fishing-places were \nrespected. The inhabitants, on their stated training days, mus- \ntered about their wigwams. Though thus intimately connected. \n\n\n1 The records name a spring in the peninsula that was overflowed by \nthe tide, which became so brackish that the prevalent mortality was \nascribed to its use ; and that the inhabitants, in 1630, were informed by \nBlackstone that there was plenty of water at Boston. After analyzing a \na few Indian names for springs, and remarking upon the customs of the \nnatives in relation to them, a writer in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., (vol. xx. \np. 173,) comes to the conclusion, that Mishawumut (meaning the Indian \nname of Charlestown) ''meant \"a large spring:\" and that Shaw- \nmut, (the Indian mime of Boston,) meant, \" fountains of living waters.\" \nHe says: \"The result seems almost conclusive, that when the spring \nat Mishawumut (Mishawum) '' a great spring,\" was overflowed by the \ntide, the aborigines were probably in the daily habit of crossing over in \ntheir canoes to the opposite peninsula to procure fresh water, where springs \nwere excellent and abundant. Hence the name Shawmut, \" fountains of \nhving water.\" Tradition and the town records, — \" west side of the \nnorth-west field,\" — locates this \" large spring,\" not far from the site \nof the Winthrop Church, on the shore to the south of the State Prison. \n\n2 \" Abergenymen,\" a name given by the Enghsh to the natives. — \nRoger Williams Key. \n\n\n32 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthere is no tale of blood to rehearse, of encounters between the \ncitizens and the natives. The \"gentle\" chief died in peace: the \nwidow of their late King, Nanepashemit, \" old and blind,\" proba- \nbly here ended her days. A few pages of this work may surely* be \nproperly devoted to a remembrance of the first occupiers of the soil. \n\nA few years previous to the settlement of the country, the In- \ndians in this region were exceedingly numerous. Smith (1G14) \nsaw on the sea-coasts, \"great troops of well-proportioned people,\" \nand \" salvage gardens ; \" and estimates the number inhabiting the \nislands of \" the Massachusetts,\" at three thousand.^ The mouth \nof Charles River was their general place of rendezvous. But \nwars among themselves and disease, so reduced their numbers, that \nat the time of the colonization of Massachusetts, they presented \nbut the shadow of their former greatness. \n\nThe two nations that governed the circle of territory around \nBoston harbor, and running back into the interior, were the Paw- \ntuckets, and the Massachusetts. The latter \"were a numer- \nous and great people.\" Their chief Sachem was, Chikataubut. \nHis dominion was bounded on the north and west by Charles \nRiver, and on the south, extended to Weymouth and Canton.\" ^ \nIt included Shawmut, whose Sachem's name was Obbatinua. \nPrevious to the terrible mortality of about IG13, this tribe could \nbring into the field three thousand warriors. At the time of the \nsettlement its mumbers were inconsiderable. \n\nThe Pawtuckets had a dominion extending north and east of \nCharles River ; \" and they had under them several other smaller \nSagamores, as the Pennakooks, (Concord Indians,) Agawomes, \n(at Ipswich) Naamkeeks, (at Salem) Pascatawayes, Accomintas \n(York) and others.\"-^ It extended as far east as Piscataqua, and \nnorth, as far as Concord on the Merrimack.\"* It included Misha- \nwum. They were also a great nation, and could boast of their \nthree thousand warriors ; but they were almost destroyed by the \ngreat sickness of about 161G. They generally lived in peace with \nthe Massachusetts tribe. ^ In 1G21, the Boston Sachem, Obbatinua, \nwas at enmity with the Squa Sachem of the Massachusetts tribe.^ \n\n1 Smith in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxvi. p. 119. \n\n2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn, p. 45. \n\n3 Gookin, Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 149. \n\n'* Lewis. ^ Gookin. •* Young's Chronicles, p. 225. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 33 \n\nWood, in his chapter \"On the Aberginians,\" has furnished the fol- \nlowing description of this people : it may, perhaps, answer equally \nas well for the Indians of Canada or of Florida, so similar have \nbeen found their characteristics : ^ \n\n\" First of their stature, most of them being between five and \nsix foot high, straight bodied, strongly composed, smooth skinned, \nmerry countenanced, of complexion somewhat more swarthy than \nSpaniards, black haired, high foreheaded, black eyed, out-nosed, \nbroad shouldered, brawny armed, long and slender handed, out- \nbreasted, small waisted, lank belleed, well thighed, flat kneed, \nhandsome grown legs, and small feet : In a word, take them when \nthe blood brisks in their veins, when the flesh is on their backs, \nand marrow in their bones, when they frolick in their antique de- \nportments and Indian postures ; and they are more amiable to \nbehold (though only in Adam's livery) than many a compounded \nphantastic in the newest fashion. It may puzzle belief, to con- \nceive how such lusty bodies should have their rise and daily sup- \nportment from so slender a fostering ; their houses being mean, \ntheir lodging as homely, commons scant, their drink water, and \nnature their best clothing.\" ~ \n\nThe dreaded enemy of these tribes, was the tribe of Tarra- \ntines, who lived on the bay and waters of the Penobscot. They \nwere more \" brave, wise, lofty-spirited and industrious than many \nothers,\" and on terms of intimate intercourse with the French.\"' \nThey were a \" hardy and warlike people,\" writes Gorges.^ Their \ngreat sachem was Nultonanit.^ In 1621, when the Plymouth \nmen visited the Massachusetts* tribes, the latter dared not \" to \nlodge a second night in the same place, for fear of them,^ and \nafter the settlement of the country, they would fly to the houses of \nthe English for a shelter from their fury; for the Tarratincs were \naccustomed yearly, at harvest, to come down in their canoes, and \nreap their fields, and carry away their corn, and destroy their \npeople.\"^ It was this warlike tribe that (1631, Aug. 8) in their \n\n\n1 Bancroft, vol. iii. p. 3. 2 ]Vf. £, Prospect, p. 54. \n\n3 Williamson's Maine, vol. i. p. 215. \n\n4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxvi. p. 91. \n\n5 Lewis's Lynn. \n\n6 Drake, Hist. Indians, b. ii. chap. 3. \"^ Planter's Plea. \n\n\n34 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ncanoes, one hundred strong, at night attacked Sagamores John \nand James, wounded them and others, and killed seven men.^ \n\nThe great Sachem of the Pawtuckets was Nanepashemit, or \nthe New Moon. He lived at Lynn until the war with the Tarra- \ntines in 1G15. His dominion, at one time, extended to the Piscat- \naqua River to the east, and to Concord on the Merrimack ; while \nthe Nipmucks, as fiir as Pocontocook, now Deerfield, acknowl- \nedged his authority. He removed to the banks of Mystic Riv- \ner, after 1G15, where he was killed in 1619.2 When the Pil- \ngrims of Plymouth visited Boston harbor, they heard of the fame \nof this chieftain and saw his grave. Winslow gives the following \naccount of his residence and burial place (Sept. 21, 1G'21). \"On \nthe morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched in \narms up in the country. Having gone three miles, we came to a \nplace where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, \nand the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemit, their \nking, in his lifetime, had lived. His house was not like others, \nbut a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six \nfoot from the ground, and the house upon that, being situated on \nthe top of a hill. Not far from hence in a bottom, we came to a \nfort, built by their deceased king; the manner thus. There were \npoles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the ground, as thick \nas they could be set one by another ; and with them they enclosed \na ring some forty or fifty feet over ; a trench, breast high, was \ndigged on each side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. \nIn the midst of this palisado, stood the frame of a house, wherein \nbeing dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came \nto such another, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepash- \nemit was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his \ndeath.\" 3 \n\nThis sachem left a widow and four children. Their names are, \n1. Wonohaquaham, Sagamore John, of Mystic. 2. Moutowam- \npate, Sagamore James, of Lynn, who died in IGT3. 3. Wenepoy- \nken, Sagamore George, of Salem, who, after the death of his bro- \n\n\n1 Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 59. \n\n2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn ; Smith ; Hubhanl. \n\n3 Young's Chronicles, p. 229. Shattuck, Hist. Concord, p. 2, locates \nhis principal place of residence in Medford, near Mystic Pond. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 35 \n\nthers and his mother, became Sachem of the Pavvtuckets. He died \nin 1G84. 4. A daughter, Yawata.^ \n\nThe Saunks, or queen of Nanepashemit, Squa Sachem, con- \ntinued the government. In 1621, she was at enmity with the Sa- \nchem of Boston, and this year the latter made it one of the condi- \ntions of submission to the English, that they would grant them \nprotection against her. \n\nPrevious to 1635, she married Webcowit, the physician of the \ntribe — \" its powow, priest, witch, sorcerer, or chirurgeon.\" She \ncontinued to be the Q,ueen, and the Powow became King in right \nof his wife.- \" It does not appear that he was much respected or \nthought of\" 3 The apostle Elliot, in his \" Clear Sunshine of the \nGospel,\" gives the following account of some of the questions he \nasked, when the English were endeavoring to convert the Indians. \nThis \" old Powow's \" question was \" to this purpose : \" \" Seeing \nthe English had been twenty-seven years (some of them) in this \nland, why did we never teach them to know God till now 1 Had \nyou done it sooner,\" said he, \" we might have known much of \nGod, by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but \nnow, some of us are grown old in sin, &c.\" ^ \n\nIn 1G37, the Squa Sachem, with Webcowit, deeded a large \ntract of land in Musketaquid, (Concord) — one of the principal \nvillages of the Indians, — to the English. On this occasion, \n\" Wibbacowitt,\" in particular, received a suit of cotton cloth, a \nhat, a white linen band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat, as a \npart of the consideration. In 1G39, the same Indian deeded to \nCharlestown the tract of land now part of Somerville ; also, ano- \nther tract, to Jotham Gibbons, of Boston. At this time she styled \n\n\n1 Lewis's Hist. Lynn. Shattuck says, p. 2, the king left five children. \n\n~ The Powow is next the King, or Sachem, and commonly, when he \ndies, the Powow marries the Squa Sachem, that is, the Queen. — Letch- \nford. Morton, however libellous on the Colonists, is thought to have giv- \nen a good account of the Indians. Having staled their easy life, he con- \ncludes as follows. \" They may be accounted to live richly, wanting no- \nthing that IS needful ; and to be commended for leading a contented life, \nthe younger being ruled by the elder, and the elder ruled by the Powahs, \nand the Powahs are ruled by the Devill, and then you may imagine what \ngood rule is like to be amongst them.\" — New English Canaan. \n\n3 Drake. ^ Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiv. p. 55. \n\n5 Shattuck's Concord. \n\n\n36 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nherself \" Squa Sachem of Mistick.\" In the deed to Charlestown, \nthe Squa Sachem reserves to her use her old fishing-places and \nhunting grounds, until her death. ^ \n\nIn 1644, the Squa Sachem, and other Sachems, submitted them- \nselves to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. They promise to be \ntrue and faithful to the government, to give \" speedy notice \" \nof any conspiracy, attempt, or cruel intention, they may hear of \nagainst it, and to be willing to \" be instructed in the knowledge \nof God.\" In relation to this, Winthrop writes, that \"we causing \nthem to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of \nGod, and they freely assenting to all, they were solemnly received, \nand then presented the court with twenty-six fathom more of wam- \npum ; and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards of \ncloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every one \nof them, a cup of sack at their departure.\" They went away \n\" very joyful.\" Having become old and blind, the Squa Sachem \nis supposed to have died in 1667.'-^ \n\nThe only other sachem, whose history is immediately connect- \ned with Charlestown, is Wonoiiaquaham, who lived at Mystic, \n\" upon a creek which meets with the mouth of Charles Riv- \ner.\" ^ This was the Sagamore John, characterized in the Re- \n\n\n1 From the description in the deed, the Town Records, and tradition, \nit is probable that one of the residences of the Squa Sachem was near \n\" Gardner's Row,\" now part of West Cambridge. \n\n~ Lewis's Hist. Lynn, p. 47. The following- document, however, shows \nthat the Squa Sachem died previous to this year. It is copied from tlie \nRegistry of Deeds, Middlesex, vol. ii. \n\n\" Mr. Francis Norton and Nicholas Davison, do in the name of the in- \nhabitants of Charlestown, lay claim to the tract of land, reserved to Squa \nSachem during her life-time, and which is at present possessed and im- \nproved by Thomas Gleison of Charlestown, this land bounded on the east \nby Mistick Pond, on the west by Cambridge Common, on the south by \nthe land of Mr. Cooke, on the north formerly in the possession of Mr. \nIncrease No well. \n\nTills demand and claim was made in the person of John Fenncll, \nand Mr. Wm. Sims, the 25th of March, 1062, at the house of Thomas \nGleison. \n\nEntered 29th Morch, 1GG2, by T, Danfokth. John Fennell, \n\nSigned, Wm. Simmes. \n\n3 Hutchinson, vol. i. pp. 408. 410. Drake, b. ii. chap. 3, says, how- \never, tliat he lived :il Runuioy Marsh, (Chelsea). Rev. John Hig- \nginson's deposition sustains Hutchinson. He lived, probably, at both \nplaces. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 37 \n\ncords as of \" gentle and good disposition,\" who always \" loved \nthe English, and gave them permission to settle here, and who re- \nvealed to them the conspiracy of 1630.\" His limits included \nWinisemit. Dudley describes him as \"young, handsome,\" \" con- \nversant with us, affecting English apparrell and houses, and speak- \ning well of our God.\" But he did not command more than thirty \nor forty warriors. \n\nIn 1(J31, a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall burnt two of his \nwigwams. Dudley gives the following relation of this event. \n\n\"Before the depparture of the shipp (w'ch yet was wind bound) \nthere came vnto vs Sagamore John and one of his subiects require- \ninge sattisfaction for the burning of two wigwams by some of the \nEnglish which wigwams were not inhabitted but stood in a place \nconvenient for their shelter, when vppon occasion they should trav- \naile that wayes. By examination wee found that some English \nfowlers haueing retired into that which belonged to the subiect \nand leauing a fire therein carelessly which they had kindled to \nwarm them were the cause of burninge thereof; ffor that which \nwas the Sagamores wee could find noe certaine proofe how it was \nfired, yet least hee should thinke vs not scediilous enough to find \nit out and soo should depart discontentedly from vs, wee gave both \nhim and his subiects sattisfaction for them both.\" \n\nSir Richard was ordered to make satisfaction, \" which he did \nby seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at the end \nof his time, fifty shillings sterling.\" \n\nIn 1631, he was at Agawam, (Ipswich,) on a visit, when the \nTarratines made their fierce attack on Mascononomo, when he \nwas wounded. In 1632, with thirty of his men, he went with \nChikataubut to aid Canonicus, chief of the Narragansetts, in a war \nagainst the Pequots. He died in 1632, at Winisemit, of the small \npox. \n\nIn New England's First Fruits, there is the following interest- \ning detail of his last hours : \n\n\" Sagamore John, prince of Massaquesers, was from our very \nfirst landing more corteous, ingenious, and to the English more \nloving than others of them ; he desired to learne and speake our \nlanguage, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparrell, \nand began to hearken after our God, and his wayes, and would \nmuch commend English men, and their God, saying (much good \n\n\n38 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nmen, much good God), and being convinced that our condition \nand wayes were better farre then theirs, did resolve and promise \nto leave the Indians, and come live with us ; but yet kept down \nby feare of the scoffes of the Indians, had not power to make good \nhis purpose : yet went on not without some trouble of mind, and \nsecret plucks of conscience, as the sequel declares; for being \nstruck with death, fearfully cryed out of himselfe that he had not \ncome to live with us, to have knowne our God better : ' But now, \n(said he) I must die, the God of the English is much angry with \nme, and will destroy me ; ah, I was afraid of the scoffes of the \nwicked Indians; yet my child shall live with the English, and \nlearne to know their God when I am dead ; ile give him to Mr. \nWilson, he is a much good man, and much loved me : ' so sent \nfor Mr. Wilson to come to him, and committed his onely child to \nhis care, and so died.\" ^ \n\nHe left by will, all his wampum and coats to his mother, and \nhis land about Powder-Horn Hill, to his son, and in case of his \ndecease, to his brother George.^ \n\n\nCHAPTER VII. \n\n1630 to 1631. — Objects of the Puritans. — The Winthrop Emifjration. \n— Roger Clap's visit. — Arrival of Winthrop. — Situation of the Col- \nony. — Deaths. — Samuel Fuller's Letter. — Fortitude of the Suffer- \ners. — Removal. — Settlements. — Reflections. \n\nWhile the inhabitants were struggling through the winter, the \nMassachusetts Company ^ were making preparations to add largely \n\n\n1 Hubbard, p. 651, adds, \" Whether the child answered the father's \ndesire or no, is not known, but the contrary feared.\" \n\n2 Felt's Annals of Salem, p. 17. \n\n3 In the Massachusetts Archives, Lands, p. 1., there is a document \nwhich asserts that Sir William Brercton also sent over several families. \nIt gives the history of his title as follows : — \" Sir William lircrcton dies \nleaving Thomas, his only son, afterwards Sir Thomas, and Susanna his \ndaughter. Sir Thomas dies without issue. Susanna marries Edmund \nLenthall, Esq., and dies leaving Mary, her only daughter and heir. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 39 \n\nto tlieir number. The resolution had been taken, by Winthrop \nand his associates, to transform themselves, by the bold step of \ncarrying the charter with them, from a Commercial Corporation \ninto a Provincial Government. The causes that led to this result \nwill be found in the general histories : the motives that actuated \nthe multitude that were about to people this then \" terrible wilder- \nness,\" are, perhaps, well and concisely stated by contemporary \nwriters, \"Necessitie,\" says one of them, \"may presse some; \nnoveltie draw on others ; hopes of gaine in time to come, may pre- \nvail with a third sort : but that the most sincere and godly part \nhave the advancement of the Gospel for their maine scope, I am \ncofident.\"2 \" The propagation of the Gospel,\" — the Company \nwrite, 1629, — \" is the thing we do profess above all to be our aim \nin settling this plantation.\" 3 But though the spread of the Gospel, \nin the stern form of Puritanism, became the main aim of the col- \nonists, yet both their eulogists and their denunciators admit, that \nthey also looked, both here and in England, to a higher political \nliberty. \" These men,\" said Laud, \" do but begin with the \nChurch, that they might after have the freer access to the State.\" \n\nThe first vessel of the fleet that carried over those who emigra- \nted with Winthrop, arrived at Nantasket on the 30th of May, \n1630. Roger Clap, was in this ship, — the Mary & John, — and \ngives the following account of his visit to this town : — \n\n\" When we came to Nantasket, Capt. Squch, who was Captain \nof that great ship o{ Four Hundred Tons, would not bring us into \nCharles River, as he was bound to do; but put us ashore and our \nGoods on Nantasket Point, and left us to shift for ourselves in a \nforlorn place in this Wilderness. But as it pleased God, we got a \nboat of some old Planters, and laded her with Goods ; and some \nable men well Armed went in her unto Charlestoivn : where we \n\n\nMary is married to Mr. Levett, of the Inner Temple, who claims the said \nlands in right of Mary his wife, who is heir to Sir William Brereton and \nSir Thomas Brereton. \n\n\" Sir William Brereton sent over several families and servants, who \npossessed and improved several large tracts of the said land, and made \nseveral leases as appears by the said deeds.\" \n\nBrereton sided with the Parliament in its contest whh Charles I, and \nled its troops at the siege of Chester, in 1G44. In the History of Chester, \nmay be found his summons to this city to surrender, with an account of \nthe siege. \n\n1 Planter's Plea, written in 1630, p. 36. 2 Letter, April 17. \n\n\n40 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nfound soinc Wigwams and one House, and in the House there was \na Man which had a boiled Bass, but no Bread that we see ; but \nwe did eat of his Bass, and then went up Charles River, until the \nRiver grew narrow and shallow, and there we landed our Goods \nwith much Labor and Toil, the Bank being steep. And Night \ncoming on, we were informed that there were hard by us Three \nHundred Indians ! One English 3Iun that could speak the In- \ndian Language, (an old planter,) went to them and advised them \nnot to come near us in the night ! And they hearkened to his \ncounsel, and came not. I myself was one of the Centinels that \nfirst night : Our captain was a Low Country Souldier, one Mr. \nSouthcot, a brave Souldier. Li the Morning some of the Indians \ncame and stood at a distance off, looking at us, but came not near \nus : but when they had been a while in view, some of them came \nand held out a great Bass towards us; so we sent a man with a \nBisket, and changed the cake for the Bass. Afterwards they sup- \nplyed us with Bass exchanging a Bass for a Bisket-Cake, and were \nvery friendly unto us.\" \n\nOn the 12th of June, the ship in which Winthrop embarked, \narrived at Salem; on the 17th he sailed, in a boat, up Mystic \nRiver ; on the 18th he stopped at Maverick's Fort ^ on Noddle's \nIsland ; on the next day he returned to Salem, and reported favor- \nably for building at \" Charlton.\" On the 1st of July he had ar- \nrived here, and during this month, the greater part of the fleet ar- \nrived safely into port. \n\n\n1 By tills time, Samuel Maverick \" had built a small fort with the help \nof Mr. David Thomson,\" Johnson, b. i. chap. 17, who was the first \noccupant of Thompson's Island in the harbor, where the Farm School \nis. Hon. James Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 27, concludes, from the \nlanguage of this writer, that Maverick came either in 1G28 or 1629. \nJossclyn, 1638, praises him for his hospitality, pronouncing him \"the \nonly hospitable m:.n in all the country, — giving entertainment to all com- \ners gratis,\" Voyages in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiii., wiiile Johnson \nsets him down \" as an enemy to the reformation in hand, being strongly \nfor the Prehitical power.\" However the latter might be, the General \nCourt granted to him Noddle's Island. But he was obliged to pay \" to \nthe governor for the time l)emg \" \" either a fat weather, a fat hog, or \nXTO in money.\" The Court also reserved to this town and Boston, the \nright \" to fetch wood continually, as their need requires, from the south- \nern part of said Island.\" \" Winisemet Ferry, both to Charlestown and \nBoston, was also granted to him forever.\" — Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. \np. 27. Oldmixon, 1741, says that \"Nettles\" Island, \" within these \nfew years was esteemed worth 2 or 300/. to the owner, Col. Shrimp- \nton,\" vol. i. p. 194. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 41 \n\nThe condition in which Winthrop found the Colony, was sad \nand unexpected. Smith thus describes it. \" They found three- \nscore of their people dead, the rest sick, nothing done, but all com- \nplaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now \nevery monstrous humor began to show itself.\" ^ \"All the corn \nand bread amongst them all hardly sufficed to feed them a fort- \nnight.\" \" But bearing these things as they might,\" ^ some began \nto look about them for places of settlement, while the multitude \nset up \" cottages, booths and tents,\" about the Town Hill. The \nRecords give the history of this arrival as follows : — \n\n\" In the months of June and July, 1620, (1630,) arrived at this \ntown John Winthrop, Esq., Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, \nKnt., Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowell, Mr. \nPinchon, Mr. Broadstreete, who brought along with them the \nCharter, or patent, for this jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay, \nwith whom also arrived Mr. John Wilson, and Mr. Phillips, Min- \nisters, and a multitude of people, amounting to about fifteen hun- \ndred, brought over from England in twelve ships. The governor \nand several of the Patentees dwelt in the Great House, which was \nlast year built in this town by Mr. Graves, and the rest of their \nservants. \n\n\" The multitude set up cottages, booths and tents, about the \nTown Hill. They had long passage ; some of the ships were \nseventeen, some eighteen weeks a coming; many people arrived \nsick of the scurvy, which also increased much after their arrival \nfor want of houses, and by reason of wet lodgings in their cot- \ntages; and oth'er distempers also prevailed. And although peo- \nple were generally very loving and pitiful, yet the sickness did \nso prevail, that the whole were not able to tend the sick as they \nshould be tended ; upon which many perished and died, and were \nburied about the Town Hill. \n\n\" By which means provisions were exceedingly wasted, and no \nsupplies could now be expected by planting; besides, there was \nmiserable damage and spoil of provisions by sea, and divers came \nnot so well provided as they would, upon a report whilst they were \nin England, that now there was enough in New England. And \n\n\ni Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiii. p. 40. 2 Dudley's Letter. \n\n6 \n\n\n42 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nunto all this, there were [some, imprudently selling much of the \nremainder] ^ to the Indians, for beaver. All which being taken \ninto consideration by the governor and gentlemen, they hired and \ndispatched away Mr. William Pearce, with his ship, of about two \nhundred tons, for Ireland, to buy more, and in the mean time went \non with their work for settling. In order to which they, with Mr. \nJohn Wilson, one of the ministers, did gather a church, and chose \nthe said Mr. Wilson pastor, — the greatest number all this time \nintending nothing more than settling in this Town, for which the \ngovernor ordered his house to be cut and framed here. \n\n\"But the weather being hot, many sick and others faint after \ntheir long voyage, people grew discontented for want of water ; \nwho generally notioned no water good for a town but running \nsprings ; ^ and though this neck do abound with good water, yet for \nwant of experience and industry none could then be found, to suit \nthe humour of that time, but a brackish spring in the sands, by \nthe water side on the west side of the northwest field, which could \nnot supply half the necessities of that multitude. At which time \nthe death of so many was concluded to be much the more occa- \nsioned by this want of good water.\" \n\nOne witness writes, that \" many died weekly, yea, almost \ndaily;\" 3 another says that, \" almost in every family lamentation, \nmourning, and woe were heard, and no fresh food to cherish \nthem.\" ^ There were, among the deaths, some of the most hon- \nored and excellent of the Colonists. Rev. Francis Higginson was \none of the victims. Early in August, the Lady Arbella, ^ wife of \n\n\n1 The words in brackets are supplied from Prince, p. 313, — the man- \nuscript being illegible. \n\n2 This \"notion\" respecting running springs operated, at one time, \nunfavorably for Roxbury. On the 6th of Dec., 1630, the governor and \nmost of the assistants, and others, met there and agreed to bnild a town. \nAnd a committee was appointed to make the necessary arrangements. \nBut when this committee met at Roxbury eight days later, it was con- \ncluded not to bnild a town there, and one reason that weighed against the \nplace was, \" There was no running water ; and if there were any sprmgs, \nthey would not suffice the Town.\" — Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 38. \n\n3 Johnson. '' Dudley. \n\n5 \" The Lady Arrabella, and some other godly women, abode at Salem, \nhut their husbands continued at Charlcstown, both for the civil govern- \nment and gathering of another church.\" — Wonder-working Providence. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 43 \n\nIsaac Johnson, died, leaving an envied name ; and during this \nmonth, Mrs. Pynchon, Mrs. Coddington, Mrs, Phillips, and Mrs. \nAlcock. On the 20th of September, William Gager died, \" a \nright godly man, a skilful chyrurgeon,\" who had been chosen \ndeacon ; and on the 30th, Isaac Johnson, the wealthiest of the \ncompany, and a warm friend of the Colony, followed his deceased \npartner. He died in Christian peace and resignation; declaring \nhis life better spent in promoting this plantation than it would \nhave been in any other way. On the 23d of October, Mr. Ros- \nsiter died, another highly esteemed associate, and one of the as- \nsistants. \n\nAmong those present at this gloomy period, was Samuel Fuller, \none of the fathers of Plymouth, and an eminent surgeon. He re- \nmained several weeks, sympathizing with the sufferers, but unable \nto supply requisite medicines. On the 2d of August, he writes \nto Gov. Bradford of Plymouth : \" The sad news here is that \nmany are sick and many are dead ; the Lord in mercy look upon \nthem I Some are here entered into church covenant, the first was \nfour, namely, the Governor, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, \nMr. Dudley, and Mr, Wilson ; since that five more are joined \nunto them, and others it is like will add themselves to them daily. \nThe Lord increase them both in number and holiness, for his \nmercy's sake. I here but lose time and long to be at home : I \ncan do them no good, for I want drugs and things fitted to work \nwith.\" 1 \n\n\" It was admirable to see with what Christian courage many car- \nried it amidst these calamities.\" ^ It was chiefly Winthrop's calm \ndecision that sustained the courage of his associates. ^ In the midst \nof the suffering, he wrote to Mr. Johnson, at Salem, \" representing \nthe hand of God upon them in the prevailing sickness,\" and ap- \npointing July 30, a day of fasting and prayer. On the 9th of \nSept. he wrote to his wife, then in England, in the following lan- \nguage : \" I praise the good Lord, though we see much mortality, \nsickness, and trouble, yet (such is his mercy) myself and children, \nwith most of my family, are yet living and in health, and enjoy \nprosperity enough, if the afflictions of our brethren did not hold \nunder the comfort of it. * * * I thank God, I like so well to \n\n1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 76. 2 Johnson. 3 Bancroft. \n\n\n44 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nbe here, as I do not repent my coming ; and if I were to come \nagain, I would not have altered my course, though I had foreseen \nall these afflictions. I never fared better in my life, never slept \nbetter, never had more content of mind.\" ^ \n\nImmediately upon the arrival of the colonists, differences arose \nrespecting places of settlement; for Salem, where they landed, \n\" pleased them not.\" Several were sent \" to the Bay,\" — Boston \nharbor, — \" to search up the rivers for a convenient place.\" \nOn receiving their reports, — some being in favor of Mystic, some \nof\" Charlton,\" some of a place \"three leagues up Charles River,\" \n— the goods were \" unshipped into other vessels, and with much \ncost and labor, brought in July \" to this town. But after this, \nthey \" received advertisements by some of the late arrived ships \nfrom London and Amsterdam, of some French preparations \" \nagainst them. They changed their original intention of establishing \nthemselves in one town, and for their \"present shelter,\" resolved \nto \"plant dispersedly.\" - \"This dispersion,\" Governor Dudley \nwrites, \" troubled some of us, but help it we could not, wanting \nability to remove to any place fit to build a Towne upon, and the \ntime too short to deliberate any longer lest the winter should sur- \nprise us before we had builded our houses. The best council we \ncould find out was to build a fort to retire to, in some convenient \nplace, if any enemy pressed thereunto, after we should have for- \ntified ourselves agiinst the injuries of wet and cold.\" The Town \nRecords assign the want of water as the chief reason why the great \nbody of those who had remained here through the months of July \nand August, determined to remove to Shavvmut and other places. \nImmediately after the paragraph already printed, these Records \nfurnish the following history of the \" dispersion : \" — \n\n\" This caused several to go abroad upon discovery ; some went \nwithout the neck of this town, who travelled up into the main till \nthey came to a place well watered, whither Sir Richard Saltonstall, \n\n\n1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. 377. \n\n2 Dudley's Letter. As it was written March 12, 1631, it takes pre- \ncedent of the Town Records, where the two authorities dilier. It was \nwritten at Boston. Tlu; iiullior says, \" liaveing' yet no table, nor other \nroom to write in, than by the fireside upon my knee, in tliis yharpe win- \nter; to which my fanaily must have leave to resorte, though tliey break \ngood manners, and make mee many times forget what I would say, and \nsay what 1 would not.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 45 \n\nKnt., and Mr. Phillips, minister, went with several others and set- \ntled a plantation, and called it Wattertowne. \n\n\" Others went on the other side of Charles River, and there \ntravelled up into the country, and likewise finding good waters, \nsettled there with Mr. Ludlow, and called the plantation Dorches- \nter, whither went Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham, who were their \nministers. \n\n\" In the meantime, Mr. Blackstone,i dwelling on the other side \nof Charles River, alone, at a place by the Indians called Shawmutt, \n\n\n1 William Blackstone was the eccentric Episcopal clergyman and the \nfirst Enuflish occupant of Boston. He was at Shawmut when Charles- \ntown was founded : How long had he been there? He had a cottage : \nWho built it ? He claimed the whole peninsula, and the inhabitants ac- \nknowledged his right to it by buying it of him. On what was his claim \nfounded ? \n\nLetchford says, Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. xxxiii. p. 97, he \" went \nfrom Boston, having lived there nine or ten years.\" If ten years, it \nwould bring his arrival to about 1625. Hopkins, Hist. Rehoboth, p. 3, \nwho published mnety years after Blackstone's death, says he had been at \nBoston \" so long as to have raised apple trees and planted an orchard,\" \nwhen the Mass. Colony came. Mr. Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 45, con- \ncludes that he had occupied the peninsula seveial years before 1628. \nThese authorities unite in establishing the time as far back as 1625, — pos- \nsibly a year earlier. \n\nIt was about this time, or in 1624, that Robert Gorges left his interests \nhere \" to the charge and custody of his servants and certain other under- \ntakers and tenants.\" — Hazard, vol. i. p. 191. Four years later, 1628, \nthe inh eritor of these interests, John Gorges, authorized Blackslone, \nHazard, vol. i. p. 268, to give Oldhain the possession of the land which \nhad been leased to him. Does not this show that Blackstone was connect- \ned with this patent ? Is not the inference a just one, that he was one of \nthe \" undertakers \" alluded to above ? And if so, that he came over with \nGorges and occupied under a grant from him ? \n\nMather, Magnalia, vol. i. p. 226, and Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 26, say that \nBlackstone claimed the whole peninsula upon which Boston is built, be- \ncause \" he was the first that slept upon it.\" See also. Snow's Hist. p. \n52. Perhaps Walford might have advanced such a claim in relation to \nCharlestown, when he \" confronted the magistrates.\" Such claims could \nnot be allowed : for however prodigal or avaricious the Plymouth Council \nmight have been in selling patents, \" all the right of soil which the gov- \nernment at home could give, was, by the charter, given to the \" Massa- \nchusetts Company.\" (Savage). But it may be asked ; why should our \nancestors have expelled Walford and bought out Blackstone ? Perhaps \nbecause of the friendly offices of the latter during the suffering of 1630. \n\nThere is a tradition, current in the neighborhood where this eccentric \nindividual last resided, that the Company were disposed at first to deprive \nhim of his land, and that he made a characteristic and spirited resist- \nance. — Hist. Rehoboth, p. 3. The early writers say, that he told the \nPuritans that \" became from England because he did not hke the Lord's \n\n\n46 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwhere he only had a cottage at, or not far off, the place called \nBlackstone's Point, he came and acquainted the governor of an \nexcellent spring there, withal inviting him and soliciting him thither. \nWhereupon, after the death of Mr. Johnson and divers others, the \ngovernor, with Mr. Wilson and the greatest part of the church \nremoved thither : whither also the frame of the governor's house, \nin preparation at this town, was (also to the discontent^ of some) \ncarried when people began to build their houses against winter, \nand this place was called Boston. \n\n\" After these things, Mr. Pinchon and several others, planted be- \ntwixt Boston and Dorchester, which place was called Roxbury. \n\n\" Now, after all this, the Indians' treachery being feared, it was \njudged meet the English should place their towns as near together \nas could be, for which end Mr. Dudley and Mr. Broadstreete, with \nsome others, went and built, and planted between Charlestown and \nWaterton, who called it Newtown (which was afterwards called \nCambridge.) \n\n\"Others issued out to a place between Charlestown and Salem, \ncalled Saugust, (since ordered to be called Lynn.-) \n\n\" And thus by reason of discouragements and difficulties that \n\n\nBishops, but he could not join with them because he did not like the \nlord's brethren.\" \n\nBlackstone took the degree of A. B. at Emanuel's College, 1617 : that \nof A. M. 1621 : (Mass. Hist. Coll.: vol. xxxviii. p, 247,) was assessed to \npay for the campaign of Merry Mount, and named as an agent of Gorges, \n1628 : was freeman 1631 : had fifty acres of land set out to him near his \ncottage 1633 : sold all but six acres to Boston and removed to Rehoboth \n1634 : married Mary Stevenson, widow, July 4, 1659 ; and died May 26, \n1675, leaving a son. \n\nThe learned commentator on Winthrop says, that of the exact time \nwhen he pitched his tent at Boston \" we shall, probably, remain forever \nuninformed.\" I have been able to add but a fact and a suggestion to his \nvaluable note. \n\nFull accounts of the latter part of his life, may be found in Bliss's Hist. \nRehoboth, Dagget's Attleborough, and Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. \nxxix. p. 174. \n\n1 In 1632, Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 82, there was also discontent \nat Newtown, because the governor removed a frame he had set up there, \nin accordance with a ])romisc he had made to build there. Winthrop's \nexplanation was, \" that he had performed the words of the promise, for \nhe had a house up, and seven or eight servants abiding in it, by the day \nappointed.\" He gives good reasons lor his removal to Boston. \n\n2 The interleaved Almanacs of Danforth, in Farmer and Moore's Coll., \nvol. ui. p. 292, give the annexed dates as the time when these towns \n\" began : \" 1628, Salem ; 1629, Charlestown, Lynn ; 1630, Dorchester, \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 47 \n\nStrangers in a wilderness at first meet withal, though as to some \nthings but supposed, as in this case people might have found water \nabundant in this town and needed not to have perished for want, \nor wandered to other places for relief, would they but have looked \nafter it. But this, attended with other circumstances, the wisdom \nof God made use of as a means for spreading his Gospel, and peo- \npling of this great, and then terrible wilderness, and this sudden \nspreading into several townships came to be of far better use for \nthe entertainment of so many hundreds of people that came for \nseveral years following hither, in such multitudes from most parts \nof old England, than if they had now remained altogether in this \ntown. \n\n\" But after their departure from this town, to the peopling and \nplanting of the towns aforesaid, and in particular of the removal \nof the governor and the greatest part of our new gathered church \nwith the pastor to Boston, the few inhabitants of this town re- \nmaining, were constrained for three years after, generally to go to \nBoston on the Lord's day, to hear the word and enjoy the sacra- \nments before they could be otherwise supplied.\" \n\nFrom April to December two hundred died: \"It may be said \nof us almost as of the Egyptians, that there is not a house where \nthere is not one dead and in some houses many.\" ^ It is not \nstrange that some were disheartened and turned back — sailing \n\n\nWatertown, Roxbury, Boston; 1631, Marblehead, Cambridge, Wey- \nmouth : 1633, Ipswich ; 1634, Hingham. \n\nThe Town Records date the settlement of Boston after the death of Mr. \nJohnson, which took place. Sept. 30. But in a rate levied by the Court of \nAssistants, Sept. 28, of jC50, Charlestown was assessed only £1 while \nBoston was assessed £i\\. Mr. Savage says, Winthrop, vol. i p. 95, \nthat, in September the greater part of the congregation lived at Boston. \nThe first meeting of the Company at Boston was held Oct. 19 : the first \nCourt of Assistants Nov. 9. Snow dates the foundation of Boston from \nSept, 7, when Tri-mountain was ordered to be called Boston. Hubbard \nsays, that \" about November the Governor and Deputy Governor, with \nmost of the assistants, removed their families to Boston. \n\nThe first Court of Assistants at Charlestown was held Aug. 23, on \nboard the Arbella, Johnson says, which assertion, as to the place, Mr. \nSavage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 30, questions. It was then, however, \nspecially ordered that the next Court should be held \" at the Governor's \nHouse.\" (the Great House) Sept. 7. There was another Court held \nSept. 28, probably at the same place : after which, Oct. 19, the meet- \nings were held at Boston. \n\n1 Dudley. \n\n\n48 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwith Captain Peirce for England. But this, no more than their \nsuffering, discouraged the survivors. They professed themselves \nglad so to be rid of them. This experience, however, gave a dif- \nferent tone to the letters from the Colony to their friends in Eng- \nland, \" I say this,\" nobly wrote Dudley to the Countess of Lin- \ncoln, March, 1631, \"that if any come hither to plant for worldly \nends, that can live well at home, he commits an error, of which he \nwill soon repent him.\" \"If there be any endued with grace, and \nfurnished with means to feed themselves and theirs for eighteen \nmonths, and to build and plant, let them come into our Mace- \ndonia, and help us, and not spend themselves and their estates in \na less profitable employment : For others I conceive they are not \nyet fitted for this business.\" ^ \n\nSuch were the scenes, as described in the simple and touching \nlanguage of the sufferers, that marked the second year of the his- \ntory of Charlestown and the settlement of Boston. The dead, say \nthe Records, were buried about the Town Hill.^ It was chiefly \nabout this hill that the emigrants first built their \" cottages.\" It \ncontinued, until the Revolution, to be the most populous part of \nthe town. And there, on another day of trial, the homes of the \ndescendants of these \" first victims,\" became an early sacrifice \non the altar of American liberty. Eulogy has exhausted itself \nin treating of the day of Bunker Hill. But not less worthy of \ncommemoration are the firmness, the self-sacrifice, the Christian \nresignation, of the men, who thus, in tears and faith, founded the \nColony of Massachusetts. \n\n\n1 Dudley's Letter. \n\n2 There is a tradition that there was anciently a grave-yard on the Town \nHill. Human bones have been dug up in various places upon it. The \nlast instance of this was, in digging this year, 1845, the cellar for the \nstores built by Mr. Joseph Thompson on the Square. Some of the bones \nconsisted of parts of sculls in which the teeth were in a state of perfect \npreservation. But no part of this hill was ever laid out as a regular bu- \nrying-place, and the tradition is probably founded on the single instance \nmentioned lu the Records. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 49 \n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. \n\nOrganization of Local Government. — Boundaries. — Admission of Inhab- \nitants.— Division of Land. \n\nThe New England towns/ in many respects, were peculiar. \nNot in the fact that such communities were formed here, for civil- \nized society, from time immemorial, had gathered in cities, as \nnaturally as savage society had clustered in villages : but pecu- \nliar in their independence, and the organization of their govern- \nment. \n\nThis government, in the light of to-day so simple and reasonable, \nperhaps existed nowhere else. England did not furnish an exam- \nple of it ; for its municipal governments were either vested in little \ncouncils first appointed by the crown, and which had the privilege \nof electing their successors ; or in persons who had acquired the \ntitle of freemen, who commonly consisted of but a small number of \nthe resident inhabitants, and often even of non-residents ; or they \nwere singularly connected with the local guilds or trade corpora- \ntions, as London is at the present day. These local governments \nfailed to fulfil the commonest municipal purposes, until, in 1835, \nthe municipal Reform Act, with few exceptions, re-constituted \nthem. Scotland did not furnish such an example; for there, a \nsweeping statute (1449) vested the government in the existing \nmagistrates, with power to nominate their successors ; and in spite \nof the enormous evils that crept into their management, this sys- \ntem lasted nearly four centuries, or until the Reform Act of 1833. \nOn the continent the municipal system, if possible, was still worse; \nin France, for instance, the local magistrates were all appointed \n\n\n1 \" The origin of town governments in New England, is involved in some \nobscurity. The system does not prevail in England. Nothing analogous \nto it is known in the Southern States, and although the system of internal \ngovernment in the Middle States bears a partial resemblance to that \nof New England, it is in many respects dissimilar.\" Baylies' Ply- \nmouth, vol. i. p. 24L Baylies traces their origin to the independent \nchurches. \n\n\n50 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nby the crown, and the citizens even forbidden to assemble in town \nmeeting to discuss their wants.^ In all these cases the body of in- \nhabitants had but little voice in controlling their townships. The \nnearest precedents for the New-England towns were those little \nindependent nations, the free cities of the twelfth century ; or the \ntowns of the Anglo-Saxons, where every office was elective.^ \n\nBut in New England, from the first, the towns have been con- \ntrolled substantially, by the body of inhabitants. Here they \ngathered in town meetings, made by-laws, decided upon rates, \ncreated offices and elected officers, before there appear on the co- \nlonial records laws authorizing such proceedings. This internal \nself-government was assumed. The General Court recognised the \nearly towns and their government as such ; and in 1636, defined \ntheir privileges. \n\nThe inhabitants of this town, for a few years, transacted all their \nlocal business in town meeting. In 1634, January 9, they \" em- \npowered \" a committee to \" lay out any lots and make any rates \" \nnecessary for that year. A few months later, June 13, there was \nappointed a committee of three \"to be at town meetings to assist \nin ordering there affiiirs.\" No other specification is given of the \nduties of this committee. But their local government was not yet \nto their minds : \" by reason of many men meeting, things were not \nso easily brought unto a joynt issue.\" And, February 10, 1635, \n\n\n1 Guizot's Civilization. \n\n2 Penny Cyclopedia : article Boroughs. The distinction in our towns \nbetween freemen and inhabitants will be noticed hereafter. In England, \nthe freemen became such by purchase, birth, marriage, apprenticeship, \nand, in some towns, by the possession of property. In many towns it \nwas necessary that the freeman, to complete his title, should be a member \nof one of the local Guilds or Trade corporations. Plymouth aflbrds a \ngood instance of the narrowness of the elective body, where, in a popula- \ntion of 75,000, there was (1835) but 437 freemen, of whom 145 were non- \nresidents. In Elizabeth's reign, and also earlier, the right was assumed \nto remould, by Koyal Charters, the municipal constitutions of the towns ; \nand, in place of the election of officers by the body of inhabitants, to vest \nthe local government in small councils, originally nominated by the crown, \nand to be ever after self-elected. In vain did the inhabitants apply to the \nprivy council to restore the old system of popular elections, even where \ncouncil elections rested only on a custom that had grown up. The judges \ndecided against such petitions : they decided not only that elections by \nselect common councils were legal, \" but that when such custom had \ngrown up, the community at large were forever excluded from such elec- \ntions.\" \n\n\n'^' \n\n\n1 \n\n\ni^'^^ \n\n\n-^lia \n\n\ns \n\n\n^ \n\n\n^j^ \n^:^ \n\n\n^. \n\n\nK^^ \n\n\neS \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n51 \n\n\nthe original proceeding on board the May Flower was imitated, in \nproviding for the government of the town by Selectmen, in the fol- \nlowing \" order \" : — \n\n\" An order made by the inhabitants of Charlestowne at a full \nmeeting for the government of the Town by Selectmen. \n\n\" In consideration of the great trouble and chearg of the Inhabi- \ntants of Charlestowne by reason of the frequent meeting of the \ntownsmen in generall and yt by reason of many men meeting things \nwere not so easily brought unto a joynt issue It is therefore agreed \nby the sayde townesmen ioyntly that these eleven men whose names \nare written one the other syde, (w'th the advice of Pastor and \nTeacher desired in any case of conscience,) shall entreat of all \nsuch business as shall conscerne the Townsmen, the choise of of- \nficers excepted, and what they or the greater part of them shall \nconclude of the rest of the towne willingly to submit unto as their \nowne propper act, and these II to continue in this employment \nfor one yeare next ensuing the date hereof being dated this : 10th \nof February 1634 (1635). \n\n\"In witness of this agreement we whose names are under written \nhave set o'r hands. \n\nAbra. Mellows, \n\nWilm. Gnash, \n\nWalter Pope, \n\nJames Pemberton, \n\nRice Coles, \n\nThomas Minor, \n\nRichard Ketle, \n\nEdward Sturgis, \n\nGeorge Felch, \n\nThomas Lincoln, \n\nAnthony Eames, \nNo town has a more perfect history of the formation of its local \ngovernment than is here presented. Its form was evidently dicta- \nted by experience. The original document, from which the accu \nrate fac-simile is taken, is preserved ; or, rather, only half of the \nsheet on wloich it was written. ^ Some may now think it a small \n\n\nWm. Frothingham, \nWilliam Learned, \nRobt. Moulton, \nWilliam Johnson, \nGeorge Whitehand, \nWilliam Baker, \nRobert Hale, \nNicholas Stowers, \nRobert Blot, \nGeorge Bunker, \nJohn Hall, \n\n\nJohn Greene, \nThomas Goble, \nRichard Sprague, \nThomas Squire, \nWilliam Sprague, \nThomas Piearce, \nEdward Johnes, \nRice Mauris, \nRobeart Shorthos, \nGeag. Hutchinson, \nRichard Palsrave.\" \n\n\n1 The other half, on which were the names of the eleven persons chosen, \nis destroyed. On this half, probably, were also the signatures of the re- \n\n\n52 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nmatter; once it was full of life and meaning. It was evidently re- \ngarded as important business for the whole \" to willingly sub- \nmit \" to the doings of eleven men, as \" their own propper act.\" In \nall probability, for months, this measure occupied the time, thoughts \nand prayers of the town. \n\nThere arose difficulties very early, respecting the bounds of the \ntowns, and the General Court settled them by defining their several \nlimits. In 1633, March 6, it established the lines between this town \nand Newtown, (Cambridge) by ordering that the land \" impaled by \nNewtown men, with the Neck thereto adjoining where Mr. Graves \ndwelleth, shall belong to the said Newtown \" : while Charlestown \nbounds were to \" end at a tree marked by the said pale, and to pass \nby that tree by a straight line, unto the midway between the west- \nermost part of the great lot of land \" granted to John Winthrop, \n(Ten Hills) \" and the nearest part thereto, of the bounds of Water- \ntown.\" The court also granted \"Mistick side\" to this town (July \n2), — ordering that \" the ground lying betwixt the North river and \nthe creek on the north side of Mr. Maverick's, and up into the \ncountry, shall belong to the inhabitants of Charlestown.\" This does \nnot say how far \" up into the country \" the tract ran. Another \norder, March 3, 1636, was more definite : \" Ordered that Charles- \ntown bounds shall run eight miles into the country, from their \nmeeting-house, if not other bounds intercept, reserving the proprie- \nty of farms, granted to John Winthrop, Esq., Mr. Nowell, Mr. \nCradock, and Mr. Wilson, to the owners thereof, as also free in- \ngress and egress for the servants and cattle of the said gentlemen, \nand common for their cattle, on the back side of Mr, Cradock's \nfarm.\" \n\nIt was not until 1636 that the lines were established between \nthis town and Boston. It was, at first, uncertain to which Winis- \nimit belonged. The government ordered. May 14, 1634, that the \n\n\nmainder of the inhabitants, as there were seventy-two the succeeding Jan- \nuary. This curious document is carelessly copied into the first volume of \nthe Records, — speaking but poorly for the general accuracy of the tran- \nscriber. \n\nThe names of the first board of Selectmen were, Increase Nowell, Esq., \nMr. Tiiomas Beecher, Edward Converse, Ezekicl Richardson, Walter \nPalmer, Ralph Spraguc, William Brackenbury, Thomas Lynde, Mr. \nAbram Palmer, John Mousal, and Robert Moulton. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 53 \n\npeople of that place, before the next General Court, should join \nthemselves either to one town or the other, or they would \" be laid \nthen to one of those two towns by the court.\" On the 3d of Sep- \ntember it was ordered \" that Winnissemit shall belong to Boston.\" \nIn 1635, May 6, the lines between the two towns were definitely \nfixed. It would be difficult to follow them now. They ran from \n\" one marked tree \" to another ; from \"the creek in the creek up- \nward \" to \" a little neck of land \" ; from \" a tall pine upon a point \nof rock \" to \" the other side of Rumney Marsh \" ; and \" from out- \nside to outside by a strait line.\" This line did not satisfy the par- \nties : for, March 28, 1G36, there appears an agreement by which \n\" the bounds between Boston and Charlestown, on the north-east \nside Mistick river, shall run from the marked tree upon the rocky \nhill above Rumney Marsh near the written tree no : no : west up- \non a straight line by a meridian compass up into the country. \"^ \n\nThe General Court, on the petition of the town, made it an ad- \nditional grant (May 13, 1640) of \" two miles at their head line, \nprovided it fall not within the bounds of Lynn village and that they \nbuild within two years \"; that is, lay the foundation of a new town, \nafterwards Woburn. On the 7th of October, another grant was \nmade to the town : \" the proportion of four miles square, with their \nformer last grant to make a village, whereof 500 acres is granted \nto Mr. Thomas Coitmore to be set out by the court.\" In these \ngrants \" Cambridge line\" was not to be crossed, nor were the \nbounds to \" come within a mile of Shawshine river.\" The \" great \nswamp and pond \" were to lie in common. \n\nThis completes the grants, — so far as boundaries are concern- \ned,— from the General Court to the town. Still, the farms, the \nproprietorships of which were reserved to the owners by the order \nof 1636, were not considered as belonging to the towns where they \nlay, until 1641, when the Court ordered (June 14) \"that all farms \nthat are within the bounds of any town should be of the Town in \nwhich they be, except Meadford.\"^ \n\nThe inhabitants parcelled out the land within these limits. But \n\n\n1 This agreement is signed by Abraham Palmer, William Cheesbo- \nrough, and William Spencer. \n\n2 The connection that existed between Charlestown and Cradock's \nFarm or Medford, will be found stated in subsequent pages. \n\n\n54 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nwho were inhabitants? Those only who were admitted such \nby vote of the town. For many years applicants were severely \nscrutinized, and not unfrequently refused a residence. \" Not for \ntheir poverty,\" Johnson writes ; correctly of this early period, for \nit will give a vivid idea of its prejudices to say, that the towns \nthen dreaded a Q,uaker as much, as later, they dreaded a pauper. \n\" Yet,\" continues Johnson, a zealous actor in municipal affairs, \n\" such as were exhorbitant, and of a turbulent spirit, unfit for a \ncivil society, they would reject till they come to mend their man- \nners.\"^ Credentials that applicants were church members, or of \ngood moral character, were required. Persons, in some towns, \nwere admitted on condition that they would bring their wives \nfrom abroad. 2 \n\nThe persons who brought Charlestown \" into the denomination \nof an English town\" (1629) were approved by Gov. Endicott. The \nnext notice respecting inhabitants occurs (1630) in the \"list of \nsuch as staid and became inhabitants\" after the removal. After \nthis date, inhabitants were admitted by a vote of the town. \nAs early as 1634, October 13, it was ordered \" that none be per- \nmitted so sit down and dwell in this town without the consent of \nthe town first obtained\" ; and February 21, 1637, '* that no free- \nman should entertain any in their houses, but to give notice thereof \nat the next town meeting,\" and \" none that are not free should \nentertain any without the consent\" of three of the Selectmen. \nThis year the General Court passed a law, providing that none \nfrom abroad should reside in any town without the consent of one \nof the counsel, or two of the magistrates, under penalty of one hun- \ndred pounds ; and the next year a more stringent municipal order of \nthis town (April 3, 1638) provides that, \" no freemen shall enter- \ntain any person or persons at their houses, but to give notice to \nthe Townsmen (Selectmen) within fourteen days ; and such as \nare not free, not to entertain any at all without consent of six of \nthe men deputed for the town affairs; and these to acquaint the \ntown therewith at their next meeting, upon penalty of ten shil- \nlings for every month that they keep them without the town's \nconsent; and the constable is to see this order observea from time \n\n\n1 Wonder Working Providence, chap. ^2. ^ Felt's Salem, p. 167. \n\n\nHISTORY OP CHARLESTOWN. 55 \n\nto time, and to gather up the aforesaid fines by way of distress.\" \nNor was this by any means a dead letter : this year, Faintnot \nWines and Nicholas Stowers were fined \" ten shillings a piece \nfor receiving inmates without license from the town.\" Hospi- \ntality, for a long time, continued to be an expensive virtue. \n\nIf a person applied for admission who, it was thought, would be \na valuable acquisition, there was no hesitancy. Thus, (1637) \n\" Mr. John Harvard is admitted a townsman with promise of such \naccommodations as we best can\" : \" Mr. Francis Norton is admit- \nted a Townsman if he please.\" If the circumstances of the ap- \nplicant were doubtful, there was a different vote : in 1635, \" Good- \nman Rand granted to set down with us upon condition the Town \nhave no just ground of exception\" ; in 1636, \"Ralph Smith was \nadmitted a month upon trial ;\" in 1637, James Hoyden was ad- \nmitted \" if the court give way ;\" John Mosse, \" newly out of his \ntime,\" was admitted \" for this year to live with his master in his \nfamily upon trial\" ; \" Timothy Ford upon his good behaviour was \nadmitted to plant and to be at Richard Kettle's for planting time, \nor to propound another place.\" In 1638, — \" Turner was permit- \nted for the present to sojourn with Henry Bullock till next meet- \ning, in mean time to be enquired of\" \n\nThe first, and most important work of the Colonists was the di- \nvision of the soil. According to the terms of the Company, each \nperson who came over \" at his own cost,\" was entitled to fifty \nacres ; each adventurer of fifty pounds in the common stock, to \ntwo hundred acres, or in this proportion ; those who brought over \nservants were allowed fifty acres for each, and grants were made, \nalso, in consideration of eminent service rendered the Colony. \nOn such considerations, a large part of the tract called Charles- \ntown, was granted; the farms of Winthrop, Nowell and Wilson, \nreferred to in the boundary description, were of this class. So \nwas, also, the great farm set off to Matthew Cradock. All these \nwere granted by the General Court before the bounds of the town \nwere established. \n\nAfter townships had been defined, lands within their limits \nwere divided by their inhabitants. In general divisions, the tract \nto be allotted was agreed upon in town meeting. A committee \nwas appointed, generally the \" seven men,\" with other principal \ninhabitants, to survey it, stake out the lots and number them. \n\n\n56 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nSometimes the inhabitants would draw lots for their shares, some- \ntimes they were assigned by the committee. Record was made \nof the lots in the town books, with the conditions upon which \nthey were granted, and this constituted the title of their owners. \nThe considerations that governed these local divisions were, the \nnumber of persons an inhabitant had in his family ; the number \nof cattle and other stock he was able to own ; and \" eminent res- \npect\" was given to \"men of eminent quality and descent, in \nassigning them more large and honorable accommodations in re- \ngard of their great disbursements to publike charges.\" One of \nthe conditions the General Court imposed was, that no man should \n\" set his dwelling house above the distance of half a mile or a \nmile at the furthest, from the meeting of the congregation, where \nthe Church\" usually assembled.^ \n\nThe inhabitants of this town, in 1629, agreed that each should \nhave two acres for planting ground and to fence in common ; and \nin 1630, that each, \" dwelling within the Neck \" should have \" two \nacres of land for an house plot, and two acres for every male that is \nable to plant.\" In 1634, each inhabitant had ten acres of land al- \nlotted to him \" at Mistick Side,\" but the next year, twenty \nnine \" willingly relinquished \" five acres of their ten acre lots \n\" for the good of the town,\" — \" that it might supply new comers.\" \nThough these votes indicate that the land was divided equally, \nyet next year, (1635) in a large division of hay grounds, — two hun- \ndred and thirty-one and a half lots among sixty-three inhabitants, \n— the largest number any one had was fifteen lots ; the smallest, \nhalf a lot ; and the conditions on which they were allotted, were, \nthat no one should have the right to dispose of any lot until he had \nbuilt and planted in town, nor then to any but inhabitants of the \ntown ; nor were any to have lots who \" did not resign up half their \nten acre lots on Mistick Side, for the accommodation of such \nbrethren that want.\" And in 1638, when a large allotment of land, \nnow Maiden, was made, the largest share was two hundred and \nsixty acres, and the smallest ten acres. \n\nBesides these general divisions, each inhabitant, on being admit- \nted, commonly had a grant of a lot of land. This was done, at \n\n\n1 Laws of New England, 1041, in 3d vol. of Force's Tracts, p. 8. \nFelt's Salem, p. 181. In 1635, Salem voted that \" the least family shall \nhave ten acres, but great families may have more.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAKLESTOWN. 57 \n\nfirst, in general town meeting ; after a few years, by the board \nof selectmen. These grants were, usually, without restriction. \nSometimes, however, there were such provisos as the following : \nin 1G33, Jonathan Wade had thirty acres, \" provided he plough it \nup in four years or else to lose it, except so much of it as he shall \nbreak up in that time :\" in 1635, Stephen Fosdick had a house \nplot, \" upon condition to build a good house upon it and pay good- \nman Richeson a day's work : \" in 163G, Mr. Green had \" a cows \nhay and a house plot, provided he build and live upon it : \" in 1637, \nRichard Perry had \" eight acres of planting ground \" \" if his \nman stay or another come : \" in 1638, John Brimsmead had a \nhouse plot \" upon the condition that he demolish his new dwelling \nhouse.\" \n\nSuch was the increase of inhabitants, that, in 1637, the town \nbegan to be more careful in granting land. It prohibited the \n\"nine men\" (selectmen) \"from granting great lots other than ac- \ncording to apportion;\" and voted, that, \"if any man sell his \nhouse or ground, he shall have no more allowed him.\" After \nthis time inhabitants are frequently admitted with the proviso that \nthey are to have but small lots or none at all : this year (1637), \nAzpia Knight had liberty \" to follow his trade and to have a house \nplot, if to be found, and no other land; \" Jervase Boyken, to \" sit \ndown, if we can to afford him a house plot, but no other^ground ; \" \nGoodman Fitt, a tailor, \" to set up a salt pan, if he can live upon \nit, and upon his trade, without any land;\" and in 1638, Rich- \nard Hill, a cooper, \" to buy a house and follow his trade, with- \nout any accom.modation of land or otherwise.\" After this period, \nadmissions are less frequent, and are generally without any grants. \n\nThe division of the soil occupied a large part of the life of the \nearly inhabitants. It was not done without jealousies and con- \ntests. Boston, in 1634, left off some of its chief men from its \nselectmen, because the majority feared that \" the richer men \nwould give the poorer sort no great proportions of land,\" but leave \ntoo much for \" new comers \" and common. And after^[divisions \nhad been made, some would be negligent in looking after their \nlots, some would take what did not belong to them ; stakes were \npulled up, and bounds destroyed. Hence occurred \" great dark- \nness of title,\" and much dispute. The aggrieved would peti- \ntion the General Court, which sometimes appointed commission- \n8 \n\n\n58 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ners to visit the town, hear the parties, and settle their differences. \nAn award of this kind at Watertown, fills several folio pages. \n\nThe land in this way, was broken into farms and house lots. \nIn the first general divisions, the humblest, — for the widow and \nthe orphan were not forgotten, — had something, though no more \nthan half a lot in the \" hay grounds,\" or a single \" cows com- \nmons.\" Independent proprietors were thus created, holding their \nlands in fee simple, free from the feudal exactions that were so \noppressive in other countries. And then followed the wise legis- \nlation, that made their transfer, at length, simple and free. Such \na policy was the fruitful parent of an independent spirit. When \nthese lands had been adorned by labor and defended by valor, \ntheir possessors felt that they owned them, and ought to control \nthem ; and that the legislation which their circumstances required, \nought to be determined by themselves, rather than by those, thou- \nsands of miles off, who, necessarily, must be ignorant of their \nwants. The native growth of this influence, with other influ- \nences, was destined to be \" a perfect independence and an intelli- \ngent republicanism \"^ \n\n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\n1630 to 1640. — The Town after the removal. — Extracts from John \nGreene's Relation. — Fort at Moulton's Point. — Ten Hills. — Spot \nPond— Summer of 1632.— Winter of 1632-3. — Wood's Descrip- \ntion.— Indian Mortality. — The Great House. — A School. — Love- \nwell's Island. — The Common Stinted. — The Peqnod War. — Indian \nPurchase. \n\nThe records indicate that the condition of the inhabitants was \nnot much relieved by the \" dispersion.\" W-nter, December 24, \n1630, set in with uncommon violence, and the prospect before \n\n\n1 Edward Everett's Orations, p. 87. Another has remarked of the N. \nE. Colonists, — \" it may be fairly said, that this necessary act (division of \nlands) fixed the future frame and form of their government.\" — Web- \nster's Plymouth Oration, 1820. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOVm. 5S \n\nthem was cheerless, for famine, almost stared them in the face. \n\" Oh the hunger,\" writes Roger Clap, most probably referring \nto this period, — \" that many suffered and saw no hope in an eye \nof reason to be supplyed only by clams, and muscles, and fish. \nFlesh of all kinds was a rare thing, and bread was so very scarce \nthat sometimes I thought the very crumbs of my father's table \nwould have been sweet unto me. And when I could have meat and \nwater and salt, boiled together, it was so good, who could wish \nbetter.\" \n\nThe records furnish the following account of the first proceed- \nings of the town, after the removal, with the names of those who \nremained : it concludes the transactions of 1G:30. \n\n\"A list of the names of such as staid and became inhabitants ^ of \nthis town in this year 1629, (1630) following : \n\n\"Increase Nowell, Esq., William Brakenburry, \n\nMr. William Aspinwall, Rice Cole, \n\nMr. Richard Palsgrave, Hugh Garrett, \n\nEdwd. Convers, Ezekiel Richeson, \n\nWm. Penn, John Baker, \n\nWm. Hudson, John Sales, \n\nMr. John Glover. \n\nCapt'n Norton, ~) These four went and built \n\nMr. Edward Gibbons, I in the maine on the north- \nMr. Wm. Jennincrs, f east side of the north-west \nJno. Wignall. I creeke of this town. ^ \n\n\"Agreed and concluded by the inhabitants of this towne that the \ngreat cornfield shall be on the east side of the Town Hill, the \nfence to range along even with those dwellings ^ where Walter Pa- \nmer's house stands and so along towards the neck of land, and that \nto every inhabitant dwelling within the neck be given two acres \n\n\n1 Dr. Bartlett (in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.), and Snow (Hist. Boston, \np. 34), with others, say ; but \" seventeen male inhabitants \" remained in \ntown. This is certainly incorrect, as those of 1629 contmued to reside in \ntown ; the seventeen in the text are to be added to the original settlers. \n\n2 Johnson says, Wonder Working Providence, chap, xvii., one mile dis- \ntant from Maverick's \" upon the river ran a small creek, taking its name \nfrom Major Gen. Edward Gibbons, who dwelt there for some years after.\" \nThis location would be on Mystic side, or in Maiden. \n\n3 This was the beginning of Main-street. \n\n\n60 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nof land for an house plot and two acres for every male that is \nable to plant : But in consideration of the greatness of the charge \nin fencing down to the neck of land, it is concluded that that be \nsuspended at present, and that only a cross fence be drawn at the \nneck of land from Misticke River to the water on the west of the \nneck, which being computed ariseth to one pole and two foot the \nacre for so many acres as are at present allotted : And that the \ncattle be kept without upon the maine. \n\n\"But now as the winter came on, provisions began to be very \nscarce upon the grounds aforesaid, and people were necessitated \nto live upon clams, and muscles, and ground nuts, and acorns, and \nthese got with much difficulty, in the winter time ; upon which peo- \nple were very much tired and discouraged, especially when they \nheard that the Governor himself had the last batch of bread in the \noven. And many were the fears of people, that Mr. Pearce, who \nwas sent to Ireland to fetch provisions, was cast away, or taken by \npirates : But God who delights to appear in greatest straights, did \nwork marvellously at this time; for before the very day appointed \nto seek the Lord by fasting and prayer, about the month of Feb- \nruary or March, in comes Mr. Pearce^ laden with provisions; \nupon which occasion the day of Fast was changed, and ordered to \nbe kept as a day of Thanksgiving : Which provisions was (were) \nby the Governor distributed unto the people according to their ne- \ncessities.\"^ \n\n\n1 The ship Lj'^on. She anchored in Boston harbor Feb. 9, 1G31. Her \ncargo of stoi'es consisted of 34 hhds. wheat meal, 15 iihds. peas, 4 hhds. \noatmeal, 4 hhds. beef and pork, 15 cwt. of cheese, butter, suet, &c. \nThey arrived in good condition. On the 22d, by order of the Governor, \na thanksgiving was appointed. \n\n2 The extracts from the town records on pages 12, 13, 14. 20, 21. 24, \n25. 41,42. 44 to 47, and the above extract, contain about five and a \nquarter piiges of the seven described on page 2 of this work ; and also \nin the order in which they stand on the records. The spelling of the \nwriter is not adhered to, except in the case of proper names. And here \nhe spells the same words differently : It is \" Mishaum \" in one place, \nand \" Mishawum \" in another: \" Waterton \" and \" Wattertowne :\" \nWalter \" Pamer \" in the first pages of the records and then Walter \n'\"Palmer.\" This difficulty occurs throughout the volume. But strange \nas it is that one living so near the time of the settlement should have \nbeen so incorrect as to dates, — for they cannot be explained by reference \nto the then prevalent system of double dating — yet we cannot but thank \nthe author of it for transmitting to us so valuable a relation. \n\nAfter this date (1031) tlie records appear to have been copied, with \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 61 \n\n1631. It was concluded to build a fort \" on the hill at Moul- \nton's Point,\" and mount the \" six guns left by the company\" last \nyear upon the beach of this town, for defence \" in case ships should \ncome up on the back side of Mistick River.\" The next year, \nhowever, the project was abandoned, as the town records say, by \n\" sounding the mouth of Mistick River, the channel lies so far off \nfrom Moulton's Point towards Winnesemit side, that the erecting \na fort on the hill will not reach that end.\" \n\nThe Court, September 6, granted to Governor Winthrop, six \nhundred acres of land and \" near his house at Mistick,\" which he \nnamed ten Hills. Here he built a bark of thirty tons, which was \nlaunched July 4th, and named \" the Blessing of the Bay ;\" and also \nbuilt his \" farm house.\" This place is often referred to in the town \nrecords as \" Winthrop's Farm.\" He writes, October 30, that in a \nviolent storm, two sides of an unfinished building of stone \" laid \nwith clay for want of lime,\" was washed to the ground.^ \n\n\nfew exceptions, from memoranda made at the time the events took place. \nPrince, and others following him, have ascribed the account quoted in the \ntext, to Increase Nowell, who appears to have been town clerk in 1636 \nand 1637, and to have assisted Abraham Pahner m 1639. But he died \nnine years before this was written. This first volume is most carelessly \nbound, having four leaves dated 1635 and 1636 inserted, out of place, \nbefore this account. The following is the order of the Selectmen to Mr. \nGreene. \n\n\" At a meeting of the Selectmen April 18, 1664, John Greene is ap- \npointed by us to transcribe the records of this town and having begun the \nsame in a book as far as to folio eight, most whereof is gathered by infor- \nmation of known gentlemen that lived and were actors in those times, and \nall except some court orders and some few town orders in the seven first \npages not being of that concernment as the grants of lands which hap- \npened after, we do approve of the same, and consent that what is written \non those seven pages remain as it is, but for what follows the seventh \npage of that book we desire that all grants of lands or alienations b©;' \nwritten verbatim as they stand in the old record without any alteration, \nonly to place each grant orderly in that place where it appears clear on \nthe book, or otherwise to be plaUd as near as you can in its proper year. \nAnd as for such things that are obscure, or to be dubiously understood, \nrelating to grants, &c., you are to clear themselves by the best evidence \nmay be, and place such explanation only in the margin — and for other \nthings that are not grants or alienations of lands you are to place orderly, \nand reduce them into the most brief and clear language you can. \n\nPer James Gary, Recorder. \n\n1 Winthrop, under date of October 11, 1631, details the following ad- \nventure : — \" The governour, being at his farm house in Mistick, walked \nout after supper, and took a piece in his hand, supposing he might see a \nwolf, (for they came daily about the house, and killed swine and calves, \n\n\n62 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n1632. Governor Winthrop, Mr. Nowell and others, went, Feb- \nruary 7, over Mystic River at Medford, and going north and east \nabout two or three miles, came \"to a very great pond, having in \nthe midst an island of about one acre, and very thick with trees \nof pine and beech ; and the pond had divers small rocks, standing \nup here and there in it, which they therefore called Spot Pond. \nThey went all about it on the ice.\" For nearly a century this pond \nwas within the limits of Charlestown.^ \n\n\" The summer of this year,\" the town records say, \" proved \nshort and wet; our crops of Indian corn (for all this while we had \nno other) was very small and great want threatened us, at which \ntime here happened in this town the first known thief that was no- \ntoriously observed in the country. His name was John Sales, \nwho having stolen corn from many people in this scarce time, was \nconvicted thereof before the court, and openly punished and all he \nhad by law condemned and sold to make restitution. \n\n\" This winter also proved very sharp and long, and people were \nexceedingly pinched for want of provisions, for their came very \nlittle over this year from England. But it pleased God to send an \nunexpected and early supply, for one Mr. Stratton arrived here \nwith his vessel in the beginning of March laden with Indian corn \nfrom Virginia which he sold for ten shillings per bushel.\" \n\n1633. William Wood, having resided several years in the colony, \nsailed for England, August 15, where, in 1634, he published an inte- \nresting description of the country under the title of \"NevvEng- \n\n\n&c. :) and, being- about half a mile off, it grew suddenly dark, so as, in \ncoining home he mistook his path, and went till he came to a little house \nof Sagamore John, which stood empty. There he stayed, and having a \npiece of match in his pocket, (for he always carried about him match and \ncompass, and in summer time snake-weed,) he made a good fire near the \nhouse, and lay down upon some old mats, which he found there, and so \nspent the night, sometimes walking Ay the fire, sometimes singing \npsalms, and sometimes getting wood, but could not sleep. Tt was (through \nGod's mercy) a warm night ; but a little before dav it began to rain, and, \nhaving no cloak, he made shift by a long pole to climb up into the house. \nIn the morning, there came thither an Indian squaw, but perceiving her \nbefore she had opened the door, he barred her out : yet she stayed there \na great while essaying to get in, and at last she went away, and he re- \nturned safe home, his servants having walked about, and shot off pieces, \nand halloed in the night, but he heard them not.\" \n\n1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. G9. This year a fort was built on Corn Hill at \nBoston ; Winthrop writes \" May 25, Charlestown men came and wrought \nupon the fortification.\" \n\n\n\"^5 \n\n\ns \n\n^ \n\n\n^ \n\n^ \n\n\ns^ \n\n^ \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN, 63 \n\nland's Prospect,\" accompanied by a map, which is dated 1635. \nThis was the first map of New England, made after its settlement; \nthe fac-simile of a section of it represents Massachusetts, probably, \nin 1633. Wood furnishes the following description of Charles- \ntown : — \n\n\" On the North-side of Charles River is Charles Towne, which \nis another neck of land, on whose North side runs Misticke-river. \nThis towne for all things, may be well paralel'd with her neighbor, \nBoston, being in the same fashion with her bare necke, and con- \nstrained to borrow conveniences from the Maine, and to provide \nfor themselves farmes in the countrey for their better subsistance. \nAt this towne there is kept a Ferry-boate, to conveigh passengers \nover Charles River, which betweene the two Townes is a quarter \nof a mile over, being a very deepe channell. Here may ride forty \nships at a time. Vp higher it is a broad Bay, being above two \nmiles betweene the shores, into which runnes stony-river, and mud- \ndy-river. Towards the south-west in the middle of this Bay, is a \ngreat oyster Bank. Towards the North-west of this Bay is a great \ncreeke, upon whose shore is situated the Village of Medford,^ a \nvery fertile and pleasant place, and fit for more inhabitants than are \nyet in it. This Towne is a mile and a half from Charles Towne.\" \nAfter describing \" New-towne \" and \" Water-towne,\" the writer \ngoes on : \" The next Towne is Misticke,^ which is three miles from \nCharles Towne by land, and a league and a half by water: It is \nseated by the waters side very pleasantly ; there be not many houses \nas yet. At the head of this river are great and spacious Ponds, \nwhither the Alewives preasse to spawne. This being a noted place \nfor that kind of Fish, the English resort hither to take them. On \nthe west side of this River the Governor hath a Farme, where he \nkeeps most of his Cattle. On the East side is Maister Craddock's \nplantation where he hath impaled a Parke, where he keepes his \nCattle, till he can store it with Deere. Here likewise he is at \ncharges of building ships. The last year one was upon the stockes \nof a hundred Tunne, that being finished, they are to build one \ntwice her burden. Ships without either Ballast or loading, may \n\n\n^ There was no town by this name ; nor was Medford a town until later. \nSee note oa Cradock's Farm. \n\n\n64 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nfloate downe this River ; otherwise the oyster-banke would hinder \nthem which croseth the Channell.\" \n\nDuring the winter of 1633-4 there was great mortality among \nthe Indians. The town records say : \" At this time began a most \ngrevious and terrible sickness amongst the Indians, who were ex- \nceeding numerous about us, (called the Aberginians)^ their disease \nwas generally the small pox, which raged not only amongst these, \nbut amongst the eastern Indians also, and in a few months swept \naway multitudes of them, young and old, — they could not bury \ntheir dead, — the English were constrained to help ; and that which \nis very remarkable is, that though the English did frequently visit \nthem in their sickness, notwithstanding the infection, it was ob- \nserved that not one Englishman was touched with the disorder ; \nbut it was extremely infectious among themselves, and mortal when \nit took any of them, insomuch as there was scarce any of them left : \nBy which awful and admirable dispensation, it pleased God to make \nroom for his people of the English nation who, after this, in the im- \nmediate years following, came from England by many hundreds \nevery year to us, who (without this remarkable and terrible work \nof God upon the natives) would with much more difficulty have \nfound room, and at far great charge have obtained and purchased \nland.\" \n\nChickatawbut, November 30, with many of his tribe, Wonoha- \nquaham, (Sagamore John) December 5., Montowampate, (Saga- \nmore James) and most of their people, were swept away. \" The \npoore creatures,\" writes Johnson, \" being very timorous of death, \nwould faine have fled from it, but could not tell how :\" and their \n\"Powwows, Wizards, and Charmers, Ilobbamocka's Factors were \npossest with greatest feare of any.\" \" Relations,\" he adds, \" were \nbut little regarded among them at this time ;\" and he details the \nterrible scenes that met the English as they visited \" their matted \nhouses.\" \" It wrought much with them,\" writes Winthrop, \"that \nwhen their own people forsook them, yet the English came daily \nand ministered to them.\" \n\n1634. The court granted Pettock's Island to this town for twenty- \none years. In 1638, it was voted that \" for the time to come the \n\n\n1 Though Wood describes the Aberfiinians as Northern Indians, yet \nJohnson, (Mass. Coll. vol. xxii. p. 66.) says \" the Aberginny men \" con- \nsisted \"of the Massachusetts, Wippenaps and Tarratines.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 65 \n\ncalves should be kept \" there ; and \" the keeper to have ground \nto plant there.\" \n\n1G35. \" Edward Converse, William Brackenbury, and Mr. \nAbraham Palmer were desired to go up into the country upon dis- \ncovery three or four days,\" for which they were to be \"satisfied \nat the charge of the Town.\" \n\nThe Great House, which in 1632 had been purchased of the \nCompany for ten pounds, and was the first meeting-house, was this \nyear sold for thirty pounds, to Robert Long. The record is as \nfollows: \" Mr. Long was granted to have the Great House wholly \nwhen we shall be provided of another meeting-house, and to pay \n^30, and for the present to have the south end, and so much of the \nchamber as the deacons can spare, and when the congregation \nleaveth the house, the deacons are to have the plank and the boards \nwhich lie over the chamber with all the forms below and benches.\" \n\n1G3G. \" June 3, Mr. William Witherell was agreed with to keep \na school for a twelve month to begin the eighth of August, and to \nhave .£40 this year ;\" the same month in which John Oldham was \nkilled by the Pequods. This simple record is evidence of one of \nthe most honorable facts of the time, namely, that a public school, \nand judging from the salary, a free school at least for this \" twelve \nmonth,\" was thus early established here; and on the principle of \nvoluntary taxation. It may be worth while to remember also, that \nthis date is eleven years prior to the so often quoted law of Massa- \nchusetts, compelling towns to maintain schools. \n\nThe Genera] Court, September 8, granted Lovell's Island to the \ntown, \" provided they employ it for fishing by their own townsmen, \nor hinder not others. \"^ This island was rented, and the income \nof it, in a short time, applied regularly to the support of the school. \nThe town records, under the date of 1634, state that the island was \nlet for twenty years ; probably an error in the copyist. In 1648 the \nCourt gave this island to the town forever, \"provided that half of \nthe timber and fire-wood shall belong to the garrison at the castle.\" \n\n1637. The large tract of land lying between Winter Hill Road \nand Cambridge was divided into rights of pasturage. A large \ncommittee was chosen to do this, or \" to stint the common,\" who \ndetermined the number of \" cows commons \" which 113 inhabitants \n\n\n1 The Colony Records say 1636. \n\n\n66 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nt.hould have in this pasture. The agreement was as follows : — \n\"In consideration of the straitness of common on this side of Mis- \ntick River, it was agreed, that all the ground from the town to \nMenotomies River that is without the enclosures shall be reserved \nin common for such cattle as are necessarily to be taken care for \nnear home as milch cows, working cattle, goats, and calves of the \nfirst year, and each man to have a propriety of the same, according \nto the proportions under written for such cattle above specified, \neither of their own or any they shall let unto of the same kind, and \nnot other ways.\" The largest number any one had was ten and \nthree-fourths commons; the smallest, half a cows commons. \n\nIn the war with the Pequod Indians, concluded this year, Charles- \ntown furnished sixteen men, — first twelve, and then four. Sergeant \nPalmer, of this town, with twelve men, rendered efficient service \nat the great Swamp fight. Rev. John Wilsoji went with the troops, \nas chaplain ; and Thomas Starr, afterwards Town Clerk, as sur- \ngeon. Of about six or seven hundred Indians, the commander of \nthe expedition states that only about seven escaped. \n\n1638. \" A true record \" was taken of \" all such houses and \nlands as were possessed by the inhabitants, whether by purchase, \nby gift from the town, or by allotments, as they were divided among \nthem by a joint consent, after the General Court had settled their \nbounds, by granting eight miles from the old meeting-house into \nthe country,\" and established, also, the other boundaries already \nquoted. This record is not perfect. Many of the descriptions \nare so indefinite that it is difficult, if not impossible, to locate \nthe lots. \n\n1639. The town refused in some cases to grant land outside \nthe peninsula, until \" the Indians had been agreed with.\" In 1637 \nit paid thirty-six shillings to Squaw Sachem and Web Cowit, for \nland, now apartof Somerville, which they acknowledged themselves \nin Court \" to be satisfied for; \" and this year (1639) it purchased \na large tract, part now Somerville and West Cambridge, of the \nsame Indians, for nineteen fathoms of wampum, twenty-one coats, \nand three bushels of corn. The deed is recorded on Middlesex \nrecords, and the town records. i \n\n1 \" The 15lh of the 2d mo., 1039. \n\nWee Web-Cowpt and Squnw Sachem do sell vnto the Inhabitants of \nthe Towne of Charlcstowne, all the land within ihe line g;ranted them by \nthe court, (excepting the farmes and the ground, on the west of the two \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 67 \n\n\nCHAPTER X. \n\n\nEcclesiastical History, from 1630 to 1640. — The First Church. — Re- \nmoval to Boston. — Separation. — John Wilson. — A new Church. — \nThomas James. — Divisions. — Zechariah Symmes. — Removal of Mr. \nJames. — Antinomian Controversy. — John Harvard: his Monument. \n— Thomas Allen. — Church Officers. \n\nThe first church gathered here, — the fourth in New England, \n— was organized at a time of severe suffering and mortality, when \nman is wont to feel the most deeply his sense of dependence. \nJuly 30, 1639, was a day of fasting; and after religious exercises, \nGovernor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, Isaac Johnson and \nRev. John Wilson, signed a covenant,^ and thus constituted what is \nnow the first church of Boston. On August 1st, Increase Nowell and \nfour more joined this church, and in a short time the number in- \ncreased to si.Kty-four men, and half as many women. On the 27th, \n\ngreat Ponds called Misticke ponds, from the south side of Mr. Nowell's \nJolt, neere the vpper end of the Ponds, vnto the little runnet that cometh \nfrom Capt. Cooke's mills, which the Squaw reserveth to their vse, for her \nlife, for the Indians to plant and hunt vpon, and tiie weare above the ponds, \nthey also reserve for the Indians to fish at whiles the Squaw liveth, and \nafter the death of Squaw Sachem, she doth leave all her lands from Mr. \nMayhue's house to neere Salem to the present Governor, Mr. John \\Vin- \nthrop, Sen'r, Mr. Increase Novvell, Mr. John Wilson, Mr. Edward Gib- \nons to dispose of, and all Indians to depart, and for sattisfaction from \nCharlestovvne, wee acknowledge to have received in full sattisfaction, twen- \nty and one coates, ninten fathom of wampom, and three bushels of corne: \nIn witness whereof we have here vnto sett o'r hands the day and yeare \nabove named. \n\nthe marke of Squaw Sachem, m'c. \n\nthe marke of Web Cowet, m. \nSubscribed in the presence off. \nJno. Humphrey, \nRobert Heake. \n\nThis is to testifie that the aforenamed purchase was made at the \ncharges of the Inhabitants of Charlestowne, and to their use, and for so \nmuch as lyeth with in their limitts,we do accordingly resigne, and yield \nup all our interest therein, to the vse of the said tovvne, according to the \ntrust reposed in vs. 10th mo. 18th, 1039. \n\nJno. Winthrop, Gov'rn'r. \nEntered and recorded 23th (8 mo 1656, Increase Nowell, \nBy Thomas Danforth, Recorder. Jno. Wilson. \n\n1 This covenant, see p. 70, was copied almost word for word, when the \npresent First Church was organized in 1632. \n\n\n68 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nafter a fast, John Wilson was elected teacher, Increase Nowell, \nruling elder, William Gager ^ and William Aspinwall, deacons; \nall of whom were severally confirmed in office \" by the imposition \nof hands.\" It was understood, as it respected Mr. Wilson, that \nthe ceremony \"was only as a sign of election and confirmation, \nnot of any intent that he should renounce the ministry which he \nreceived in England.\"^ \n\nThe proceedings, however, recognised an important principle \nthen struggling for life, that of Congregationalism. Here a body \nof Christians, of equal rank as such, voluntarily associated them- \nselves for social worship, and exercised \" all the powers, rights, \nfaculties and privileges, which are needful to construct and consti- \ntute a church of Christ ;\"^ all without the presence or permission \nof hierarchy, Protestant or Catholic. Such independent action was \nnew in the world. It had been attempted, in part at least, by \nRobert Brown, the Lathrops, and John Robinson, in England, but \ntheir attempts were crushed. It was renewed successfully for the \nfirst time at Plymouth — that church being the first Congregational \nchurch in America.^ The Salem church was the second -, the \nDorchester church, organized in England, the third. This church \nwas the fourth — one peculiarly dear to the early colonists, which \nthey loved to honor \" for its faith and order,\" \" its eminent gifts of \nutterance and knowledge.\"^ \" Some have been heard to say,\" \nwrites Hubbard, \"they believed the church of Boston to be the \nmost glorious church in the world.\" \n\nProvision was promptly made for the support of public worship. \nAt the first court of assistants, August 23, \" the first thing pro- \npounded is, how the ministers shall be maintained.\" A house was \nordered to be built \" with convenient speed at the public charge,\" \nfor Mr. Wilson, whose salary was to be twenty pounds a year until \n\" his wife came over,\" and then thirty pounds. \n\nThe body of the church remained in this toAvn less than three \nmonths ; afterwards their place of worship was in Boston. The \ntwo towns continued united in one church for about two years. A \n\n* Dr. Gager died Sept. 20, 1630 — Jiis wife and two children the same \nyear. He was a \" riglit godly man, and skilful chirurgeon.\" (Dudley.) \nJohn, his son, went with the younger Winthrop to New London ; was \n(1660) one of the settlers of Norwich, Con., and had nine children. His \ndescendants are still in Norwich. Hist. Norwich, p. 102. \n\n2 Winthrop's Hist. vol. L p. 33. ^ Upham's Century Discourse. \n\n'^ Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 77. ^ Ilubhard, p. 281. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAKLESTOWN. 69 \n\nlarge part of this time, the Teacher was in England, — leaving, on \nhis departure, March 30, 1G31, the duty of prophesying, or exhor- \ntation, to the Governor, Mr. Dudley and Mr. Nowell. His place \nwas soon supplied, however, by the arrival of Rev. John Eliot, the \ncelebrated Apostle. \n\nMr. Wilson returned May 26, 1632. A subscription of ^120 \nhad been gathered for a meeting-house, which was now commenced \nby the united congregation. \n\nFor two years, say the town records, the citizens were \" con- \nstrained\" to go to Boston, \" to hear the word and enjoy the sacra- \nments, before they could be otherwise supplied. \"^ On the 5th of \nJune, 1632, Rev. Thomas James arrived, and the Charlestown part \nof the congregation, soon after, determined to form a new church. \nOctober 11 was a day of fasting; and on the 14th, agreeably to \ntheir request, thirty-five persons were dismissed from the old \nchurch, — constituting a quarter part of the congregation. The \nseparation appears to have been, on both sides, friendly .^ \n\nRev. John Wilson enjoyed, in an eminent degree, the confidence \nof his congregation, and that of his contemporaries. Winthrop \ncommends him as \" a very holy, upright man, and for faith and \nlove inferior to none in the country and most dear to all men.\" His \nsermons are characterized as having been imbued with \" marvel- \nlous wisdom;\" his conversation, as \"pleasant and profitable;\" \nhis benevolence to the poor, as unbounded. Mather has a long \ndescription of his character: \"great zeal,\" \"with great love,\" \n\" joined with orthodoxy,\" \" make up his portraiture.\" The histo- \nrian adds ; \" he had the zeal of a Phineas, I had almost said of a \nSeraphim, in testifying against every thing that he thought offen- \nsive to God : \" and in his sight, among things most offensive, were \nAnabaptists and Quakers. Hence Johnson's praise that he was \n\n1 * Before they could build at Boston, they lived, many of them, in tents \nand wigwams at Charlestown ; their meeting-place being abroad under a \ntree, where I have heard Mr. Wilson and Mr. Phillips preach many a \ngood sermon.\" — Roger Clap. There was, for many years, a tree known \nas the Charlestown Oak, referred to in 1719, by Judge Sewall. — Amer. \nQuarterly Register, vol. xii. Dr. Bartlett locates it on Town Hill, from \ntradition. \n\n2 Prince (405) having given a history of the separation, remarks : — \" I \nconclude, that Lord's Day, the 21st of this month, (October) is the first \nday of their worshipping m public as a distinct and new congregation at \nCharlestown.\" From July 30, 1630 to Oct. 10, 1632, one hundred and fifty- \none members had joined in full communion with the church. \n\n\n70 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n\"a powerful instrument\" \"for the cutting downe of error and \nschisme,\" \" when it o'er topping stood.\" It is not strange that the \nsects that felt the effects of such zeal, should write of him with \nseverity. He died August 7, 1667, aged 79. \n\nThe thirty-five persons dismissed from the Boston church, formed, \nNovembers, 1632, a distinct church, and elected Rev. Thomas \nJames Pastor. This is now the first Congregational Society of this \ntown. Its first covenant is recorded in the Church Book in the \nfollowinof manner : \n\n\n\"Increase, Parnel, Nowell. \n\n\" Tho:, Christian, Beecher. \n\n\" Abra:, Grace, Palmer. \n\n\" Ralph, Jone, Sprague. \n\n\" Edward, Sarah, Convers. \n\n\" Nicholas, Amy, Stowers. \n\n\" Ezek:, Susan, Riclieson. \n\n\" Henery, Elizabeth, Harwood. \n\n\" Robert, Jone, Hale. \n\n\" Geo:, Margarit, Hucheson. \n\n\"Tho:, Elizab., James. \n\n\" William, Ann, Frolhingham. \n\n\" Ralph, Alice, Mousall. \n\n\" liice, Arrold, Cole, \n\n\" Richard, Mary, Sprague. \n\n\"John, Bethiah, Haule. \n\n\" William, Dade. \n\n\" Thomas, Minor. \n\n\" Thomas, Squire. \n\nThe forme of the Covenant. \n\n\" In the Name of o'- Lord God, \nand in obedience to bis holy will and \ndivine ordinances. \n\n; \" Wee whose names are heer writ- \nten Beeing by his most wise and \ngood providence brought together, \n\n' and desirous to vnite o^- selus into \none Congregation or Church vnder \nor- Lord Jesus Christ our Head : In \nsuch sort as becometh all those whom \nhe hath Redeemed and Sanctified \nunto himselfe. Doe heer Sollemly \nand Religeously as in his own most \nholy presence, Promice and bynde \nof- selus to walke in all or wayes \naccording to the Rules of the Gos- \npell, and in all sinceer conformity to \nhis holy Ordinances ; and in mutuajl \nLove and Respect each to other: so \nnear as God shall give us grace.\" 1 \n\n\"Those u'ere dismissed from \nBoston Church the 14th of the eaight \nmoneth 163-2.\" \n\nThe pastor, Mr. James, was born in Lincolnshire, in ISOd, and \nwas in that place a settled minister, when the edicts against non- \nconformity drove him to this country. His connection with the \nsociety proved to be unhappy. Besides being of jealous disposition \n\n\n1 On the other side of the leaf on which the covenant quoted in the text \nwas written, there is another in the following words : — \n\n\" The Covenant proposed to particular persons for their consent when \nthey are to be admitted, viz. : \n\n\" You doe avouch the only true God [father son and Holy Ghost,] to be \nyour God, according to the tenour of the covenant of iiis grace, wherein he \npromiseth to be a God to the faithful and their seed after them in their \ngenerations, and laketh them to be his people : and accordingly therefore \nyou do give up your self to him, and doe solemnly and religiously, as in \nhis most holy presence, covenant through his grace, to walk in all your \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 71 \n\nand inclined to melancholy, his abilities may have compared unfa- \nvorably with those of his Boston contemporary. It is certain that \nhis temper was not so amiable, nor were his talents so useful, as \nhad been expected ; and dissatisfaction soon arose in the infant \nchurch. Winthrop remarks, March, 1G33, that \"Satan bestirred \nhimself to hinder the progress of the gospel, as, among other prac- \ntices, appeared by this : he stirred up a spirit of jealousy between \nMr. James and many of his people.\" Mr. Nowell and others began \nto question \" their fact\" of separation from their Boston brethren. \nIt is not stated on what grounds ; but whatever they were, Win- \nthrop writes, \" it grew to such a principle of conscience among \nthem, as the advice of the other ministers was taken in it, who after \ntwo meetings could not agree about their continuance or return.\" \nWhile in this divided state, Rev. Zechariah Symmes, (September \n1634,) arrived in this town. He was admitted, with his wife, a \nmember of the church, December 0th, soon after elected teacher, \nand on the 22d, \" a solemn day of humiliation,\" ordained to this \noffice. This appears to have settled the question with its \" princi- \nple of conscience,\" as to the return of the members to the First \nChurch. Mr. Symmes entered upon his duties with the reputation \nof being a firm and faithful Puritan divine. He was born at Can- \nterbury, April 5, 1599. His father, Rev. William Symmes, was a \npreacher, and was settled at Sandwich. His ancestors, contemporary \nwith Q,ueen Mary, had been zealous Protestants, shielding minis- \nters from the effects of sanguinary laws. Zechariah, at eighteen \nyears of age, entered Cambridge University, and took the first de- \ngree in 1620. After he graduated, he became private tutor \" to \ncertain persons of quality ; \" then, in 1 62 1, a lecturer at Atholines \nin London, where he was troubled by the proceedings of the \"Bish- \nops' Courts.\" In 1625 he removed to Dunstable, where he was \nprobably Rector. Here he resided eight years, and had six chil- \ndren. He removed to America, Mather says, on account of his \n\n\nWales, and in communion with this particular church in speciall, as a mem- \nber of it, according to the rules of the gospell.\" \n\nThis covenant, without date, was written sometime after 1632, as it \nevidently is in the handwriting of Rev. Thomas Shephard, who was \nordained in 1659. It is worthy also of remark, that the important words \nin brackets, which are interhned in the original, are of different colored \nink from the rest, and are as evidently in the handwriting of Rev. Charles \nMorton, wlio was installed in 1686. \n\n\n72 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ncontinued troubles from the \" Bishops' Courts;\" another account \nsays, on account of the living being small in value, — his compen- \nsation not being enough to support his family.^ On his arrival, he \nwas invited to assist in gathering a new church, but the place \nbeing remote from those already settled, he accepted the invita- \ntion of this church.2 Here, after a long and faithful ministry, he \nwas to end his days. \n\nThe settlement of Mr. Symmes was succeeded by increased dis- \ncord between the pastor and the people. Mr. James gave great \noffence by \" divers speeches,\" for which Mr. Symmes and the \nbrethren \" dealt with him both privately and publickly.\" In a year \n\"the elders and messengers of the next churches\" were called in ; \nthen, March 11, 1636, there was a council of ministers, when the \npastor was blamed \" for speaking as of certainty, that which he only \nconceived out of jealousy ; \" ^ and the church was blamed, because \n\" it had not proceeded with him in due order.\" The conclusion \nwas, to advise Mr. James to ask his dismission; but if he refused, \nand still persisted, that then \" the church should cast him out.\"'* \nThe connection was dissolved. \n\nMr. James, whom Dr. Calamy characterizes as \" a very pious \ngood man,\" soon, for the love of peace,^ removed to New Haven. \nIn 1642, in company with Rev. Messrs. Knowles of Watertown \nand Thompson of Braintree, he went to Virginia as a missionary. \nIn a few years he returned to England, settled at Needham, Suf- \nfolk county, and, August 24, 1662, was ejected for non-conform- \nity. Still he gathered a large society and labored with them. He \ndied in 1678, aged about eighty-six, much beloved and esteemed. \nHis successor, though owing his benefice to the noble uprightness \nof Mr. James' heart, would not allow him to be buried in any other \npart of the church-yard, \" but that unconsecrated corner left for \nrogues and other excommunicates.\" \n\nAt this period the colony was excited by the Antinomian contro- \nversy. It originated with Mrs. Anne Hutchinson who came over \nin the same ship with the Rev. Zechariah Symmes, in 1634. She \nadvanced opinions that were contrary to the prevailing belief. In \nmeetings of Christians of her sex, she blended them with criticisms \n\n\n^Savage's Gleanings, Mass. Coll., vol. xxxviii. p. 308. 2 \"Wonder \nWorking Providence 3 Hubbard,p. 191. ■*'Winthrop. ^ Prince, p. 413. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 73 \n\non the sermons delivered on Sundays, and gained many adherents, \n— among whom were some of the eminent men of the colony. \nThis was the Antinomian party, or those designated as \" for the \ncovenant of grace.\" The old colonists, comprising most of the \nministers and elders, regarded her views as contrary to the Bible \nand dangerous to society, and became alarmed at her success. \nHence they opposed them. These were the Legalists, or those \ndesignated as for \" the covenant of works.\" \n\nThe controversy thoroughly pervaded the country. It mingled \nwith the doings of town meetings, and influenced the division of \nlands. It became an element of politics : Vane at the head of his \nfriends, the Antinomians, on one side, and Winthrop, at the head of \nthe Legalists on the other. The latter triumphed. A synod, con- \nvened at Newtown (Cambridge), August 30, 1637, condemned \neighty-two errors ; the General Court soon afterwards, disfranchised, \ndisarmed, and banished the leading Antinomians. \n\nIn these proceedings, prominent Charlestown men zealously par- \nticipated. Mr. Symmes, even when in England, saw that Mrs. \nHutchinson \" slighted the ministers,\" and on board the ship no- \nticed \" the corruptness and narrowness of her views.\" He had \n\" reproved her vehemently,\" before she arrived. Hence he was \nprompt and active in opposition to her movements. Mr. Nowell, \nof equal sternness as a Puritan, was equally decided in his opposi- \ntion. Both questioned Mrs. Hutchinson on her trial. ^^ On the \nother side, were prominent church members. One of the arbitrary \nacts of the General Court, was the condemnation and banishment \nof Rev. John Wheelright, Mrs. Hutchinson's brother, for \"holding \nforth the covenant of grace,\" and \" inveighing against those that \nwalked in a covenant of works,\" in a Fast Day Sermon, January \n20, 1637. A remonstrance against this action was signed by many \npersons and handed in to the Court ; of this town were William \nLearned, Edward Carrington, Richard Sprague, Ralph Mousall, \nEzekiel Richardson, Benjamin Bunker, James Browne, Thomas \nEwar, Benjamin Hubbard, William Frothingham, William Baker, \nand Edward Mellows. The Court judged this paper, also, sedi- \ntious, and called its signers to account. Ten of the above-named \npersons acknowledged their \"sin\" in signing it, and desired to \n\n\n1 The questions and speeches of both Mr. Symmes and Mr. Nowell may \nbe found in the account of the trial, in Hutchinson's Hist., vol. i. \n\n10 \n\n\n74 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\" have their names crossed out.\" Two, however, would do them- \nselves no such injustice ; namely, Benjamin Bunker and James \nBrowne, and hence the constables of Charlestovvn received a war- \nrant in this shape ; — the body of the original is in Nowell's hand- \nwriting ; the words in italics are interlined, and in that of Governor \nWinthrop : — \n\n\" By order of the court, the armes of Benjamin Bunker and James \nBrowne are to be delivered in to Goodman Thomas Lynde, to wit : guns, \npistols, swords, powder, shot, and match, upon pain of jClO, after notice \ngiven, or left at their houses, or luithia hvo days after, and the said par- \nties are enjoined not to buy or borrow any of the aforesaid arms upon the \npenalty of X'lO aforesaid, until the court shall take further order therein, \nunless they acknowledge, (they did evil in subscribing the seditious libel) \nor give other satisfaction for tlicir liberii/, before two magistrates, which, \nif they shall do, they to be freed from delivering in of their arms. \n\n'■ To the constable of Charlestown, per. \n\nIncrease Nowell, Recorder. ^''l \n\nAnother of the signers, Deacon Ralph Mousall, in 1638, was dis- \nmissed from the General Court \" for his speeches in favor of Mr, \nWheelright.\" Such proceedings were arbitrary and tyrannical, and \nfew, if any, attempt to justify, or to palliate them. Intolerance \nwas the error of the age. \n\nOn the removal of Mr. James, the whole care of the church \ndevolved upon Mr. Symmes. The next year, however, Rev. John \nHarvard settled here. He entered Emanuel College, Cambridge, \nin 1628; took the degree of A. B. in 1631, and that of A. M. \n1635.2 jje ^as admitted an inhabitant, August 6, 1637 ; took the \nfreeman's oath November 2d; was admitted, with his wife, Anne, \na member of this church on the 6th, and \" was sometime minister \nof God's Word\" here, and hence an associate with Mr. Symmes. \nThere is no account, however, of his ordination. \n\nHis name is found a few times on the town records. He had a \nshare in a division of land in 1637 ; and in 1638, in another division, \nhis lot was nearly a third larger than that of Mr. Symmes. He is \nnamed, April 26, 1638, one of a committee \" to consider of some \nthings tending toward a body of laws,\" and had a grant ^ for a portal \n\n\n1 Mass. Archives. Ecclesiastical ; the copy is taken from a warrant ad- \ndressed to the constable of Hoxbury. The reader will find an interesting \ndetail of this extraordinary controversy in the Life of Anne Hutchinson, \nby Rev. George E. Ellis of this town. He passes the severest censure \nupon the Court for its whole proceedings with reference to the remon- \nstrance ; nor will he admit \" the least palliation.\" \n\n2 Savage's Gleanings. \n\n3 Nov. 27, 1637 ; \" three and a half feet of ground for a portal.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 7S \n\nfor his house. Such is all the information this source affords. He \ncame here when religious controversy was vehement ; yet \" he \nwas not distinguished among the divines of the age as a disputant. \nHe took a less beaten path to the veneration of after times, and a \nshorter road to Heaven.\"^ \" This man,\" writes Rev. Thomas Shep- \nherd, his contemporary, \" was a scholar, and pious in his life, and \nenlarged toward his country, and the good of it, in life and death.\" \nHarvard died September 14, 1638, of consumption, bequeathing \none half of his estate, estimated in value at <£779, 17s. ^d.,^ with \nhis library of three hundred and twenty volumes, ^ to the college, — \n\" the earliest, the noblest, and the purest tribute to religion and sci- \nence this western world had yet witnessed.\"'* This high eulogium, \nbe it remembered, is upon one of a class to whose generous ener- \ngies America owes somuch; for Harvard was but a young man \nwhen he thus manifested how truly he was \" a lover of learning,\" \nand how ardently he desired that it should be enlisted in the cause \n\n1 Letter of John Quincy Adams. \n\n2 There is doubt about even the amount of Harvard's gift. The Col- \nlege Book says the sum in the text ; but only jC395, .3s. Od., is known \nto have been received. The authorities say \" one half of his estate,\" and \nthat he \" died worth jC1600.\" Probably the other half was bequeathed \nto his widow, for I find that she sold property. May not the library, (for \nbooks were of great value then,) have been valued on settling the estate, \nand formed one item of the half that went to the College ? This will ac- \ncount for a part of the discrepancy. The precision in the sum named, \nindicates that \" the whole estate \" was inventoried at jC1559, 15s. \n\n3 Quincy's Hist., vol. i. p. 512. \n\n4 President Quincy's Hist., vol. i. p. 11. If Harvard entered college at \n17, he would have been 27 when he died. The General Court, May 3, \n1639, granted \" Mr. Thomas Allen 500 acres of land in r.egard to Mr.. \nHarvard's gift.\" From this vote, and the fact that Harvard's executor's \nname was Allen, I infer that this was Rev. Thomas Allen. Harvard's \nwidow, Anne, had land allotted to her once, Dec. 30, 1638, and then .her \nname disappears from the records ; nor have I met with any notice of hex \nmarriage or death. But when Rev. Thomas Allen was admitted and dis- \nmissed from the Boston church, in 1639, his wife was not named ; nor is \nshe named when he was, the same year, admitted to the church here, nor \nafterwards. Yet in 1640 he had a wife, whose name was Anne; and, \nJanuary 11, 1640, his daughter, Mary, Vv'as born. Hence I conclude it \nvery probable that he married Harvard's widow, already a member of the \nchurch. Her maiden name, if so, was Sadler, and her father lived in \nPatcham, England. — (Savage's Gleanings, Mass. Coll., vol. xxxviii. p. \n315.) Hence that town may have been the place of residence of Har- \nvard's family. Harvard built a house in this town, which was standing in \n1697, situated on Gravel Lane, running from Main street, near its junction \nwith the Square, to the Town Hill. A part of this estate — perhaps the \nwhole of it — was once owned by Mr. AUen. — See hereafter the account \nof Rev. Thomas Allen. \n\n\n76 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nof religion and liberty. This great thought, with the act it dicta- \nted, has enrolled his name among the benefactors of mankind. \n\nIf tradition may be credited, \" till the revolutionary war, a grave- \nstone was standing over the spot where his ashes repose.\" But \nthis was destroyed at that period ; and, what is deeply to be re- \ngretted, no attempt was made to replace it. And thus it was, that \nfor more than half a century, there was only tradition to point out \nthe sacred place. On the Gth of September, 1827, a few gradu- \nates of Harvard College were assembled at the house of Dr. Park- \nman of Boston, when one of the company, then an eminent citizen \nof this town,^ proposed to erect a monument on the Burial Hill to \nHarvard's memory, and to defray the expense by a subscription \nfrom the graduates of the College, limited to one dollar from each \nperson. The suggestion was approved ; measures were immediately \ntaken to commence the work ; the selectmen of the town promptly \ngave their consent, and the object was successfully effected. \n\nOn the 26th of September, 1828, a large company assembled on \nthe burying-ground to participate in this \" act of filial reverence.\" \nAfter prayer by Rev. Dr. Walker, the monument was raised to \nits position on the hill ; a letter was read from Hon. John Q,. Adams, \nthen President of the United States, and an address delivered by \nHon. Edward Everett. The monument is \" a solid obelisk, fifteen \nfeet in height, four feet square at the larger extremity, and two at \nthe smaller, and rises from a substantial foundation, without a base, \nfrom the surface of the ground.\" It is enclosed \" by a simple iron \nrailing, surrounding a space nine feet square, and stands in a beau- \ntiful and commanding situation.\" On the eastern face of the shaft, \nthe name of Harvard is inscribed in large letters and in high relief, \nand this inscription, wrought in a white marble tablet : — \n\n\" On the twenty-sixth^ day of September, A. D. 1828, this stone was \nerected by the graduates of the University of Cambridge, in honor of its \nFounder, who died at Charlestown. on the twenty-sixth day of Septem- \nber, A. D. 1638.\" \n\n1 Hon. Edward Everett. The other gentlemen, who organized into a \nmeeting, were Hon. F. T. Gray, Hon. P. O. Tliatcher, Joseph Cool- \nedge, and Dr. George Parkman. The resolutions adopted and the ad- \ndress issued, may be found in Everett's Orations, p. 175. \n\n2 It will be observed, that, as Harvard died September 14, tbe date of \nthe inscription is erroneous, as the rule is, to add ten days to dates of the \nseventeenth century, in order to bring old style into new style. It should \nbe September 24. Tlie error is first noticed in Rev. W. J. Budington's \nHistory of the First Church, p. 180. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n•77 \n\n\nOn the opposite face of the shaft, and looking towards the Uni- \nversity, is another inscription also on a white marble tablet : — \n\n\" In piam et perpetuam memoriam Johanis Harvardii, annis fere du- \ncentis post obitum ejus peractis, academiae quae est Cantabrigiae Nov-An- \nglorum alumni, ne diutius vir de hlteris nostris optima meritus sine monu- \nmento quamvis humili jaceret, banc lapidem ponendum curaverunt.\" \n\n\nii!.llWS®afcM \n\n\nAbout the time of Harvard's death, Rev. Thomas Allen arrived \nin this country, and, probably in 1639, became teacher of the \nchurch. At this period therefore, its officers were, the Pastor, whose \n\" special work was to attend to exhortation, and therein to admin- \nister a word of wisdom,\" and the Teacher, who was \" to attend to \ndoctrine, and therein to administer a word of knowledge.\" The \nPastor's duty was to move, by appeals, \" the will and the affec- \ntions;\" the Teacher's, to state cardinal points of faith, \"explain \nthe Scripture and manage controversies.\" The next office was that \nof Ruling Elder, at this time filled by Mr. John Green. In the \nchurch he had an elevated place assigned to him between the dea- \ncon's seat and the pulpit, and was a person of great consideration. \nBut in about fifty years the office was hardly, in importance, dis- \ntinguishable from that of Deacon. Scottaw (1691 ) laments this \ndecline. Some could remember there were such persons, but could \nnot tell what was their work. \" What a shame,\" he adds, \" is it to \n\n\n78 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nour churches, that through disuse, misuse, or nonuse of them, such \na question should be put to any of above fifty years of age, now \nliving among us.\" Mr. Green was the only ruling elder this church \never had. The third office was that of Deacon, of which there \nwere two : Deacons Mousall and Hale. \n\n\nCHAPTER XI. \n\n\nNOTICES OF EARLY INHABITANTS. \n\n\nIn this chapter the name of every inhabitant, in the year speci- \nfied, is given, with such notices of each as could be obtained. \nBiographical Sketches, more in detail, will hereafter be given of \nthe few mentioned as bearing a prominent part in the history of \nthe colony. \n\n1630. William Aspinwall was one of the prominent men of \nthe colony, but in a few years removed to Boston, where he en- \ngaged zealously in the Antinomian controversy. \n\nRichard Palsgrave, the first physician in town, came from Step- \nney, Middlesex county, England, lived here several years, and \ndied about 1656. His widow, Anne, removed to Roxbury, and \n\ndied about March, 1669, leaving property to her son Alcock, \n\ndaughters Mary, wife of Roger Wellington, and Lydia, wife of \nHeylet. \n\nEdward Converse was the first ferryman ; selectman from 1635 to \n1640 : one of the settlers of Woburn, its representative in 1660, and \ndied August 6, 1663, leaving an estate valued at ^827, 55. 6d., to \nwife Sarah; sons Josias, James and Samuel ; and daughters, Mary \nThompson and Mary Sheldon. \n\nWilliam Hudson removed to Boston about 1640; in 1643, \nwent to Enorland, and was in the service on the side of Parliament. \n\nRalph Mousall, a carpenter, was freeman in 1631, selectman, \ndeacon, and representative in 1636-7-8. In 1637 Deacon Mou- \nsall siorned the remonstrance in favor of Mr. Wheelright. But \nthoucrh afterwards he confessed his \" sin in subscribing the sedi- \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 79 \n\ntious writing,\" and desired \" to have his name crossed out,\" yet \nthis was not enough to satisfy the jealous majority. The latter, \nSeptember, 1638, dismissed him from the General Court, \" for \nspeeches formerly spoken by him in approbation of Mr. Wheel- \nright.\" Still he was selectman nearly every year until his death, \nApril 30, 1657 — having been to the town an efficient citizen. \nHe left property to his widow Alice, who died in 1667 : to sons \nThomas and John : to daughters Elizabeth, Mary, Ruth Wood and \nMary Goble. His descendants, for many years, were a numerous \nand influential family in town, though there are none of this name \nremaining. \n\nWilliam Learned was freeman 1634, selectman 1636, one of \nthe founders of Woburn, and died there April 5, 1646. \n\nWilliam Brackenbury, a baker, was four years selectman. In \n1636 he had liberty to build a store house on Little Island, in the \nmarsh, \" if he go on to keep a bake house for public use.\" He \nwas one of the prominent men of Maiden, and died, August, 1668, \naged sixty-six, leaving property valued at ^562, 15s. Id., to son \nSamuel, and daughters Anne Foster and Mary Ridgway. \n\nEzekiel Richardson, written also Richeson, was freeman in \n1631, deputy in 1635, and one of the first settlers of Woburn, \nwhere he died, October 28, 1647. \n\nWilliam Frothingham was the ancestor of the family of this \nname in the country. He was one of the founders of the church, \nand is often found connected with town affairs. He died about 1652. \nHis widow, Anne, survived him until July 28, 1674, aged sixty- \nseven ; so reads her grave-stone. The records say 1675. His \nland was in the neighborhood of Eden-street, next to Bunkers, — \nthe same that is now occupied, in part, by his descendants. He \nhad sons John, Peter, Nathaniel, Stephen, Joseph and Samuel; \ndaughters Bethia, Elizabeth, Mary and Hannah, — all born in this \ncountry. No family has been more numerous in town, and the \nname appears, in uninterrupted succession, in connection with its \nmunicipal business until the present day. \n\nWilliam Dady, a butcher, was one of the founders of the church, \nand died April, 1682, aged seventy-seven, leaving property to wife \nDorothy, son William, and daughter Abigail. \n\nGeorge Hutchinson, died about 1660, leaving property, .£231,- \n15s. 9d., to son Nathaniel. \n\nRobert Moulton, was a celebrated ship-carpenter, who engaged \n\n\n80 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nto come over in 1 629 ; freeman 1631 ; representative 1634. From \nhim \" Moulton's Point,\" found very early, took its name. One of \nthis name, in 1637, was disarmed at Salem : probably the same, \nas the town gave a citizen permission, in 1635, to buy of him. \n\nHe died in 1655, leaving a son Robert, and a daughter \n\nEdwards. \n\nThomas Knower, in 1632, was set in the bilbows for threatening \nthe Court \" that if he should be punished, he would have it tried \nin England, whether he was lawfully punished or not.\" Such an \nappeal, even thus early, was accounted treason. \n\nEdward Gibbons was one of the most distinguished characters of \nthe colony. He was representative for this town in 1635 and 1636 ; \nbut shortly after sold his property and removed to Boston, where \nhe was for many years a representative; also an assistant and \nMajor General. \n\nJohn Woolrich, was a prominent man, as the prefix of\" Mr.\" is \nalways before it. He is styled \" an Indian Trader,\" and planted \nhimself \" a mile and a half without the neck,\" on Cambridge \nroad, near \" Strawberry Hill.\" He was representative in 1634. \n\nThe other inhabitants of 1630 were. Captain Norton, who \n\nmay have been killed by the Pequods in 1633 : William Jennings, \nnot named after 1634 : John Baker, a tailor, who (1637) removed \nfrom town. Rice Cole, freeman 1633, who died May 15, 1646, \nEdward Jones, freeman 1631, John Sales, Constant Morly, a \nwidow, who died in 1669 ; John Glover, one of the prominent \nmen of Dorchester ; Prudence Wilkinson, a widow, who died in \n1655, leaving a son John ; Walter Pope, who died previous to \n1640; when there is a grant to \" Walter Pope's child ; \" John \nWifnall, Richard Johnson, William Penn, Hugh Garrett, and \nIncrease Nowell, the \"principal person,\" writes Prince, who \nremained in this town. \n\n1 63 1 . Thomas Beecher, was master of the Talbot, the ship that \nbrought over Higginson in 1629; vice admiral of Winthrop's \nfleet 1630 ; one of the first selectmen; representative 1634 and \n1636; and captain of the fort at Castle Island, 1635. Mr. Beecher \nwas an active and prominent citizen, and his name appears on the \nrecords of the court, in connection with important business. He \ndied in 1637. Dr. Lyman Beecher is a descendant. \n\nHenry Harwood, herdsman 1631, and an inhabitant 1636, but \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 81 \n\nprobably died soon after, as land is allotted, in general divisions, \nto \" widow Harwood.\" \n\nGeorge Knower, one of the first settlers of Maiden, died there \nFebruary 13, 1665, leaving property to wife Elizabeth, son Jona- \nthan, and daughter Mary Mirrable. \n\nAnne Higginson, the widow of Rev. Francis Higginson, of Sa- \nlem, after residing here a few years, removed to New Haven, where \nshe died, early in 1640, leaving eight children. \n\nThe other inhabitants in 1631 are : Thomas Moulton, a planter, \nand Abraham Pratt, a \" chyrurgeon.\" \n\n1633. John Greene was the first and only ruling elder of the \nchurch of this town. He was elected selectman in 1646 ; and, with \nonly one year's intermission, every year until his death. He served \non important committees, and, for some time, was town clerk. His \nwriting is beautiful, — both in the church and town records; though \nthe order for establishing the Board of Selectmen (see page 51) \nappears to have been drawn up by the person who signs his name \n\" John Greene,\" and will hardly sustain this commendation. He \ndied, April 22, 1658. His tomb-stone, near Harvard's monument, is \nstill to be seen. It lies even with the ground, broken, much defaced, \nand the inscription partly illegible. It had once the following : \n\n\" MEMORIAL OF YE JVST IS BLESSED. \n\nHere lyeth ye body of Mr. John Greene, born at London in Old Eng- \nland, who married Perseverance, the daughter of Johnson, in Amster- \ndam, by whom he had 6 children, with whom and 3 children he came to \nCharlestown, in New England, in 16.32, was rvling elder in ye chvrch, \nand deceased April 22, 1658, leaving behind 2 sons and one davghter, viz. \nlohn, lacob, and Mary, who erected this monvment to the memory of \nhim and his wife, their father and mother.\" \n\nMr. Greene lived in Bow-street, near the Square ; his widow \nsold (1667) his \"mansion house\" to Francis Willoughby. He \nbequeathed the most of his property to his wife Joanna, because she \nbrought him a good estate, which had \" much decreased \" on his \nhands. This was his second wife. \n\nJonathan Wade was an inhabitant until 1636, when he, probably, \nremoved to Ipswich, was a prominent citizen there, and died in \n1684. His wife, Susannah, died Nov. 29, 1678. Jonathan Wade, \nprobably his son, purchased a large part of \" Medford Farm.\" \n\nThomas James was the Pastor of the church. \n\n1633. Robert Hale was a deacon, in 1634 a freeman, in 1644 \nmember of the artillery company, and eleven years selectman^ be- \nll \n\n\n82 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nsides serving the town in other capacities. He died, July 16, \n1659, — a valuable citizen, and the ancestor of a large family. \nHis widow Johanna married Richard Jacob of Ipswich, and died \nabout July, 1679. His son John graduated at Harvard 1657, and \nbecame the first minister of Beverly. He had other sons, Zecha- \nriah ; Samuel, a mariner, died 1679 ; and daughters Mary, who \n\nmarried Wilson, and Johanna. Nathan Hale, executed as a \n\nspy by the British, was one of his descendants. \n\nThomas Squire, freeman 1634, and member of the artillery 1646. \n\nWilliam Baker, selectman 1646, and named as living in 1650. \nHis wife, Joan, died a widow September 26, 1669. \n\nAtherton Hough, (Howe,) was a prominent character, but \nsoon removed to Boston, where he was seven years a representa- \ntive, a member of the council, and died 1650. \n\nRichard Ketle, (written also Kettell,) a butcher, was several years \nselectman, sergeant of the company, and died June 28, 1680, aged \nseventy-one, leaving a widow, Hester ; sons John, Joseph, Samuel, \nNathaniel, Jonathan, and Hannah who married John Call. The \nsecond wife of his son John was carried away from Lancaster by \nthe Indians in 1676. \n\nJames Thompson, written also Thomson, one of the first select- \nmen of Woburn, died there in 1682. One of his descendants \nwas Benjamin Thompson, (Count Rumford.) Another, the late \nTimothy Thompson, removed to this town a few years previous to \nthe Revolution, married, January 3, 1775, Mary Frothingham, who \nis now living, and became the father of the Thompsons of this \ntown. \n\nJames Pemberton, freeman 1630, one of the founders of Mai- \nden, died February 5, 1662. \n\nGeorge Felt, written also Felch, was one of the Maiden settlers. \nAbout 1670 he paid .£60 for two thousand acres of land at Casco \nBay, and lived there three years. At the age of eighty-seven Mr. \nFelt petitioned the court for relief, stating that the Casco people \nhad taken his land ; he died at Maiden in 1693, aged ninety-two ; \nand his wife in 1693. Rev. J. B. Felt, the author of the Annals \nof Salem, and other valuable works, is one of his descendants. \n\nJames Brown, freeman in 1634, disarmed in 1637, had a grant \nof a part of Lovell's Island in 1640, on the condition \" that he set \nup a stage and follow a trade of fishing there.\" He had sons John, \nJames and Nathaniel. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWr. 83 \n\nThe other names this year are Abraham Mellows, a person held \nin much respect, who adventured fifty pounds in the Company ; \nThomas Minor and George Whitehand, freemen in 1634 : Ed- \nmund Hubbert (Hobart) and his two sons, Edmund and Joshua, who \nbecame leading men at Hingham : Benjamin Hubbard, John Hall, \nEdward Burton and John Hodges. This year the records say, \n\" There were fifty-eight inhabitants, most of whom had wives and \nchildren.\" \n\n1634. Thomas Lynde, a farmer, was selectman fourteen years; \neight years a representative, — the first time in 1636, the last time \nin 1652 ; and was constantly connected with town business. He \nwas a deacon ; bought of the town the tract of land that includes \nthe site of the State Prison, which, until after the Revolution, \nwas known as Lynde's Point ; and died December 30, 1671, leav- \ning property valued at .£1709, 16s. 9d. His posterity were nu- \nmerous, and some of them highly distinguished. He had three \nwives : by his first wife, he had eight children, two of whom only, \nsurvived him, viz., Thomas, who settled in Maiden, and Mary \n\nwho married Weeks of Sukanoset : by his second wife, the \n\ndaughter of John Martin, and widow of Thomas Jordan, he had \nfive children, viz. : Joseph, Sarah, Hannah, William and Samuel. \nSarah married Robert Pierpont 1666 : Hannah married John \nTrarice 1663. This second wife died August 3, 1662. Deacon \nLynde then married Rebecca Trevitt, December 6, 1665, who \ndied December 8, 1688. \n\nEdward Mellows, son of Abraham Mellows, was selectman five \nyears; clerk of the writs; and died May 5, 1650. He had a son \nEdward, and daughters Martha and Elizabeth. \n\nJohn Mousall, brother to Ralph, was selectman, representative, \nmember of the artillery in 1641, and one of the first settlers of \nWoburn, where he died in 1665. \n\nGeorge Bunker appears to have been a wealthy emigrant, and a \nlarge land owner. He had one lot on Bunker Hill, running over \nits summit, and hence its name. His shares in divisions are com- \nmonly the largest of any. He died in 1664, leaving property to \nsons John, Benjamin and Jonathan; and daughters Mary, Martha, \nand Elizabeth. \n\nThe other inhabitants of this year are Thomas Pearce, John \nLewis, Rice Morris, Thomas Chubbuck, Anthony Eames, William \nJohnson, John Blott, Robert Shorthus, Edward Sturges, Matthew \n\n\n84 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMitchell, Robert Blott, James Matthews, William Nash, John \nSibley, William Bachelor, Edward Carrington, Thomas Lincoln, \nAdam Hawks, Thomas Goble, Mrs. Sarah Oakley, Mrs. Crowe, \nwho came over a year before her husband, Thomas Brigden, James \nGreene, and Zechariah Symmes, the pastor of the church.^ \n\n1635. Robert Long, from Dunstable, England, came over this \nyear with his wife Elizabeth and ten children. He was an innholder, \nand purchased the \" Great House.\" In 1638 he was allowed to \ndraw wine, on condition \" that he take what wines or waters are \nin the hands of Thomas Lynde, who formerly sold the wines, so \nthat he be not damnified.\" Mr. Long was selectman, and died \nJanuary 9, 1664, leaving considerable property to a large family. \nHis widow died May 29, 1687. \n\nRobert Rand, ancestor of the numerous family of this name in \nthis town, died about 1639. He married a sister of the wife of \nRichard Sprague, who died July 29, 1691, aged ninety-eight. He \nhad a son Nathaniel, who married, Sept. 2, 1664, Mary Carter; \ndaughters Alice, who married Thomas Lord; Susanna, married \nAbraham Newell ; Elizabeth, married Nathaniel Brewer, and Mar- \ngery, married Lawrence Dowse. \n\nThe other inhabitants this year are, George Shavelin, Faintnot \nWines, Stephen Fosdick, Robert Hawkins, Robert Jeffries, Jona. \nGould, Thomas Blott, Edward Jones, Thomas Bonny, Isaac Cole, \nWilliam Tuttle, Henry Lawrence, Thomas Ewar, John Crowe, \nPhilip Drinker, George Hepbourne, Nicholas Davies, John Palmer, \nBates, Michael Bastow. \n\n1636. The records furnish the following \"list of the names of \nthe inhabitants of this town, recorded this month of January,^ \n1635, (1636): — \n\n1 The order of Court of 1631, in connection with Adams' Portsmouth \n(p. 18), where, under 1631, Thomas Walibrd is named a settler of Piscat- \naqua, were the authorities for the assertion, p. 23, that he remained in this \ntown but two years. On copying names for this chapter, 1 find Walford \nmentioned an inhabitant as late as January 9, 1634. Unless the copyist is \nin error, he refused to obey the order of the Court to depart. Still the \nsubsequent order of Sept. 3, states that his goods w-ere seized to satisfy \nhis creditors in the Bay. Walford had no grant nor share in the divisions \nof land, nor have I met with his name after 1C34. \n\n2 It will be noticed that most of the names of inhabitants admitted in \n1635 are not to be found in this list of January, 1636. Probably the list \nshould be of the date of January, 1635 ; it is in the text as it is in the \nrecords. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n85 \n\n\nIncrease No well, Esq. \nMr. Thomas James, \n\" Zech'r. Symmes, \n\" Thos. Beecher, \n\" A bra. Mellows, \n\" Ed w'd Gibbons, \n\" John Greene, \nRalph Sprague, \nRich'd Sprague, \nNicholas Stowers, \nWm. Nash, \nWm. Baker, \nMr. Jona. Wade, \nJames Pemberton, \nEdward Burton, \nThomas Squire, \nWilliam Sprague, \nEdward Jones, \nRobert Shortus, \nWm. Bachelor, \nWalter Pope, \nRich'd Kettle, \nEdward Sturges, \n\n\nMr. Abra. Palmer, James Matthews, \n\nGeo. Hutchinson, William Brackenbury, \n\nRobert Hale, Thos. Pearce, \n\nEdmund Hubbert,Jun., Wm. Dady, \n\n\nEdward Converse, \nJames Brown, \nHenry Harwood, \nRobert Blott, \nGeorge Knower, \nThomas Moulton, \nRobert Moulton, \nPrudence Wilkinson, \nJohn Baker, \nWm. Learned, \nRalph Mousall, \nMr. John Woolrich, \nJames Thomson, \nAdam Hawkes, \nRice Morris, \nTho. Minor, \nMr. John Crowe, \nJohn Lewis, \n\n\nWm. Johnson, \nRice Cole, \nWalter Palmer, \nThos. Chubbuck, \nThos. Linds, \nJohn Hall, \nJohn Sibley, \nEzekiel Richeson, \nMr. George Bunker, \nWm. Frothingham, \nEdmund Hubberd, Sen. \nThos. Goble, \nAnthony Eames, \nMr. Benj. Hubberd, \nGeorge Whitehand, \nMr. Rich'd Palsgrave, \nMr. John Hodges, \nThomas Lincoln. \n\n\nMrs. Anne Higginson, \nIn all 72. Most of these had wives and children, the widows had also.l'' \n\nWilliam Witherell, schoolmaster. His certificate from his parish \nin England, dated March 14, 1635, and signed by the Mayor of \nMaidstone, was for his wife Mary, three children, and one servant. \nIt testified that they had taken the oaths of allegiance and suprema- \ncy, and were correct as to \" the orders and discipline of the church.\" \nHaving presented this paper to the authorities of Sandwich, Eng- \nland, they, according to custom, were allowed to embark for New \nEngland, which they did in the ship Hercules.^ He was, for seve- \nral years \" the grammar master \" of the public school. \n\nThomas Coitmore, selectman in 1640, and deputy in 1645, built \na mill in town near Spot Pond, and in 1642 sailed master of the \nTrial, — the first ship ever built in Boston. He was drowned on \n\n1 The reader will notice the title of \" Mr.\" prefixed to a few of the \nnames. This almost invariably indicates, in records of this period, a per- \nson of consideration, as much, or perhaps more, than \" Hon.\" does at the \npresent day. It appears that there was but one \" Esq.\" in town, and he \nranks above the ministers. \" Not more than a dozen of the principal \ngentlemen took the title of Esquire,\" writes Hutchinson, \" and in a list of \nan hundred freemen, generally men of substance,\" there are not more \nthan four or five distinguished by \" Mr.\" The General Court ordered \nJosias Plaistowe, for taking corn from the Indians, to return the corn, pay \na fine, and \" hereafter to be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr., .as \nformerly he used to be.\" Goodman and Goodwife were the common ap- \npellations. \n\n2 Savage's Gleanings, \n\n\n86 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthe coast of Wales, December 17, 1645, leaving an estate of \ncf 1266, 9s. Id. to widow Martha and son Thomas. \" A right godly \nman and expert seaman,\" writes Winthrop; \"dearly beloved,\" \nwrites Johnson ; \" a good scholar and one who had spent both his \nlabor and estate in helping on in this wilderness work.\" His wid- \now, Martha, the daughter of Capt. Rainsborough, married Gov. Win- \nthrop. On his death she married John Coggan, whom she survived. \n\nThe next year Mr. Coitmore's mother, \" Mrs. Katherine Coit- \nmore,\" came over, a widow, and so continued until her death, Nov. \n28, 1659. Of her daughters, Parnell married Increase Nowell ; \nCatherine married Thomas Graves, the \" Admiral ; \" Anne mar- \nried William Tyng of Boston; Sarah married Williams. \n\nThis family was also connected with Joseph Hill and William \nStitson, — leading men. \n\nThe other inhabitants, admitted in 1636, were : Jenner, \n\nWilliam Powell, Joseph Ketchering, Thomas Richeson, Nicholas \n\nTrarice, Ralph Smith, Benjamin Linge, Abraham Hill, \n\nPotter, Lewis Hewlett, Richard Wilde, James Hoyden, George \nHeywood, Thomas Hawkins, William Quick, John Charles, \nThomas Weeks, James Hayward, and Robert Sedgwick, in 1656 \none of Cromwell's generals. \n\n1637. Francis Norton was, in 1631, \" a steward,\" sent by Captain \nMason to Piscataqua, to manage his plantation. On his death, \nMrs. Mason made Mr. Norton her attorney, with full power to \nmanage the estate of her late husband. The colony was not pros- \nperous; no supplies were sent over, and Mr. Norton, then living \nat the Great House, Portsmouth, left that settlement and drove \nabout a hundred head of cattle — worth .£25 the head, \" money of \nEngland,\" — to Boston, and there sold them. He did not return. \nHe was freeman in 1643, and member of the artillery; and visited \nEngland in 1646; selectman first in 1647 and afterwards eight \nyears ; representative first in 1647 and afterwards ten years. He \nwas a distinguished military character, and commanded \" the train \nband \" of this town. \" One of a bold and cheerful spirit, and full of \nlove to the truth,\" — \" a well disciplined and able man,\" writes \nJohnson. He died July 27, 1667. His estate is valued at o£630; \namong the items of which was \" a negro man ^26.\" He had \n(1667) three daughters unmarried : Deborah, Elizabeth and Sarah; \n\nand one, Abigail, married Long. He left a widow Mary, who \n\nmarried (1670) Deacon Stitson. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 87 \n\nSeth Sweetser came from Tring, Hertfordshire, and was the an- \ncestor of the numerous family of this name. He died, May 21, \n1662, aged fifty-six, leaving property to wife Elizabeth, son Benja- \nmin, son Samuel Blanchard, daughter Mary Blanchard and daugh- \nter Hannah. He was a Baptist, as was his son Benjamin of Bos- \nton, who was fined ,£50 and imprisoned for his opinions. One of \nhis descendants was Seth Sweetser, schoolmaster, and the patri- \notic town clerk during the Revolution. \n\nEdward Johnson was the author of the very curious work entitled \n\" Wonder- Working Providence of Zion's Saviour ; Being a Rela- \ntion of the firste planting of New England in the Yeere 1628 :\" \nLondon, 1654. This volume begins thus : \" Good Reader : as \nlarge Gates to small Edificies, so are long prefaces to little Bookes; \ntherefore I will briefly informe thee, that here thou shalt find the \ntime lolien, the manner lioiv, the cause why, and the great successe \nwhich it hath pleased the Lord to give, to this handful of hisprays- \ning Saints in N. Engl., &c : \". He lived in Bow-street; yet it is \nstrange that the name of so noted a civilian and religionist is not \nfound in the church records at all, nor on the town records before \n1640, except in divisions of lands, and in a description of his prop- \nerty, where he is styled \" Captain.\" He was the father of Woburn, \nwhere he died, April 23, 1672. \n\nRobert Cutler, deacon, selectman and an active citizen, serving \nthe town on various committees, died March 7, 1665, leaving an \nestateof .£602, 8s. 2c?. to wife Rebecca, son John, daughters Rebec- \nca, wife of Abram Arrington ; and Hannah, wife of Matthew Griffin. \n\nWilliam Stitson, a valuable citizen, was selectman first in 1642, \nand served twenty years in this office ; a representative six years, \nthe first time in 1646, the last time in 1671 ; a sergeant of the mili- \ntary company, and member of the Boston artillery, 1648; and a \ndeacon of the church \"thirty-one years and five months,\" as it is \ninscribed on his tomb-stone, still to be seen. He died April 11, \n1691, aged ninety-one. He was as active in ecclesiastical matters \nas he was in civil affairs ; but the bare recital of the offices he filled \nis nearly the only memorial I can give of this venerable patriarch. \n\nHis first wife was Elizabeth , who died Feb. 16, 1669. He \n\nmarried, August 27, 1670, Mary Norton, widow of Francis Norton. \nHis will frees his negro Sambo, and gives property to sons John, \n\nThomas, William, Daniel Harris and Maverick, children of \n\nhis first wife; and Deborah, wife of Matthew Griffin. \n\n\n88 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThe other inhabitants,. admitted in 1637, were Joshua Tedd, se- \nlectman 1060 and 1068, John Mosse, Timothy Ford, John Brims- \nmead, Richard Perry, William Hayward, Luson, Si- \n\nmonds, Joseph Coleman, Thomas Caule, William Knight, Peter \n\nGarland, Matthew Smith, Robert Leach, Fraile, John Todd, \n\nJohn Barrage, George Line, Pitt, James Garrett, James \n\nHubbard, Apsia Knight, Jervase Boyken, John Harvard, the foun- \nder of Harvard College. \n\n1638. Joseph Hill was selectman 1644, and representative in \n1647; the principal character at Maiden, where he probably died. \nJohnson characterizes him as \" active to bring the laws of the \ncountry in order,\" and the first leader of the Maiden band. \n\nThe others admitted this year were, Robert Hunt, John Mar- \ntin, Thomas Ruck, Henry Bullock, William Smith, Henry Swaine, \nEdward Paine, Richard Hill, Edward Larkin, John Pentecost, \nWalter Nichols, Nehemiah Bourne, John Fairfield, Hiram Garrett, \n\nRichard Lowden, Sergeant, Benjamin Butterfield, William \n\nBateman, Thomas Martin, Thomas Graves, rear admiral, probably \nappointed by Cromwell, and Francis Willoughby, who, for nearly \nforty years, was one of the principal characters of the colony. \n\n1639. John Allen was a merchant, and a prominent man, often \nengaged in town business, several years selectman, representative \n1668 to 1074, and captain of the company, 1658. He died March \n27, 1675. \n\nAugustine Walker was a sea-captain, actively engaged in com- \nmerce— freeman, 1641; died at Bilboa, January 1, 1053. His \nwife's name was Hannah. His descendants settled in Woburn. \n\nThe other inhabitants, admitted this year, were, John Seer, John \nMarsh, Thomas French, Richard Robert, William Simonds, John \nScudder, Gaudy James, and Isaac Wheeler. \n\n1640. The following are all that are recorded this year, James \nJackson, Alexander Field, Ralph Wilmot, Ralph Cook, Ralph \nWoory, Edward Wood ; and Richard Russell, for twenty years \nTreasurer of the colony and for twenty-six years in succession, \nselectman.^ \n\n\n1 In this chapter the names of all the inhabitants from 1630 to 1640 are \ngiven. After this time, there are few admissions recorded. Biographi- \ncal sketches, hereafter, must, necessarily, be confined to those inhabit- \nants who took a prominent part in public afiairs. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWX. 89 \n\n\nCHAPTER XII. \n\n\nCharlestown Two Hundred years a^o. — Extent. — Cradock's Farm. — \nFields. — Streets. — Market Place.— Town Hill. — Training Field. — \nBurial Ground. — Ferries. — The Meeting-House. — The Tavern. — \nThe Watch-House. — A School-House. — The Military. — The Hill \nFort. — The Battery. — The Poor. — Population. — Freemen. — Town \nOfficers. — Voting. — Town Meetings. — By-Laws. — Colonial Laws. \n— Condition of the Citizens. — Their Pursuits. — Trade. — Ship Buil- \nding.— Fruits of Ten Years. \n\nIn the year 1640, in consequence of the change that took place \nin the political condition of England, emigration ceased. Many \npersons even returned, either to observe, or to take part in, the \ngreat struggle going on there for liberty. It may be interesting, \n&s the foundations of the town were now laid, to view it in its \ninfancy ; for \" small things,\" writes Dudley, \" in the beginning of \nnatural or politique bodyes are as remarkable as greater in bodyes \nfull growne.\" \n\nCharlestown, at this time, included the extensive tract already \ndescribed. A few settlers had planted themselves at \" Mistick \nside,\" afterwards Maiden. Stoneham had not a single occupant ; \na number of Charlestown men had commenced the \" village,\" \nafterwards Woburn ; on the north side of Mystic River lay the \nextensive plantation of Matthew Cradock, ^ not far from 2500 \n\ni Cradock's Farm was the tract, bounded on the south by Mystic River, \nthat, until 1754, constituted the greater part of Medford. The early his- \ntory of this flourishing town is \"very meagre,\" writes Mr. Savage. \n(Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 161.) It has been found difficult to account (Ameri- \ncan Quarterly Register, vol. xiv. p. 409 : Stetson's Discourse, 1840) for \nthe facts, that until 1674 it has no records ; until 1689, it bad no repre- \nsentative ; until after 1700, no school ; and until 1713 no church, though \nit had preaching from 1793 ; and confusion has arisen from the fact, that \nthe name Medford has been applied incorrectly to settlements on both sides \nthe Mystic River. \n\nMatthew Cradock was a merchant of London, of enterprise and sagacity, \n— the Governor of the company in England, and first proposed (July 28, \n1629) the transfer of the charter, — that the emigrants might be their own ru- \nlers. He, with other \" particular brethren,\" sent over, in the ships that sail- \ned that year, men and materials for the establishment of a large plantation. \nThe Company instructed Gov. Endicott to aid this undertaking (Letter, \nApril 17, 1629,) \" done without any charge to the Company's stock.\" \n\n12 \n\n\n90 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nacres ; in the eastern part of what is now Medford, were the farms of \nJohn Wilson, Increase Nowel!, and Thomas Allen : on the south side \nof the Mystic, the tract from the Ponds, eastward, afterwards named \n\" Mystic Fields; \" the six hundred acres owned by Governor Win- \nthrop, called Mystic; and a tract extending to Penny Ferry, where \nMaiden Bridge is, long known as the High Field. Between the \n\"Winter Hill Road\" and Cambridge line, was the field called \n\"The Stinted Common,\" already described, a small part of which, \nsituated in the neighborhood of the tavern, on the Neck, retained \nthe name of \"The Common\" to the present century. There \n\nSubsequently, (Letter of May 28,) this charpfs was renewed ; \" Cradock,\" \nthe letter says, \" had engaged himself beyond expectation\" in this adven- \nture ; \" our desire is that you endeavor to give all furtherance and friendly \naccommodation to his agents and servants.\" They selected the land on \nthe north side of Mystic River, cleared a farm, \" impaled a park,\" built \nvessels, and began a fishing establishment. \n\n\" Some of us,\" Dudley writes, March, 1631, are planted \" upon Mystic \nwhich we named Meadford ;\" designating by this, the plantation on the \nnorth side of the river. The south side was Charlestown. Thus Ten \nHills was \" at Mistick in the precincts of Charlestown ;\" farther up, op- \nposite the middle of Medford, and so towards the Ponds, were \" Mystic \nFields;\" so read descriptions in early deeds. Later, Medford was also \nfrequently called Mistick. \n\nIn 1634 the General Court granted to Matthew Cradock all the tract \nbetween the \" lands of Mr. Nowell and Mr. Wilson on the east, and the \npartition betwixt Mystic bounds on the west;\" on the south by Mystic \nRiver, and north by \"the Rocks,\" — the extensive ledge that skirts the \nnorth side of Medford. In 1636 the Court further ordered, that this tract \n\" should extend a mile into the country from the river side in all places.\" \nThis piece of land contained over twenty-one hundred acres, and perhaps \ntwenty-five hundred ; included the Wellington Farm in the eastern part \nof Medford, and ran beyond the centre of the town towards \" Symmes's \nCorner.\" In 1634 the Court also granted \"the Wear at Mistick\" to \nCradock and Winthrop. \n\nAt this period the plantation, undoubtedly, was extensive and flourish- \ning, — furnishing employment to many mechanics, farmers and fishermen. \nA \" ship \" of sixty tons was built here in 1633; another projected of two \nhundred tons. A celebrated clergyman. Rev. James Noyes, preached \nhere for more than a year. Medford paid a large proportion of the colo- \nnial taxes ; for eight years it was \" superior in wealth, at diflferent times, \nto Newbury, Ipswich, Hingham, and Weymouth, all ancient towns.\" \n(Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 161.) Its tax in 1634, of a rate of jC600, \nwas £26, — Charlestown's proportion jC45 ; in a rate in 1635 of jC200, \nit was jCIO, — Charlestown's, £16. Hence all printed authorities speak \nof Medford as a town, and date its incorporation in 1630 ; but this appears \nto be an error. \n\nThere are many allusions, on Charlestown records, to this Plantation. It \nis called for about forty years, \" Medford Farm,\" \" Farme at Mystic,\" \n\"Medford Farms,\" and \" Cradock's Farm. In 1638 Mr. Cradock's \nagents built abridge (Mistick Bridge) over the river, to \" the hindrance of \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 91 \n\nwas also another field fenced in, called Menotomies Field, which \nbordered on West Cambridge. \n\nAt this period it was common for the towns to have these fields.— \nThe land of which they were composed, in this town, was first \nallotted to individuals, who agreed to fence in common, to avoid \nexpense. Each proprietor might use his land, or sell it. One of \nthe fields within the Peninsula, was \"The Great Cornfield,\" or \n\" The East Field,\" described on the town records, as bounded \n\" west by the Country Road,\" Main-street; \" south by the Marsh \nthat runs along by Charles River ; \" east by Mistick River ; \" north \n\nboats,\" say the records, — \" exacting toll (without any orders) of cattle \nthat {TO over that bridge.\" The town commenced a suit against him at \nthe Quarter Court. This bridge was one of the earliest, if not the ear- \nliest, toll-bridge in the state. \n\nThe prosperity of this Plantation declined on the decline in health, and \nthe death of its owner, Matthew Cradock. The date of this event is un- \ncertain ; probably it was about 1642. His will is dated November 9, \n1640. The period when he withdrew a portion of his means from the \nplantation may be fixed at 1638, from the circumstance that Medford is \nnot named in the rates of 1639 or 1640. In 1642 it paid, of a rate of £800 \nonly £^10, while Charlestown paid JC60 ; in 1644, of a rate of £616, it \npaid £1, while Charlestown paid £60. \n\nMr. Cradock in his will, after a few legacies to the poor, — one to the \npoor of Broad street, where he served his apprenticeship, another to the \npoor of Swithens, where he lived, — leaves property to his wife and others ; \nand among the bequests is the use of one half of his estate in New Eng- \nland to his widow Rebecca during her life ; the use of the other half to \nhis daughter Dammaris, and this half to go to her children ; if she had \nnone, then the whole of this estate was to revert, on the deaths of mother \nand daughter, to his brother Samuel, and to be inherited by his male heirs. \n\nHis widow, Rebecca, married first, Richard Glover, who in 1644, rented \nto Edward Collins of Cambridge, one half of the plantation \" called Med- \nford in New England;\" including \"houses, edifices, buildings, barns, \nstables, out-houses, lands, tenements, meadows, pastures, findings, woods, \nhighways, profits, commodities and appurtenances.\" \n\nIn 1652 Cradock's widow had again married, to Benjamin Whitchcot, \nD. D. ; his daughter Dammaris had married Thomas Andrews, leather- \nseller of London : and Samuel, his brother, was \" Elder of Chessleton, \nCounty of Rutland, clerk,\" and had three sons. These parties, in instru- \nments dated June 2, 1652, and September 6, 1652. relinquished to Mr. \nEdward Collins, \" all that messuage, farm, or plantation, called Medford \nin New England.\" \n\nEdward Collins, who appears to have resided on his plantation, sold, \nAugust 20, 1656, to Richard Russell, of Charlestown, sixteen hundred \nacres of it, \" being partof the plantation known by the nameof Medford,\" \nwith the mansion house and other buildings ; bounding this tract on the \nsouth by Mistick River; north by Charlestown line; west by trees \nstanding by a brook ; and east by the farms of No well and others. Col- \nlins covenants to save Russell harmless from all claims from the heirs of \nCradock \" unto whom the said plantation was first granted '\" by the Court. \n\n\n92 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nby the isthmus, or neck of land that lets out into the Main ;\" \nincluding Bunker Hill, Breeds Hill and Moulton's Point. The \ntown maintained the gates, but the individual proprietors paid for \nthe fences, \" either in money or merchantable corn. \" Minute \nregulations were made respecting the occupancy of this field ; \na proprietor might, every third year, plant Indian corn ; for each \ntwo acres he might pasture \" one grown beast and two calves ; \" \nthe times were fixed when it might be occupied for pasturage, or \nfor planting ground ; fines were imposed for violations of these \nlaws, viz. : for leaving gates open, 2s. 6d. ; for a bad fence, VZd. \n\nNo specification is given of the number of \" cattle \" or of \" tenements.\" \nAt this time, Mr. Coilins also deeds to others portions of this farm. \n\nIn 1658, in answer to a petition of the \" inhabitants of Mistick,\" the \nCourt, Oct. 19, decided that they should \" have half proportion with the \nrest of the inhabitants of Charlestown\" in the commons lately divided, \nunless \" Charlestown leave the inhabitants of Mistick and their lands to \nMaiden \" and the latter accept them. At this period there are many refer- \nences, on the town records, to thispl antation. One in 1655, reads thus — \n\" about the commons concerning- Mr. Winthrop's Farm, Medford Farm \nand Cambridge town.\" In 1658 the General Court, also, gave the peo- \nple of Medford liberty to \"join the train-band of Cambridge, and be no \nlonger compelled to travel to Charlestown ;\" and to have all matters of a \ncivil nature, arising within their \" peculiar,\" and proper to be heard by \nthe three commissioners, \" to be heard and determined \" by those of Cam- \nbridge. From these facts it appears, that, though Medford was taxed \nseparately in colonial rates, it was not a town ; it was rather a manor, \nowned by one of the leadmg inhabitants of Charlestown ; and its people, \nfor some municipal purposes, were considered as belonging to this town. \n\nRichard Russell, May 25, 1661, deeded three quarters of this farm, in- \ncluding the \" Mansion House,\" to Jonathan Wade, of Charlestown ; and \nMr. Russell's heirs sold to Peter Tufts three hundred acres of it lying in \nwhat is now the heart of Medford. \n\nFor several years Medford was called \" A Plantation.\" It had its \nrecords, which after 1674 are still extant. It elected selectmen to manage \n\" the affairs of the plantation.\" Jonathan Wade, Nathaniel Wade, and \nPeter Tufts, appear to have been its leading men. Its board of selectmen \nwere, in 1677, Jo. Wade, Jno. Hall, and Stephen Willows. Some of the \npersons of Medford, at this period, 1658 to 1684, were also inhabit- \nants of Charlestown. But from the vole of the Court of 1684, Medford \nprobably might have been at this time a town, had it chosen to recognise \nitself as such. \n\nThere was much trouble about Mistick Bridge. In 1653 the Court es- \ntablished rates of tolls, and offered to avithorize any person or persons to \ncollect them, on condition that the bridge be maintained. After much ac- \ntion upon this subject, an agreement was entered into, July 17, 1668, by \nwhich Charlestown obligated itself to maintain one half, seventy-seven feet \ntwo and a half inches, and the other was to be kept in repair by the \npeople of Medford, Maiden, Woburn and Reading. This bridge, after \nthis time, was frequently \"presented\" at the (Jounly Court as being \nunsafe. While Charlestown appears to have been, generally, prompt to \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 93 \n\nfor each defect ; for putting in cattle before the field was cleared, \n12c?., besides damages. A hayward was chosen to enforcethese \nregulations. The other field, within the Peninsula, was called the \nNorth-west Field, in the vicinity of Washington-street. Water \nField is also mentioned. \n\nThere is no record of streets until 1670. The two principal \nones, at this time, (1640) were, Main-street, then called \"The \nCountry Road,\" \" The Town-street,\" in 1670, \" Broad-street,\" \nand later, Market-street ; and Bow-street, then called Crooked- \nlane.\" Other highways are mentioned in old records and deeds, \nsuch as \" Malt-lane,\" Rope-maker's-lane,\" \" Meeting-house-lane,\" \n\" Hale's-lane.\" Wapping was a name given to that part of the \ntown in the neighborhood of the Navy Yard ; Sconce Point, to a \npoint now included within the limits of the yard ; Moulton's Point, \nto the tract now known as \" The Point.\" Cambridge-Road and Win- \nter-IIill-Road had been laid out ; or, rather, were narrow cartways. \n\n\ndo its part, it required sometimes sharp \" duns \" in the shape of fines, to \nbring her neighbors to the mark. \n\nOn the 13th of October, 1684, say the Medford records, \" It was agreed \nupon at a general meeting of the inhabitants by a vote, to petition the Gen- \neral Court to grant us power and privilege as other towns for the ordering \nof prudentials among us.\" This was signed by Nathaniel Wade and \nPeter Tufts. The Court declared, Oct. 15, \" that Medford hath been and \nis a peculiar, and have power as other towns as to prudentials.\" In 1685, \nApril 1, there was a rate made ; in 1689, June 4, \" Ensign Peter Tufts \" \nwas elected a deputy, and again \" Lieut. Peter Tufts \" in 1690. \n\nIn 1687, May 3, the lines were established between this town and Med- \nford. Under this date there is on the Charlestown records, nearly a \npage of description of boundary lines, after the fashion of the times ; the \npoints, piles of stones, — more curious than intelligible. It would be out \nof place to follow the divisions of this great farm or the fortunes of Med- \nford, farther. It has a history of its own, commencing, not very auspi- \nciously, with a long and painful controversy with its minister, Eev. Ben- \njamin Woodbridge. At length the General Court decided, that he \" was \nnot legally the minister,\" \" and ordered the town to settle another with- \nout delay.\" The town immediately took measures to comply with the \norder ; and meanwhile \" humbly begged the General Court not to impose \na minister upon them without their consent.\" — Stetson's Discourse, p. 19, \n\nMr. Cradock's widow, in 1650, through Nicholas Davison, a merchant \nof this town, petitioned the Court for £676, which she alleged to be due to \nCradock's estate. The Court refused to allow this claim on the ground \nthat the government \" were never concerned \" in Cradock's adventure. In \n1670, then Mrs. Whitchcot, she renewed this claim. At first, Oct. 11, the \nCourt decided not to grant it ; but shortly after, in consideration of \" the \ngreat disbursement of Mr. Cradock in planting the colony,\" it allowed \nDr. Whitchcot and Rebecca his wife, one thousand acres of land, and they \nrelinquished all claims on the government. \n\n\n94 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThe Market Place was the tract, now called the Square, then be- \ncoming filled with buildings. Here, by the permission of the Court, \n\" a market was kept constantly on the sixth day of every week,\" — \nan old custom of the towns of England. Here was a weekly \nexhibition of the infant commerce of New England. Other towns, \non other days, had the same privilege. \n\nThe Town Hill was then called the \" Windmill Hill,\" from the \nmill that Robert Hawkins built upon it in 1635. For a century, \nestates in this vicinity, are described in deeds, as being on or near \n\"the Windmill Hill.\" In a few years (1G46) it was determined that \nthis Hill \" should lie common to the town forever ; \" and (1648) \nthat \" no more gravel should be digged or fetched from it.\" Large \nquantities of gravel were carried from this Hill about the year \n1782, when it was much higher than it now is. It must have been \nvery much higher at the time of the settlement of the town. \n\nThe Training Field was, probably, laid out, as a few years later \nit is (1648) first alluded to in the records, as a well-established \npublic place. The next year the town voted to maintain the upper \nand west side of the \" Training Place.\" It was used, undoubtedly, \nfor military purposes. \n\nThe old Burial Ground is alluded to in the records for the first \ntime in 1648. But th!s beautifully located hillock had, undoubt- \nedly, been already appropriated for this purpose. A few years later, \nin 1656, the marsh in front of it was sold by the town, — the hill \nand the street leading to it \" being reserved to the town's use for- \never.\" At this time, ( 1640,) it had received some of its most sacred \nrelicts, for among them were those of Beecher and Harvard ; but \nthe earliest grave-stone is that of Maud, the wife of Richard Rus- \nsell, — a horizontal monument, with 1652 upon it. Time has dealt \nseverely with Charlestovvn. The monuments of its grave-yard, its \nrecords, and its silent highways, are its only antiquities. The con- \nflagration of 1775 spared not a dwelling-place ; and living witnesses \ntestify, that the temporary possessors of the town did not even \nrespect this venerable sanctuary of the dead; they used its grave- \nstones on Bunker Hill for the thresholds of the barracks of the \nsoldiers. \n\nThere were two ferries, \" The Great Ferry,\" and \" Penny Fer- \nry.\" The first, where the Charles River Bridge is, was established \nin 1631, when the General Court allowed Edward Converse \" to \nset up a ferry between Charlton and Boston, for which he is to have \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 95 \n\n2d. for every single person, and Id. a piece if there be two or more.\" \nThis lease was renewed, November 9, 1637, for three years, for \nwhich Mr. Converse agreed to pay forty pounds rent into the Colo- \nnial Treasury, and \" to set up a convenient house on Boston side, \nand keep a boat there.\" He was allowed to exact the above-named \nfees, \" as well on lecture days as at other times; \" and for a horse, \nor cow, with the \" man that goeth with them, 6d. ; for a goat. Id.; a. \nswine, 2d. ; and of passengers after dark, or before day -light in the \nmorning, recompense answering to the season, and his pains and \nhazard, so it be not excessive.\" In 1640, this ferry was granted \nto Harvard College, which in 1639 had received <£50 from it. \nPenny Ferry, where Maiden Bridge is, was established by the town, \nApril 2, 1640, when it was voted \"that Phillip Drinker should \nkeep a ferry at the Neck of Land, with a sufficient boat, and to \nhave 2d. a single person, and a penny a piece when there go any \nmore.\" Little Island, lying near it in Mystic River, was appro- \npriated to its support. It continued to be maintained by the town, \nwhich, some years later, derived a small income from it. \n\nThe Meeting-house was in the Market-Place, now the Square. \nIt was the third place of public worship that had been provided. \nThe first place was the Great House ; the next was situated \" be- \ntween the town and the neck,\" and in 1639, was sold for one hun- \ndred pounds ; the third, built with the proceeds of this sale, and \nprobably voluntary contributions, ^ was between the present Town \nHouse and the entrance to Main-street, — near the Bridge Estate. \nAnd here continued to be the site of the meeting-house until the \nRevolution. No description of it is extant. It was erected by \nthose, in the words of the quaint Scottaw, who \" served God in \nhouses of the first edition, without large chambers, or windows \nceiled with cedar, or painted with vermilion ; \" yet, judging from \nthe money expended upon it, it was something more than \" a mud- \nwall meeting-house with wooden chalices,\" as he describes the \nfirst church of Boston. It was \" very comely built and large,\" \nAvrites Johnson, and it may have had galleries ; ^ but the reader \nmust not suppose it lined with pews and covered with \" vermil- \nion.\" These appendages belong to a later day. \n\n^ The younger Winlhrop gave, in 1636, five pounds towards a meeting- \nhouse. \n\n2 The new Boston church (1643) had galleries. — See Snow's History. \n\n\n96 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThe \" Great House \" in which the Governor had lived, the \ncourt sat, and the people worshipped, was now the Tavern : an \n\" Ordinary,\" as such places were called, kept by Robert Long. \nJosselyn, in his Voyages, mentions calling (1G38) at \" one Long's \nOrdinary \"; and writes of these old Puritan Taverns as though he \nwas annoyed by the strict surveillance to which they were subject- \ned. \" If a stranger went in, he was presently followed by one \nappointed to that office, who would thrust himself into his company \nuninvited, and if he called for more drink than the officer thought \nin his judgment he could soberly bear away, he would presently \ncountermand it, and appoint the proportion beyond which he could \nnot get one drop,\" Besides : mine host could permit no tobacco \nto be used about his premises, no cards to be shuffled, no dice to \nbe thrown. And if he took more than six-pence for a meal, or a \npenny \"for an ale quart of beer out of meal times,\" or sold cakes \nor bunns, except for marriages or burials, or like special occasions, \nthe penalty to which he was liable was ten shillings. But by pay- \ning a round sum into the colonial treasury, he was allowed to \" sell \nwine and strong water made in the country.\" The town granted \nMr. Long the use of the horse pasture, on the condition that he \nfenced it, \" for the use of the guest horses.\" Mr. Long and his \nsons after him, kept this tavern for nearly three quarters of a cen- \ntury ; and, judging from the inventories of their estates, got rich in \nthe business. It came to be known as \" The Two Cranes,\" from \nits sign.i \n\nThe only other public building, named thus early, in the records, \nis the watch house. For not having one, the town had been fined ; \nand in 1639, one was ordered to be built \" with a chimney in it, \nof convenient largeness to give entertainment on the Lord's Days \n\n1 The Great House was inherited by John Long, who carried on the \ntavern established by his father. In 1683, he bequeathed it to his widow, \nMary, the daughter of Increase Nowell. There is specified in the inven- \ntory, among other rooms, a great lower room, a great chamber, the kitchen \nwhere the bar is kept, and the wine cellar. A brew-house was attached \nto the estate. Mrs. Long gave it, in 1711, to her son, Samuel Long, \nwhere it is named in the deed, as \" The Great Tavern.\" In 1712, Sam- \nuel Long sold the estate to Ebcnezer Breed, when the house is called \n\" The Old Tavern.\" I have not seen any notice of its being destroyed, \nand hence conclude it was burnt June 17-, 1775. The estate remained in \nthe possession of Mr. Breed's heirs, until the town purchased it to form a \npart of the Square. The Great House stood wholly in the Square, and \nopposite the lane by the \" Russell House,\" or \" The Mansion House.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 97 \n\nto such as live remote from the meeting-house, and that there shall \nbe a small room added or taken out of it for widow Morly to \nlive in.\" \n\nThe school continued to be maintained, though there is no notice \nof a school-house until 1G48, when one was ordered to be built on \n\"Windmill Hill,\" and paid for by \" a general rate.\" \n\nThe military concerns of the colony at this early period, were \nof the highest importance. The General Court, as early as 1631, \nappointed days for military exercises ; on every Friday there was \n\" a general training,\" in this town, \" at a convenient place about \nthe Indian wigwams,\" commencing at one o'clock in the afternoon. \nUp to 1635, the people of Medford, Watertown and Charlestown \nformed one company, but then the Court ordered that the two towns \nlast named \" shall be two distinct companies, and to have officers \nof their own ; \" the Medford men remaining members of the \nCharlestown company. For a few years there was no prominent \nmilitary character here ; and the town paid, in 1636, to the re- \nnowned captains, Patrick and Underbill, \"twenty shillings a time \nfor training \" its company. But there were no such expenses after \nRobert Sedgwick and Francis Norton, both distinguished military \nmen, as well as enterprising merchants, became inhabitants. John- \nson, in 1644, speaks of \" the very gallant horse troop,\" of this \ntown. Francis Norton at that time (1644) commanded the foot \ncompany ; Ralph Sprague was the lieutenant, and Abraham \nPalmer the ensign. The early writers speak in high terms of the \nskill displayed at the general musters. There was one in May, \n1639, that lasted a day, when more than a thousand soldiers, able \nmen, well armed and exercised, were in Boston ; and another, \nSeptember 15, 1641, which lasted two days, when there were over \ntwelve hundred ; and, though there was \" plenty of wine and strong \nbeer \" to be had, yet, such is the testimony, there was \" no man \ndrunk, no oath sworn, no quarrel, no hurt done.\" This was the \ngolden age of New England musters. \n\nThere were two fortifications in the town, \" the Hill Fort\" and \n\" the Battery.\" The former, on Town Hill, on the site of the \npresent Congregational church, was first built in 1629, under \nthe direction of Mr. Graves \" with pallisadoes and flankers made \nout.\" This was considered of sufficient consequence to be \nencouraged by the colony. The Court, March 3, 1636, voted \n\"twenty pounds, to make a platform and breast-work, for three \n13 \n\n\n98 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\npieces of ordnance at the Hill Fort,\" and ordered the inhabitants \nto finish \" said work at their own proper charges before the General \nCourt of May next. This fort was maintained at great expense \nto the town, for more than forty years ; a rate, for instance, of \n^77, 18s. 6cl. was levied, in 1653, to repair it. In, 1670, Septem- \nber 25, it was ordered that \" the great guns now mounted on the \nTown Hill, by reason of endangering Mr. Shepherd's and the Town \nHouse grass, shall not be discharged at the Hill, in future, unless \nthe militia see just cause. And the guns for salutes be improved \nin some other place.\" After this time, the Hill Fort appears to \nhave been abandoned. \n\nThe \"Battery\" was ordered to be built by the General Court, \nwhich, in 1034, appointed a large committee, consisting of Cap- \ntains Underbill, Patrick, and Mason, Mr. Beecher, and others, to \nlocate it, and lay out the works. It was situated near Swett's wharf. \nJohnson commends the public spirit of this town in military mat- \nters, and writes, that, in the active men, \" it hath not been inferior \nexcept in numbers,\" to Boston. \" Although,\" he adds, when com- \nmending Robert Sedgwick, and rather unjustly to Captains Mason \nand Underbill, \" Charles Town do not advantage such or'e-topping \nbatteries as Boston, yet hath he (Sedgwick) erected his to very \ngood purpose, insomuch that all shipping that comes in, must \nneeds face it all the time of their coming in.\" The town contin- \nued to maintain, and chiefly at its own expense, a battery near \nthis site, — for the location appears to have been once changed, — \nuntil the Revolution. It appointed a gunner, and the works were \nregularly inspected by the colony. There is much matter on the \ntown records and in the colony files about it, and in 1774 it will \nfurnish the occasion of an interesting reminiscence. \n\nThe earliest notice of a provision for the Poor, occurs October \n3, 1035, when it was voted \" that widow Morly be monthly kept \nfrom House to House throughout the town, at 3s. in winter, and \n2s. in summer, per week.\" In 1037, a room was provided for her \nin the watch-house. In 1040, another notice of this sort reads as \nfollows: \"Thomas Gold, was allowed o£'3, 10s. for the widow \nWood for one year past, which was allowed *by the Treasurer.\" \n\nThere is no record of the number of the inhabitants at this period. \nIn 1636, the whole number was seventy-two, who had wives and chil- \ndren. From that date to 1640, one hundred and twenty-seven were \nadmitted. The population was probably not far from one thousand. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n99 \n\n\nThe relative importance of the town may be gathered by com- \nparing the taxes assessed upon it with those of some of the prin- \ncipal towns : — \n\n\nDate of Rate. \n\nJimt. \n\nCharlestowii. \n\nBoston. \n\nRozbuni. \n\nH'atertovm. \n\nSalem. \n\nDorchester. \n\n163U \n\n£ 50. \n\n£ 7. \n\n£ 11. \n\n£ 5. \n\n£ 11. \n\n£ 3. \n\n£ 7. \n\n]6:il \n\n30. \n\n4.10. \n\n5. \n\n3. \n\n3. \n\n4.10. \n\n1633 \n\n412. \n\n48. \n\n48. \n\n48. \n\n28. \n\n80. \n\n1635 \n\n20(1. \n\n10. \n\n27.6.8. \n\n20. \n\n20. \n\n16. \n\n27.6.8. \n\n1637 \n\n400. \n\n42.6. \n\n.59.4. \n\n30.8. \n\n30.8. \n\n45.12. \n\n42.6. \n\n1638 \n\n1500. \n\n138. \n\n233.10. \n\n115. \n\n111). \n\n172.10. \n\n140. \n\n1639 \n\n1000. \n\n85.15. \n\n144.10 \n\n74.12. \n\n81.17. \n\nni.i3. \n\n93.7.9. \n\n1640 \n\n1200. \n\n90. \n\n179. \n\n75. \n\n90. \n\n115. \n\n95. \n\nFor nearly half a century the inhabitants were divided into free- \nmen and non-freemon. To become a freeman, it was necessary \nto be a church member, and to subscribe the freeman's oath, bind- \ning the person taking it to maintain the government of the Com- \nmonwealth. Then he became qualified to vote and to be voted for. \n\nThe Town Officers were: — 1. The Selectmen, then called the \n\" seven men,\" or the \" Townsmen,\" The board commonly con- \nsisted of seven persons. Their duties were more general than those \nof the same officers to-day, — acting as assessors and overseers of the \npoor. 2. Constables who, in addition to such duties as pertain to \ntheir office, then collected the taxes. 3. Surveyors of Highways, \nwho acted under the Selectmen, and directed the labor on the \nstreets. \" Every man, and boy above ten years old \" were \nobliged (1646) to work one day in a year on a highway ; and every \none that had one hundred pounds stock, \" a day for that,\" and so \nabove or under proportionably. A team and three beasts were \n\" to goe for three days,\" and one beast \" for two days.\" All were \nrequired \" to bee at work by eight o'clock,\" and \" no man to send \na boy instead of a man.\" The fine for neglect was 2s. 6d. \n4. Town Clerks, and clerk of the writs, who granted summonses \nand attachments in civil actions. 5. The Herdsman, who, with \na boy to assist him, drove the three herds to their pastures. He \nwas required to be at Antony Dick's Corner, (near Austin and \nMain-streets,) in the morning, \" when the sun was half an hour \nhigh, whither people are to bring their cows at that time,\" — the \ndilatory who \" came after the first putting forth \" of the herd, were \nobliged to pay 6d. a cow. His pay for the year was eighty bushels \nof Indian corn, \" the grass in the swamp,\" and a pound of butter \n\" upon each cow\" he kept ; but the boy that assisted him was to \nhave \" twenty pounds of the butter,\" and 6s. a week paid to hira \nby the town. 6. Overseers of the Fields. They had the general \n\n\n100 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\noversight of these enclosures ; attended to fencing, watering places, \nkeeping them clear of intruders ; watching lest people put more \nbeasts in than they had a right to ; seeing that all the swine were \n\"yoakt and runge,\" — the \" yoak \" to be two feet long, and every \n\"yoak\" to have \" a pick upward of six inches high, on penalty of \ntwelve-pence fine. 7. The chimney sweepers, who (1C48) were \nto see that all the chimneys in the town be sufficiently daubed \nfrom the mantell-tree to the head or top of the chimney, and \nthat each chimney top be at least three feet high above the top \nof the thatch. Every chimney was required to be swept once a \nmonth in winter — once in two months in summer. 8. A few other \nofficers were required by law to be chosen, though none at this \ntime (1640) are named in the records. \n\nThe freemen voted, 1. for Governor, Deputy Governor, Major \nGeneral, Treasurer, Secretary, and Commissioner of the United \nColonies. For a few years the freemen of all the towns were obliged \nto go to one place to vote, but at this time (1640) they might cast \ntheir votes before the constable, or their deputies, who carried \nthem, sealed up, to the place of election, generally Boston. The \nballots were to be put into the box \" open, or once folded, not twisted \nor rolled up.\" The freemen also elected assistants or magistrates. \nBut this election was to be by corn and beans; the \" corn to man- \nifest election, the beans, contrary.\" A person putting in more than \none of either, or voting when he had no right to vote, was liable to \na penalty of ten pounds. The elections thus early were not always \nmore quiet than they are sometimes now. An instance is affiarded \nin the contest between Winthrop and Vane in 1637. Then there \nwas considerable rallying of voters ; for the Newbury men went \nforty miles on foot to vote for Winthrop ;i and some political ora- \ntory ; for Rev. John Wilson, in his zeal, \" gat upon the bough of \na tree,\" — for the election was \"carried on in the field,\" — and \nmade a speech \" advising the people to look to their charter,\" and \nproceed to vote. Vane's friends desired to postpone the election ; \nbut Mr. Wilson's speech, writes Hutchinson, \" was well received \nby the people, who presently called out, election ! election ! which \nturned the scale.\" ^ Winthrop was successful : his opponents \n\" grew into fierce speeches, and some laid hands on others ; \" there \nwas \"great danger of tumult that day.\" ^ 2. The freemen voted \n\n1 Coffin's Newbury, p. 23. 2 Hutchinson, vol. i, p. 62. ^ Winthrop, \nvol.i p. 220. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 101 \n\nfor Deputies, or Representatives, who were chosen by \" papers.\" \nNone but freemen could be deputies, and no freeman \" unsound \nin judgment concerning the main points of the Christian religion, \nas they have been held forth and acknowledged by the generality \nof the Protestant writers. As the town contained more than twenty \nfreemen, it was entitled to two deputies, for whose services it was \nobliged to pay 2s. Gd. a day, during attendance at Court. 3. Grand \nJurymen, who generally consisted of the most valuable inhabitants. \n\nTown meetings were held as often as occasion required. No \nintimation is given in the records of the place of meetings, or of \nthe mode of conducting them. In other towns, as to-day, a Mode- \nrator was chosen, who, if an elder or deacon were not present, \nopened the meeting with prayer. Each speaker, on rising, took \noff his hat, and was not allowed to be interrupted; small fines \nwere imposed for non-attendance, or for leaving the meeting with- \nout permission. In them, \" every man, whether inhabitant, or \niforreiner, free or not free,\" — so ordered the Court in 1641, — had \nliberty to make any motion, prefer any complaint, or present any \npetition, — whereof the meeting had cognizance, — \" so it be done \nin convenient time, due order, and respective manner.\" Such, \nfrom the first, were these \"glories of New England,\" as they have \nbeen called. These little assemblies, thus open to all, where de- \nbate run as free as thought, were the primary schools of freedom. \nIn selecting officers, 8eciding about dividing the land, supporting \nschools and the ministry, making by-laws, and discussing Parlia- \nmentary measures, there was evolved an independence of mind, \nand manliness of character, that constituted a wide and admirable \npreparation for more important political action. Their influence \nwas decided. Andross, when he suppressed them, Hutchinson, \nwhen he denounced them, and the British Parliament, when it \nprohibited them, knew what they were about. Such action on the \npart of their enemies, is a solid testimonial of their value. One of \ntheir friends, — of the highest authority, — assigns them the credit \nof having commenced the American Revolution. ^^ \n\nThe early votes of these meetings are worthy of notice. At first, \n— as already quoted, — they relate to dividing the land, building \nfences and making fields. The town voted, in 1633, a bounty of \n\" a penny upon every acre of planted land, for killing an old fox \" \n\n1 Judge Story, in Niles' Register, vol. xlviii, p. 169. \n\n\n102 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwithin its limits, and \" half-a-penny for every young fox; \" in 1635, \nthat whoever had been warned forty-eight hours before a town \nmeeting, \" and shall fail, unless the occasion be extraordinary, \nshall forfeit and pay 18c?.; \" in 1636, that a committee \" settle the \nrates of all workmen, laborers, and servant's wages, and for cart \nand boat hire ; \" also, a fine of 5s., \" for every tree felled and not \ncut up,\" and at the end of six days, that any other might \" cut up \nthe tops and take the tree; \" in 1637, that the wharves should be, \n\" on pain of lOs.,\" \" kept clear of timber and fire-wood,\" that \n\" hay and other things \" might be landed, which were to remain \n\" not above two days after landing, upon pain of 12d. each day ; \" \nin 1638, that no inhabitant sell his estate to a foreigner without \nconsent of the town ; for doing which, Robert Hawkins was fined \n19s., which was \" levied by distress.\" \n\nColonial legislation at this period, aimed at the whole of domes- \ntic life. If the citizens reproached the government, they were \nliable to be fined, set in the bilboes, and disfranchised; if they took \ntobacco publicly, \"or privately in their houses, before acquaint- \nances or strangers,\" the penalty was 2s. 6d. ; if they sold certain \ngoods for more than four-pence in a shilling profit, they were fined ; \nthe fair sex could not wear short sleeves, nor those more than half \nan ell wide ; none could sell \" lace to be worn upon any garment \nor linnen ; \" though they might sell \" binding or small edging.\" \nThis list might be easily extended. These law^ were not dead letter. \nMajor Sedgwick was admonished for selling goods too high ; Nicho- \nlas Davison was fined for swearing an oath ; Robert Shorthus, for \nanother oath, had his tongue put into a cleft stick, and thus stood \nfor half an hour ; and at another time, for saying \" if the magis- \ntrates had any thing to say to him, they might come to him,\" was \ncommitted ; and for again slighting them in his speeches, was set \nin the bilboes. Ambrose Martin, for traducing the church cove- \nnant and the ministers, was fined ten pounds, \" and councilled to \ngo to Mr. Mather to be instructed.\" \n\nMuch of this must be regarded as vexatious and arbitrary; and \nin such matter, those disposed may find ample material for coarse \nabuse of the Puritans. Still, none of it was peculiar to them. For \nacres government had controlled people in their religion, manufac- \ntures, trade, dress and diet. At this time, in England, the right \nto carry on almost every kind of business, was firmed to a Court \nfavorite, who retailed rights to others ; and in addition, there were \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 103 \n\nthe ruinous exactions of the Guilds.^ The error of the colonists \nconsisted in not rejecting the whole of such absurdities instead of \na part of thera ; what they retained, however, were transient in \ncharacter, and have, one by one, taken their places among the things \nthat were. \n\nBut how nobly were those errors redeemed ! Our citizens, as a \ngeneral thing, in an age of restriction and tyranny, enjoyed perso- \nnal security ; inviolability of property ; jury trial ; freedom to en- \ngage in business; town meetings ; education for their children ; an- \nnual elections ; a government of laws and not of men ; and the right \nof making the laws, which, if arbitrary, were still to be tested on \nthose who made them, and could correct them. Such principles \nwere permanent ; and, as time rolled on, were more firmly grasped, \nand more intelligently defended. It was the mission of the Colo- \nnial age to battle for them, and successfully ; and now they are the \ncorner-stones of the republic. Two centuries ago the freemen of \nthis town understood well their comparative situation, — looking \nfar deeper than they who only see the transient to denounce it, \nwhile they are blind to that which was grand and permanent ; they \ndeclared themselves \" the most happy people they knew of in the \nworld.\"2 \n\nThe pursuits of the inhabitants for the first ten years were chiefly \nfarming and building. They brought over materials for their pur- \nsuits : stock for their farms ; clothing for their families ; and tools \nto carry on their trades. Their \" homesteads \" were humble places \nindeed ; with rough walls, thatched roofs and \" catted chimneys.\" \nAt this time the deeds begin to mention \" the mansion house,\" \nand probably here and there a stately building might be seen \nrising among the more humble dwelling-places. \n\nIn 1G40 there were in town, tailors, coopers, rope-makers, gla- \nziers, tile-makers, anchor-smiths, collar-makers, charcoal-burners, \njoiners, wheelwrights, blacksmiths ; there was a brew-house, a \nsalt-pan, a potter's kiln, a saw-pit, a wind-mill, a water-mill near \nSpot Pond, and (certainly in 1645) the old tide mill at the Middle- \nsex Canal landing.^ \n\n1 Anderson's History of Commerce, passim. \n\n2 Petition of Charlestown Freemen, 1668, in Mass. Archives. \n\n3 Major Sedgwick and Dea. Stitson were part owners of this mill, and \nundoubtedly built it. I have an agreement between them and Xchn Mou- \nsall the miller, dated 1645. \n\n\n104 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nNo town had better men, the most of whom have already been \nnoticed. It was largely indebted to Robert Sedgwick/ Francis \nWilloughby and Richard Russell, — all enterprising merchants, \npublic spirited citizens. They, with others, had already com- \nmenced a prosperous business, and built shops, ware-houses and \nwharves. They exported furs, lumber, pipe-staves, and frames of \nbuildings. A petition of Francis Willoughby, and others, dated \n1(541, evinces the growing trade of this town and Boston, It states \nthat they had invested a great part of their estates in \" building \nware-houses and framing wharves,\" to facilitate the landing of \ngoods, \" not only from about home but from further parts,\" and \npray that the Court would \" appoint a certain rate for wharfage, \nporterage, and houseing of goods.\" Mr. Willoughby's wharves \nwere on each side of the old Ferry-ways : Major Sedgwick's near the \nold Town Dock. Willoughby had a ship-yard on the site of the \nFitchburg Railroad Depot, or in Warren Avenue; and was, in \n1641, building a ship. The town, to encourage the enterprise, \ngave him liberty \" to take timber from the common,\" and without \n\" being bound to cut up the tops of the trees.\" \n\nThe early writers exult over the ten years just reviewed. \" God \nhath at once subdued the proud Pequots, and the proud opinions \nthat rose up in the land ; and for plenty, never had the land the \nlike. Yea what is better, the word of God grows and multiply- \neth,\" writes one : ^ \" The golden age of New England when vice \nwas crushed as well by the civil as the sacred sword ; especially \noppression ; extortion in prices and wages, which is injustice done \nto the public,\" writes another. ^ The colonists had risen from \npenury to plenty ; they had comfortable \" houses, gardens, or- \nchards,\" \" so that strangers seeing such a forme and face of a \ncommonwealth appearing in all the plantation,\" \" wondered at \nGod's blessing on their endeavors.\" It was with evident pride \nadded, — \" all these upon our own charges, no publick hand \nreaching out any help.\" ^ \n\n1 \" A very brave, zealous and pious man,\" Carlyle's Cromwell, vol. ii. \np. 198. \n\n2 New England's Tears for Old England's Fears, 1G40. 3 Hubbard. \n^ New England's First Fruits. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 105 \n\n\nCHAPTER XIII. \n\n1640. — Charlestown Village. — Location. — Municipal Government. — \nWoburn Incorporated. — Extract from its Records. — Woburn Church \nOrganized. — Thomas Carter. — His Ordination. — Boundaries. — A \nLetter. — Final Agreement. — Land of Nod. \n\nThe territory called Woburn was regarded in 1640, as \"re- \nmote land,\" whose roads were Indian pathways, with crevices of \nrocks and clefts of trees for shelters. To explore it, or occupy it \nwas viewed as a \" great labor,\" not to be undertaken without prayer, \nnot to be accomplished without danger. The history of its \nsettlement, minutely detailed by the early authorities, affords a good \nillustration of some of the peculiarities of the times, and of the way \nin which towns were organized. \n\nIn May, 1640, Charlestown petitioned the General Court for a \ngrant of land \"to accommodate such useful men as might settle\" \nhere, and form \" a village for the improvement of such remote \nlands as are already laid out;\" hence the grants of May 13 and \nOctober 7, 1640, made on the condition of their being built upon \nwithin two years. ^ A committee, September 28 and November 4, \nwere appointed to locate \"The Village,\" who were instructed \n\" to advise with Mr. Nowell and the elders in any difficulties they \nmeet with.\" This Committee, November 17, agreed as follows: \n\n\" That (beside the land already granted by the Court to particular men) \nthere shall be laid out at the head of the new grant betwixt Cambridge \nLine and Lynn, quite throughout, land at such breadth as shall contain \nthree thousand acres to remain as their proper land to accommodate with \nfarms there such as they shall have occasion. \n\nSecond, That the bounds between Charlestown and the village shall \nbe from the Partition of the Ponds to the north-west corner of Mr. Cra- \ndock's Farm, and from thence to that part of Lynn village (since called \n\n^ See page 53. The last grant is in the following words : 1640, Oc- \ntober 7. At a General Court : — Charlestowne petition is granted \nthem the proportion of four miles square, with their former last grant to \nmake a village ; whereof five hundred acres is granted to Mr. Thomas \nCoytmore, to be set out by the Court, if the town and he cannot agree ; \nin which they shall not cross Cambridge Line, nor come within a mile of \nShawshine river, and the great swamp and pond to lie in common.\" \n\n14 \n\n\n106 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nReading-) that turns from Charlestown head line by a straight line, provided \nthat this line shall be half a mile from the lots in the nearest place ; that \nthe lands of the village bordering upon that common may have benefit of \ncommon for milch cattle and working cattle. And the village is to allow- \nso much land as shall be taken in more than the straight line besides the \nthree thousand acres. \n\nThird, That the place of the village meeting house should be above \nthe head of the old bounds near against Robert Cutlers.\" \n\nThis agreement, the Woburn Records say, \" was in part assent- \ned to but afterwards denied.\" Difficulties arose; \"many, fearing \nthe depopulation \" of Charlestown, \" had a suspicious eye over \" \nthe villagers. A new committee w^ere selected \" to compound \nany differences ; \" they, \" considering the weightiness of the work \nand the weakness of the persons,\" held first, a meeting for fasting \nand prayer, and then proceeded with their \"great labor.\"i The \nWoburn Records note every step. One meeting was held \" be- \nfore Mr. Nowell and Mr. Symmes, who gave them no small dis- \ncouragement;\" at another, January 11, 1641, many, after having \nbeen admitted to sit down with the villagers, \" being shallow in \nbrains fell off; \" at another, February 16, forty gathered to mark \nthe \" meets and bounds,\" when, \" the way being so plain backward \nthat divers never went forward again.\" At length, February 27, \nMr. Nowell, \" the noble Captain Sedgwick,\" Lieutenant Sprague \nand others, \" advised the removal of the house lots, and place for \nthe meeting house to the spot where they were finally located,\" near \nthe centre of the town. The lots were laid out March 6, when the \nsettlers began to build. \n\nBefore this time, however, the villagers had provided a local \ngovernment. They met, December 18, 1640, at the house of Mr. \nThomas Graves, in Charlestown, and agreed upon a series of \n\" Town Orders,\" which were signed by thirty-two persons,^ the \n\n1 \" Tiie committee were obliged to spend nights -without shelter, \"whilst \nrain and snow did bedew their rocky beds.\" They have recorded one \nremarkable providence as \" never to be forgotten.\" Some of the compa- \nny sheltering themselves under the body of a large tree, which lay at a \ndistance from the ground, no sooner was the last of them come from under \nit, at break of day, than to their amazement it fell ; and they were obliged \nto dig out their provisions, their united strength being insuflicient to re- \nmove it.\" — Chickering\"s Dedication Sermon, p. 14. \n\n2 The names of the signers were : — \n\nEdward Johnson, John Seers, Edward Winn, \n\nEdward Converse, John Wyman, Henry Belden, \n\nJohn Mousall, Francis Wyman, Francis Kendall, \n\nEzekiel Richardson, Thomas Graves, John Tedd, \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 107 \n\nmost of them inhabitants of this town. The preamble to this doc- \nument, which is too long to quote in full, reads as follows: \n\"The free fruition of such liberties and privileges as humanity, \ncivility and Christianity calls for as due to every man with his place \nand proportion without impeachment and infringing, which hath \never been and ever will be; the tranquillity and stability of Chris- \ntian Commonwealths, and the denial or the deprival thereof, the dis- \nturbance if not the ruin of both; we hold it therefore our duty,\" ^ \nto subscribe \" these orders.\" The gist of them was, that each in- \nhabitant should pay sixpence for every acre then laid out, and for \nall afterwards twelvepence ; that all that did not build in fifteen \nmonths were to return their lots, and none were to sell to any but \nsuch as the town should approve of: that all orchards and garden \nplots were to be \"well enclosed\" by \"pale or otherways;\" that \n\" no manner of person \" should entertain \" inmates either married \nor other,\" more than three days without the consent of \" four of \nthe Selectmen\" under a penalty of sixpence for each day's offence; \nand, finally, that none were to cut young oak timber \" under eight \ninches square\" under penalty of five shillings for each offence. \nSmall things, some may think, to follow so high sounding a pre- \namble. But let them not be despised; for such are the fibres of \nour national tree. \n\nIn a few months the General Court extended to the villagers sub- \nstantial encouragement. It repealed an existing law providing that \nno immunity should be granted to any new plantation, and the \nnext entry on the records grants (June 14, 1641,) to Charlestown \nvillage \" two years immunity from public rates from the end of \nthis Court for such stock as they have there only.\" The next year \nis the act of incorporation: 1642, September 8:^ \"Charlestown \n\nSamuel Richardson, Nicholas Davis, Henry Tottingham, \n\nThomas Richardson, Nicholas Trarice, Richard Lowden, \n\nWilliam Learned, John Carter, William Greene, \n\nJames Thomson, James Converse, Benjamin Butterfield, \n\nJohn Wright, Daniel Bacon, Henry Jefts, \n\nMichael Bacon, James Parker, John Russell. \n\nJames Britten, Thomas Fuller, \n\n1 This preamble is a mutilated transcript of the beginning of the \" Gen- \neral Laws and Liberties ot the Massachusetts Colony.\" See Massachusetts \nCollection, vol. xxxviii. p. 216 where these laws, drawn up by Ward, the \nauthor of the Simple Cobler of Agawam, are reprinted. \n\n2 Colony Records. The date of May 18, in American Quarterly Re- \ngister, vol. xi. p. 187, and p. 25 Chickering's Sermon is incorrect. \n\n\n108 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nVillage called Woburn.\" ^ Henceforward Woburn is a town co- \nequal in rights and obligations, with its parent town. Its citizens \nregularly gather in town-meetings, choose selectmen, ^ manage \ntheir local affairs, and send their representative to the General Court. \nThe first volume of the Town Records of Woburn commences \nwith the following narration of its history by its first Recorder, \nEdward Johnson : the reader may find more of the same kind of \npoetry in the author's Wonder Working Providence : — \n\nRECORDS FOR THE TOWNE OF WOBURNE \n\nfFrom the year 1640 : the 8 : day of th : 10 month. \n\nPaulis per Fui.3 \nIn peniles age I Woburne Towne began ; \nCharles Towne first mou'd the court my lins to span ; \nTo vewe my land-place, compild body reare,4 \nNowell, Sims, Sedgwick, thes my paterons were. \nSum fearing I'de grow great upon these grounds, \nPoor I wase putt to nurs among the clownes,^ \nWho being taken with such mighty things, \nAs had bin work of noble Queeins and Kings — \nTill Babe gan crye and great disturbance make — \nNurses repent they did hur undertake. \nOne leaves her quite — another hee doth hie \nTo foren lands free from the Baby's crye. \nTo (two) more of seaven, seeing nursing prou'd soe thwarte, \nThought it more ease in following of the carte. \nA neighbour by, hopeing the Babe wold bee \nA pritty Girl, to rocking hur went hee. \n\n1 Woburn is the name of a market town in Bedford county, England, — \nthe population in 1830 was 1827. — McCulloch's Gazetteer. It is also the \nname of a parish m Buckinghamshire. It is memorable for the case of a con- \ntested election in 1604, when a controversy concerning the election of Sir \nFrancis Goodwin proved the cause of establishing the great constitutional \ndoctrine, that the House of Commons have the sole right of deciding on \nthe validity of their own elections and returns. — Lyson\"s Buckingham- \nshire, p. 670. \n\n2 The first board of selectmen were, Edward Johnson, Edward Con- \nverse, John Mousall, William Learned, Ezekiel Bichardson, Samuel \nRichardson and James Thomson. The first representative was Edward \nJohnson, who served in this capacity twenty-eight years, and for thirty \nyears was town clerk. \n\n3 I have been a little while : \" I \" meaning the Town. \n\n\"1 This couplet required uncommon abbreviation ere the metre would \ncome right to Johnson's critical ear. \"Compild body rearc \" means \n— my compact body to rear. \n\n^ The distinguished patrons of Woburn, fearing it would one day rival \nCharlestown, discouraged the enterprise, and gave it to those they re- \ngarded as of a lower grade in society, or as the \" clownes.\" But difiicul* \nties discouraged them also, and they \" repent they did her undertake.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 109 \n\nTwo nurses, less undanted then the rest,' \nFfiist houses ffinish — thus the Girle gane drest. \nIts rare to see how this poore Tovvne did rise \nBy weakest means — too weak in great ons eys. \nAnd sure it is, that mettells cleere exstraction \nHad neuer share in this poore Towns erextion. \nWithout which metall, and sum fresh suplys, \nPatrons conclud she neuer upp would rise. \nIf ever she mongst ladys have a station, \nSay twas ffrotn parentes, not her education. \nAnd now conclud the Lords owne hand it wase \nThat with weak means did bring this work to pass. \nNot only Towne, but Sister Church to ade, \nWhich out of Dust and ashes now is had. \nThen all inhabit Woburne Towne stay make \nThe Lord, not means, of all you undertake. \n\nBut, many discouragements surmounted, the town was still \nbut half founded : \" It being,\" Johnson writes in his account of \nWoburn, \"as unnatural for a right New England man to live \nwithout an able ministry, as for a smith to work his iron without a \nfire.\" Yet the villagers were prudent, — \"not rashly running to \ngether themselves into a church, before they had hopes of at- \ntaining an Officer to preach the word, and administer the seals \nunto them;\" and for some time they remained members of the \nCharlestown church. \"Upon some hope they had of Mr. Carter's \nhelp,\" they applied (July 4, 1642,) for permission to form a new \nchurch. But the old society was \" found backward,\" and they \n\" were put off fourteen days, at which time, after much agitation, \nthey had liberty to gather a church.\" They lost nothing, how- \never, by waiting, as the history of Maiden church will testify. \n\nThe Woburn church was organized August 14, 1642, when \nthere were interesting services. Messengers from the neighboring \nchurches formed the council, and Rev. Zechariah Syrames was the \npreacher. One of the magistrates, \"the honored Mr. Increase \nNowell,\" was present, both \" to prevent the disturbance that might \nfollow\" the introduction into the infant church of \"those cursed \nopinions that caused such commotion in this and the other colonies,\" \nand to \" countenance the people of God in so pious a work.\" All \nabout to enter into church communion, stood forth before this \ngrave assembly, and related their religious experiences. After the \nelders had questioned them on doubtful points, and they had an- \n\n1 \" A neighbor by \" is Johnson, the author of the metre in the text : \nthe \" two nurses \" who persevered were John Mousall and Edward Con- \nverse. Mss. Com. of Rev. Samuel Sewall, to whom I am indebted for \nmany favors. \n\n\n110 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nswered \"according to that measure of understanding the Lord \nhad given them,\" and \" all were satisfied,\" they entered into a \ncovenant, and received the fellowship of the churches.^ \n\nA few months later, 1G42, November 22, a minister was or- \ndained. Thomas Carter came to this country in 1635, was made \nfreeman in 1637, resided some time in Dedham, and, when in- \nvited to preach at Woburn, was a member of the Watertown \nchurch.- Johnson characterizes him as \" apt to teach the sound \nand wholesome truths of Christ.\" The occasion of his induction \ninto office furnished an eminent instance of lay ordination. It \nwas not done without differences and discussion. The Woburn \nchurch had no elder, \" nor any members fit,\" so Winthrop writes, \n*' to solemnize such an ordinance.\" Some advised that the church \nshould desire the elders of other churches to perform the cere- \nmony ; others, fearing the tendency to \" a dependency of churches,\" \nand \" so a presbytery, would not allow it.\" It was done by the \nlaymen. Alter Mr. Carter \" had exercised in preaching and \nprayer the greater part of the day,\" two persons in the name of \nthe church laid their hands upon his head, and said, \"We ordain \nthee, Thomas Carter, to be pastor of this church of Christ,\" and \none of the elders closed by prayer. Winthrop was evidently dis- \npleased with the service : the ceremony, he writes, was performed \n*' not so well and orderly as it ought.\"*^ \n\nA controversy respecting the boundaries between the two towns \ncontinued several years. An unusual vote appears on the records \nrelative to it, dated May 8, 1643, when it is stated that the \n\" church \" chose four men to settle the difficulties; the Woburn \nrecords also mention that the \" church \" of Charlestown appoint- \ned commissioners to act in relation to this business. How far the \nchurch claimed or exercised authority, in this transaction, does \nnot appear. A few years later, March 17, 1646, the new town \nagreed \" to send to the Selectmen of Charlestown \" the following \nadmirable letter,^ a model of directness of purpose and Christian \ncourtesy : — \n\n\" To our much respected and much approved good ffreinds of Charls- \ntowne, chosen to order the prudential! affaiers therof. \n\" Much Respected and Antient ffreinds : \n\n1 The quotations are from Wonder Working Providence, chapter 22. \n\n2 Amer. Quarterly Register, vol. xi. p. 187. — Chickering's Dedication \nSermon, p. 25. \n\n3 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 91. ■* Woburn Records. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. Ill \n\nWee are Bould to interupt your presant presious Implymctits with \nRequest for Issue of those things which sarlaine of our Beloved Brethren \nainouiig you were chosen unto. Now our humble Request is, that they \nmay End it forthwith. If otherwise they cannot so doe, our further Re- \nquest is, that sume others unintrested ih the things may put a ftreindly \nIsue to the same. Our last Request is, that if nether of these will doe, \nthen in a brotherly and ffreindly way to petistion to the generall Court, \nthat wee may not bequeth matter of differance to our posteryty. Thus \nwith hope of a presant answer in uritting to our soe Resanabl Request, \nWee Remain yours to be commanded \nin all Saruis of love in Christ our Lord.\" \n\nThis letter did not produce an immediate settlement. In 1(149, \nMarch 3, four of the selectmen of Woburn were chosen to speak \nwith their \" brethren of Charlestown \" about \" settling the bounds \nsuddenly.\" At length, in 1651, January 10, the business was \nconcluded, and an agreement entered at length upon the Re- \ncords. It provides ; first, that the line of division between the \ntwo towns shall run \" from Cambridge Line by the north-west end \nof Mr. Nowell's lot and so all along between Mr, Symmes's farm \nand Edward Converse's farm until it come to the east side \" \nof those adjoining Charlestown common : second, that Woburn \nshall have five hundred acres of land out of this common — making \nhere a fence \"of two rails\" to constitute the boundary line be- \ntween the two towns. Third, that Charlestown shall have three \nthousand acres of land within the bounds of Woburn, to begin \n\" at the uttermost corner northerly, next Reading Line, and so to \nrun southerly along two miles deep on the east side of Shawshine \nLine,\" till the tract amounted to three thousand acres. ^ \n\n1 The Charlestown Records contain much matter about this tract, \ncalled the \" Land of Nod.\" The town retained an interest in it • how \nmuch does not appear, but enough to produce trouble and litigation, and \nfor a century (to 1742) committees were, at intervals, appointed to look \nafter it. Still there is no clear account of this land in the records. \n\nCharlestown, in a large division of its territory, April 23, 1638, allotted \na tract, extending between Lynn and Cambridge, called the \" Great \nPlot,\" — the \" remote lands\" alluded to in the petition of 1640 (see page \n103) When Woburn was incorporated it was agreed that the bounda- \nry line should run so that a part of this \" Great Plot,\" together with five \nhundred acres of commons adjacent to it, should belong to Woburn ; while \nCharlestown was recompensed by retaining the proprietorship of three \nthousand acres of land, lying at the northern extremity of the four mile \nsquare grant, though, for municipal purposes, this also was assigned to \nWoburn. This three thousand acres — described in the text — was called \nthe \" Land of Nod,\" — the name being probably suggested by a compari- \nson of its forlorn condition, — so far remote from church ordinances, — with \nthe Nod to which Cain wandered when he went \" from the presence of \nthe Lord.\" — Genesis, iv. Its Indian name is given in an old deed, Nena \nSaawaattawattocks, and the \" old Saggamore of these parts,\" was \nJohn Tahattawon. \n\n\n112 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nWoburn, besides these difficulties, had trouble in dividing its own \nlands. There is extant a curious petition to the General Court, \n\nsigned by twenty-five of its citizens, dated October 7, 1667, and \n\n- • \n\nThough Woburn had municipal jurisdiction over Nod, yet it never \n\nclaimed to own rights in its soil. Charlestown, accordingly, originally \n\ngranted it to individuals. Under date of 1643 there is a record as follows : \n\n\" Proportions of Land granted out to these folio' : \n\nRobert Sedgwick, 300. William Stitson, 250. \n\nZacheriah Symmes, 300. William Phillips, 200. \n\n\nThomas Allen, \n\n300. \n\nRalph Woory, \n\n200. \n\nRichard Russell, \n\n300. \n\nRobert Cooke, \n\n250. \n\nFrancis Willoughby. \n\n300. \n\nThomas Graves, \n\n250, \n\nJohn Allen, \n\n300. \n\nMr. Barnard, \n\n200. \n\nThis was the original grant of Nod, though it was not laid out until \nseven years afterwards, nor lotted out until 1718. Of these proprietors. \nGraves and Sedgwick, Cooke and others, resigned their lots to the town. \nThe latter, in 1652, granted five hundred acres of Nod to Captain Francis \nNorton, retaining a propriety of part of it. Nod lay in common for many \nyears, some of its proprietors neglecting to look after it. Francis Wil- \nloughby bought the shares granted to Francis Norton and John Allen, and \nthen owned one thousand one hundred and fifty acres. In 1683, May 1, \nLawrence Hammond, who had married Governor Willoughby's widow, \nsold this quantity to John Hull. Judge Sewall married Mr. Hull's \ndaughter, and thus came into the possession of rights in Nod. He (about \n1703) anthorized the Richardsons', of Woburn, to cut timber on it. On \nhearmg of this, Charlestown appointed a committee to examine its rights \nto the land of Nod, who reported, 1704, December 25. The following \nis an extract from this report ; \" We are informed that there are several \npersons that claim part of that tract of land (Nod) which we cannot allow \nof, for we are very well satisfied that this tract of land was originally the \nland that Woburn exchanged with Charlestown, for lands then belonging \nto Charlestown, and we cannot find any record that this land was ever \nlegally conveyed to any particular person.\" \n\nThe other claimants w^ere five citizens of Andover, who exhibited a deed \nfrom \" Sam Johnson, grandson and heir \" of the old Saggamore Tahat- \ntawon, who for nine pounds relinquished, \" all Indian and native rights\" \nto Nod, or its native name Nena Saawaattawattocks. The town accepted \nthe report of its committee, contested the right of Judge Sewall, and \nclaimed the whole of Nod. Thecase was tried at a Special Court on the 18th \nof September, 1705, when the decision was against the town. The lat- \nter appealed to the Superior Court, which affirmed the former judgment. \n(Mss. Com. Rev. Samuel Sewall.) The result was, that the town had \nbut a share of Nod, instead of owning the whole. The rights of individ- \nual proprietors being thus confirmed, they met at Charlestown, April 14, \n1718, and voted to divide the whole three thousand acres. Captain \nBurnap, a noted surveyor, was employed to draw a plan of it. \n\nIn the same year, November 12, the land was lotted out. (Judge Sew- \nall's Mss. Com. by Rev. Samuel Sewall.) After this, several committees \nwere raised in relation to Nod. A vote of 1742, May 10, indicates that a \npart of the town's share of it had been sold, and a committee was then \nautiiorizcd to sell the remainder. \n\nSuch is the early history of Wilmington, incorporated in 1730, and \nmade up of the land of Nod with a part of Reading. To this day the \ntract between Lubber's Brook and Andover Line, among the farmers of \nthat region, goes by the soporific name of Nod. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 113 \n\nbeginning : — \" May it please this honorable court to vouchsafe some \nhelp to our town of Woburn in dividing a lump of this wilderness \nearth.\" The church, however, lived in harmony with its minister \nmore than forty-two years. Mr. Carter died September 5, 1684. \nIn ten years the town increased to about sixty families — the \nchurch to seventy-four members. But it would be obviously impro- \nper to devote further space to Woburn — it shared largely in the \nearly dangers, and partook of the prosperity of the country. \n\n\nCHAPTER XIV. \n\n1640 to 1650. — Commerce. — Bounty on Wolves. — Shops. — The \nCastle. — Harvard College. — The Tide Mills. — Town Hill. — \nRate for a School. — Petition of the Ferrymen. — Customs on Wines. \n— Case of Witchcraft. — Town Order. — A Fire. — Johnson's De- \nscription of the Town. \n\nFor several years the town affords, in its corporate capacity, \nbut few details for history. The civil war in England secured to \nthe colonists the luxury of neglect, and Cromwell was their undis- \nguised friend. \" 'Tis incredible,\" writes Nathaniel Mather, from \nLondon, in 1651, \" what an advantage to preferment it is to have \nbeen a New Englishman.\" ^ During this period the towns were \nsilently laying the foundations of their prosperity. \n\n1640. The cessation of emigration was severely felt. Hereto- \nfore there had been a scarcity of goods. This year \" there came \nover great store of provisions, both out of England and Ireland,\" \nand the market was glutted. All commodities grew very cheap, \nand \" this evil,\" writes Winthrop, \" was very notorious, that most \nmen would buy as cheap as they could and sell as dear.\" The \nnext year, he writes again, \" corn would buy nothing, a cow \nwhich last year cost twenty pounds, might now be bought for \nfour or five pounds,\" ^ and the price of land declined in the same \nproportion. \n\n1 Mather's Mss. in Mass. Hist. Society Archives. \n\n2 Winthrop's Hist. vol. ii. \n\n15 \n\n\n114' HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n1641. The town voted, \" that whosoever should kill any wolf \nwithin the Neck, or in any part of the Milch-cow Common, shajl \nreceive from the constable of the town ten shillings for each wolf \nkilled.\" \n\n1642. Liberty was granted to the deacons to build shops on \n\"the two sides of the meeting house;\" in 1645 it was voted that \nthe house \" be floored over and two thirds to be carried on by Mr. \nRussell and a third by a general rate — Mr. Russell having liberty \n\" to build shops on the outside of the house ;\" in 1648 Joshua Tedd \nhad permission to build one \" on the north-east side of the east \ndoor ;\" in 1652, Ensign Richard Sprague had the grant of \" a \nplace to set up a shop\" near the meeting house, \" also,\" the vote \ncontinues, \" he and brother Tedd are to join, if brother Tedd will, \nin making the portal over the meeting house door. But if bro- \nther Tedd will not join, then the Ensign to make it alone and enjoy \nit, provided he do neither let the shop nor portal, or that on it, nor \nsell any of them to any person without the Townsmen's consent.\" \nAt this time the town decided that no more shops should be built \non any side of the house. \n\n1643. The town assumed a part of the expense of maintaining \nthe Castle on Castle Island, concerning which there is much \nmatter on the Records. Two platforms and a small fortification, \nbuilt of \" lime burnt of oyster shells \" in 1634, had decayed ; and \nin 1637 the General Court contemplated discontinuing this de- \nfence. This year (1643) six towns, Boston, Charlestown, Rox- \nbury, Dorchester, Cambridge and Watertown, believing they were \ntoo much exposed to an enemy, determined to rebuild the Castle, \nand in this, were encouraged by some of the magistrates, and the \nelders \" in their sermons.\" .The Court granted one hundred \npounds towards maintaining it, \" rather out of willingness to gratify \nthese six towns, being near-.one half the Commonwealth for num- \nber of people and substance \" than \" any confidence of safety by \nit.\" 1 A rate of 1645, to support it, assigns Charlestown .£20.16, \nBoston .£52. A garrison of twenty men took care of it. For \nmany years a tax for the Castle formed a part of the expenses of the \ntown. \n\nThis year the Colony was divided into four counties, Middlesex, \nEssex, Suffolk and Norfolk. There were thirty towns and plan- \ntations. \n\n1 Winthrop's History, vol. ii. p. 115. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 115 \n\n1644. The following vote was passed August 27. \" It was \nagreed yt. one peck of wheat, or 12d. in money, shall be paid \nby every family towards the maintenance of the College at Cam- \nbridge. It is to be brought in to Sergeant Sprague's and John \nPentecost by the 2Ist of the 12th month next ensuing.\" This \nhumble contribution continued to be made many years. In 1647, \nfor instance, \" at a general meeting of the inhabitants,\" voted to \ncontinue to bring in unto Ensign Sprague and John Pentecost a \npeck of corn upon a house as in former years.\" In a record of \ncontributions of eight years, the amount from Boston was £ 84.18.7. \nthe next highest is Charlestown, £ 37.16.2. Its prominent citizens \nwere active in promoting this great work. Mr. Willoughby, in \n1639, gave twenty-five pounds. Major Sedgwick, in 1642, gave \nforty pounds, and afterwards a shop. Mr. Russell gave nine pounds. \nMr. Nowell was a warm friend to it \n\n1645. An agreement, dated December 11, between John Fow- \nnell ^ the miller, and Robert Sedgwick and William Stitson part \nowners of the Tide Mill, at the Middlesex Canal Landing, sti- \npulates that the former is to have one-third part of the profit of \nthe mill a year for his services. By law he could not take \n\" above one-sixteenth part of the corn he ground,\" and was obliged \nto keep ready for use \" mill weights and scales.\" The owners \nwere to allow \" two ditchfuls of corn\" every time the mill was \ndressed; eight gallons of lamp oil, for the use of the mill; and \nprovide a house for the miller to reside in, or pay \" thirty shillings \nper annum.\" \n\n1646. The following vote, relating to the Town Hill, is one \nof the few original entries in volume second of the Records : \n\n\" At a meeting of the 7 men the 22d of the 12th moneth 1646. \n\" It was agreed that the ground on the top of Charlestowne Hill upon \nwh the windmill stands, reaching from the end of goody Shepherdsons \ngarden pales on the one syde the highways going along forth right towards \nMr. Syms his pales end, and the highway that goes along by his pales, and \nso along by Mr. Allen's pales in a square plot : this peece of ground to lye \ncomon to the towne for ever, and not to be impropriated by any perticu- \nlar person, and if o\"\" bro : William Stitson can prove that it was given \nhim, then hee to be payd a proportionable sume for it out of the skirts of \nland on the ends of the planting ground on mistick side.\" \n\n1647. January 20, \" It was agreed that a rate of fifteen pounds \n\n1 The reader is requested to correct at the bottom of page 103 ; the \nname should be Fownell. \n\n\n116 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nshould be gathered of the town, towards the school for this year, and \nthe five pounds that Major Sedgwick is to pay this year (for the \nisland) for the school, also the town's part of Mistick wear for the \nSchool forever.\" In the margin, \" allowance granted for the \nTown School.\" \n\n1648. The ferrymen, Francis Hudson and James Heyden, \nstate in a petition to the General Court, that the Ferry never was \nless productive : that contrary to law disorderly passengers would \npress into the boats, and on leaving refuse to pay their fare ; that \nsome pleaded they had nothing to pay, and others that they were \nin the country's service. And they further state, that the payment \ngenerally tendered was \" usually in such refuse, unwrought, \nbroken, unstringed and unmerchantable peag,\" (wampum,) at six a \npenny, that they lost twopence a shilling, being forced to take \npeag at six a penny and pay it at seven. They petition that \nif the Court intend \" all soldiers with their horses and military \nfurniture be fare-free,\" that they might be paid for it by the col- \nony : that strangers, not able to pay, may be ordered to give in \ntheir names : that \" the peag hereafter to us paid may be so suit- \nably in known parcels, handsomely stringed, and their value as- \nsigned, that it may henceforth be a general, current, and more \nagreeable pay.\" Probably in consequence of this petition, the \nCourt, October 18, ordered that all \" payable peag\" should be \n\"entire without breaches, both the white and black, suitably \nstrung in eight known parcels, Id, 3d, 12d, 5s., in white; and 2d, \n6d, 2-6d, and 10s, in black,\" The Court also ordered that for \ntransporting officers in the colony service, the ferryman should be \nallowed £4 per annum for the past, and ^G for the time to come. \n\nThe General Court \" farm-let the customs on wines \" imported \ninto the colony, to Robert Sedgwick, Richard Russell, and Francis \nNorton, of this town ; and David Yale of Boston. They agreed \ntopny<£l20a year for four years, and were clothed with full \npower to collect these duties. This year the right to retail wines \nin this town and Boston was sold to Robert Long and other \" vint- \nners \" for £ 160 a year. \n\nMargaret Jones of this town, in May, was accused of witchcraft, \nthe first case of this nature that occurred in Massachusetts. Her \noffence probably suggested the following order of the General \nCourt, May 18. \"The Court desire the course which hath \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAKLESTOWN. 117 \n\nbeen taken in England.^ for discovery of witches by watching them \na certain time : It is ordered that the best and surest way may \nforthwith be put in practice to begin tliis night if it may be, being \nthe 18th of 3 month, and that the husband may be confined to a \nprivate room, and be also there watched.\" The course adopted \nwith the unfortunate woman was an effectual one. The evidence \nagainst her was, first, that she had \" a malignant touch,\" so that \npersons she afflicted were seized with deafness, vomiting, and vio- \nlent pains : second, she practised as a physician, and though she \nused harmless medicines, as aniseed, liquors, &,c., yet they pro- \nduced \" extraordinary violent eflfects :\" third, she would tell those \nwho would not employ her that they never would be healed, and \nin consequence \"their diseases and hurts\" baffled \"the apprehen- \nsion of all physicians and surgeons :\" fourth, some things which \nshe foretold came to pass accordingly, and she could tell other \nthings, as private speeches, of which she had no ordinary means \nto come to the knowledge. There were other charges not neces- \nsary to detail. For such things this poor creature was condemned \nto suffer death, and was executed, — hanged, — in Boston, June 15. \n\nWinthrop gravely records, that on \" the same day and hour she \nwas executed there was a very great tempest at Connecticut, which \nblew down many trees, &c.\" And several days later (June 28) \nthat \"the Welcome of Boston, about 300 tons, riding before \nCharlestown, having in her 80 horses and 120 tons of ballast, in \ncalm weather, fell a rolling, and continued so about twelve hours.\" \nThe husband of the witch desired a passage in her to Barbadoes. \nThe magistrates, on hearing of it, sent a warrant to apprehend \nhim, when the ship ceased its diabolical rolling, and after Jones \nwas in prison \" moved no more.\" ^ \n\n1649. The following order, — to be found among the original \n\ndocuments of this period, — is copied as a specimen of the earliest \n\nby-laws of the town. The date is Jan. 22, 1649. \n\n\"At a meeting of the selectmen the 22d of the 11th moneth, 1648 : — \nIn regard of the great damage that hath come, not only unto perticular \n\n1 There is nothing on the Town Records relating to this case of witch- \ncraft. In England, where thirty thousand witches have been executed, \nthe practice was various. The town of Lynn, England, voted, May 11, \n161G, \" that Alderman Thomas Rivett be requested to send for Mr. Hop- \nkins, the witch-discoverer, to come to Lynn, and his charges and recom- \npense to be bourne by the town.\" Richard's Lynn, vol. ii. p. 724. \n\n2 Winthrop's History, vol. ii. p. 326. \n\n\n118 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\npersons, but to the whole towne by swine, through the multitude of them, \nand there not being sufficiently youkt and runge according untoo former \norders : It is therefore ordered by the selectmen that no inhabitant of \nthis towne shall keep above twoo swine abroad eyther upon the comon \nor in the towne : also that all swine shal bee shutt up every night, and on \nthe Lords dayes : and that all swine that doe goe abroad shalbee suffi- \nciently youkt and runge, that is each swine above a year ould their youks \nto bee twoo foot long, and every youk is to have a pick upward of six \ninches high : and every swine which is found defective the owner is to \nforfeit twelve pence for each defect : and all the swine that goe abroad \nare to be runge by the 28th day of the Uth moneth 1648 : and youkt by \nthe 10th day of the first moneth 1649.\" \n\n1650. Johnson relates that there was \" a terrible fire\" in this \ntown in the depth of winter. The wind was violent, and it \" con- \nsumed the fairest houses of the town.\" He devotes one of his \nmetres to this calamity : \n\n\" Thy houses were consumed with much good store. \nBy fearful fires, which blustering winds blew o're.\" \n\nThis writer also takes this occasion to sum up other calamities, \nas the manifestation \"of the rod of God\" towards the colonists : \nin Charles River the Mary Rose blew up and \"sunk in a moment \nwith about thirteen men slain therein :\" \" many men, under pre- \ntext of being unequally rated, murmured exceedingly, and with- \ndrew their shoulders from the support of government ;\" \"pride and \nexcess of apparel were frequent,\" and \" far worse,\" spiritual \npride delighted \" in new-fangled doctrines.\" \n\nJohnson also furnishes the following description of Charlestown, \nwhich will as well apply to this year as to any other. \" This town \nof Charles is situated on the north side of Charles River, from \nwhence it took its name, the river being about five or six fathom \ndeep. Over against the town (are) many small islands lying to \nthe seaward of it, and hills on either side. By which means it \nproves a very good harbor for ships, which hath caused many \nseamen and merchants to sit down there. The form of this town \nin the frontispiece thereof, is like the head, neck and shoulders of \na man, only the pleasant and navigable river of Mistick runs \nthrough the right shoulder thereof, and by its near approach to \nCharles River, in one place, makes a very narrow neck, by which \nmeans the chief part of the town, whereon the most buildings \nstands, becomes a Peninsula. It hath a large market-place near \n\n1 The General Court, May 5, 1650, remitted to those who had their \nhouses destroyed, £ 7.16 due by them for taxes. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n119 \n\n\nthe water side built round with houses, comely and fair, forth of \nwhich there issue two streets orderly built with some very fair \nhouses, beautified with pleasant gardens and orchards. The whole \ntown consists in its extent of about one hundred and fifty dwelling \nhouses. Their meeting house for Sabbath assembly stands in the \nmarket place, very comely built and large. The officers of this \nchurch are at this day one pastor, and one teacher, one ruling \nelder and three deacons, the number of souls are about one hundred \nand sixty. Wonderful it is to see that in so short a time such great \nalterations Christ should work for these poor people of his. Their \ncorn land in tillage in this town is about twelve hundred acres : \ntheir great cattle are about four hundred head; sheep near \nupon four hundred. As for their horse, you shall hear of them, \nGod willing, when we come to speak of their military discipline.\" ^ \n\n\n1 Wonder Working Providence, chapter 18. \ncome down to 1652, and was printed in 1654. \n\n\nThis history purports to \n\n\nWARREN SCHOOL HOUSE. \nBUILT 1840. \n\n\n120 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nCHAPTER XV. \n\n1650. — Mistick Side. — Settlements. — Maiden Incorporated. — Church \nGatliered. — Marmaduke Matthews — his Ordination. — Congrega- \ntionalism. — Matthews accused — his Defence — his Confession — his \nFine. — Petition in his Behalf — his Confession to the Court. — \nMaiden Church Arraigned — its Defence — its Fine. — Submission of \nthe Church. — Departure of Matthews. — Maiden Ministers. \n\nThe grant of the land, now Maiden, to Charlestown, with the \nfirst division of it, has been already noticed. ^ In 1638, April 6, \nthe town voted to reserve a large part of it \" for such desirable per- \nsons as should be received in,\" or for \" such as may come with \nanother minister;\" which is described as lying \" at the head of the \nfive acre lots\" and \"running in a straight line from Powder Horn \nHill to the head of North River, together with \" three hundred \nacres above Cradock's Farm.\" With this exception, the greater \nportion of the tract which, until 1724, was Maiden, was divided, \nApril 23, 1638, among the inhabitants of Charlestown. \n\nBefore the year 1640, a few of the inhabitants had settled at \nMistick side. In a few years, from 1641 to 1648, there are re- \ncords of highways having been made, commonage provided, and \nthe public fields rented. In 1649, January 1, a large committee \nwas chosen from the inhabitants residing on this side of the river, \n\"to meet three chosen brethren on Mistick side,\" to agree upon \nthe terms of a separation, and the boundaries of a new town. This \ncommittee made an elaborate Report beginning : \"To the end the \nwork of Christ,and the things of his house there in hand, may be more \ncomfortably carried on, it is agreed as followeth :\" that the Mistick \nside men should be a town by themselves. Among the conditions, \nwere these, that Charlestown should retain Nowell's and Wilson's \nfarms, that it should have liberty to water cattle at the North Spring \nuntil harvest time, and that Maiden should bear a part of the bur- \nden of maintaining the Battery of this town and the Castle. The \nremaining clauses, with one exception, relate to commonage, \nlanding places, and highways. The tenth condition reads thus : \n\" For further encouragement of the work aforesaid we acquit the \n\n1 See page 52. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 121 \n\ninhabitants within the line of Charlestown from church charges \nfor three years next ensuing and no more.\" ^ In all these proceed- \nings there appears to have been remarkable harmony, — the Mai- \nden people being generally mentioned as \" our brethren,\" and \n\" our friends.\" The town was soon incorporated ; the Colony \nRecords say. May 2, 1649 ; \" upon the petition of Mistick side \nmen, they are granted to be a distinct town, and the name thereof \nto be \" Maulden.\" 2 \n\nDuring this period, or until 1650, the \" Mistick side men,\" \nalthough they had probably gathered a church, had no ordained \nminister ; and Mr. Sargeant \" a Godly Christian,\" and \" some \nyoung students from the College,\" \" broke to them the seals.\" \nIn 1650 they invited Rev. Marmaduke Matthews to settle with \nthem. \"^ He was born in Swansea, graduated at Oxford February \n20, 1624, at the age of eighteen ; arrived in this country Septem- \nber: 21, 1638; and, with his wife Catharine, united with the Bos- \nton Church February 6, 163!).^ He settled first at Yarmouth; and \nafterwards, it is supposed in 1644, removed to Hull. \n\nMr. Matthews was very zealous in his profession, a decided spir- \nitualist, and had many peculiarities of character. His style of preach- \ning, and his opinions on doctrinal points, differed from those of \nhis contemporaries ; and this lost him the \" approbation of some \nable understanding men, among both magistrates and ministers.\" \nAmong other things, he held the \" Scriptures to be the foundation \nof a dogmatical and historical faith, but not of a saving faith.\" ^ \nTo-day he would probably be classed as of the transcendental school \nof divines. In his time, so exceptionable were his views, that the \nGeneral Court, as early as 1649, judged him guilty of uttering \nexpressions, some of which were \"erroneous,\" and others \"weak, \ninconvenient and unsafe; \" and ordered Governor Endicott, in its \nname, to admonish him,\" ^ \n\n\n1 Charlestown Records. \n\n2 Colony Records. Maiden is the name of a parish in the county of \nSurrey, England. It was written Maeldune by the Saxons, being composed \nof two words nuEl, a cross and dune, a hill. In the Conqueror's Survey \nit is spelt Meldone ; in subsequent records it is written Meaudon, Mauden, \nMaldon and Maiden. — Lyson's Environs of London, vol. i. p. 241. Mal- \ndon is the name of a market town in Essex county. \n\n3 Wonder Working Providence, book iii. chap. 7. \n\n4 Hon. James Savage. ^ Mass. Hist. Col., vol. xxxi. p. 31. \n6 Colony Records. Mr. Matthews appears to have left Hull in 1649, \n\n16 \n\n\n122 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nWhen such was the standing of Mr. Matthews, it was natural \nthat his preaching should be narrowly watched, and that \nthe jealous should find in its peculiarities, more \" unsafe and un- \nsound\" expressions. Hence two churches, Charlestown and \nRoxbury, wrote to their Maiden brethren not to ordain him as \ntheir minister. The latter, in reply, requested that any \" sin \" in \ntheir pastor elect might be pointed out, and they would consider it. \nNo reply was received from Roxbury, previous to the ordination, \nand only the views of Mr. Nowell from Charlestown ; but whether \nin behalf of the church or as a magistrate, is not stated. Mr. \nMatthews was ordained ; \" although some neighbor churches,\" \nJohnson says, \"were unsatisfied therewith:\" \"without,\" Hub- \nbard writes, ** the approbation of neighboring churches and allow- \nance of the magistrates, if not against the same.\" \n\nAt this period the ecclesiastical polity of the Colony, though \nsettled by the Cambridge Platform, had not been practically defined. \nThere appear to have prevailed two opinions relative to the rights \nof the churches. One was, that Congregationalism was sub- \nstantial independency ; or a right and capacity in each church to \nmaintain a pure worship, elect and ordain its officers, and manage \nits affairs.2 The other was, that Congregationalism was consistent \nwith a hierarchy, of which the State was the proper head ; and as \nsuch, that it was the duty of the civil power to protect the churches \nfrom heresy and schism. The Maiden church took the former \nground, and hence proceeded independently of the advice of other \nchurches, or of the magistrates. For this, it was accused before \nthe General Court, which took this occasion to define its authority \nover the churches. It is their connection with this principle, \nthat makes the details of this controversy as important as they are \ncurious. \n\nThe Court dealt first with Mr. Matthews, who was cited to ap- \npear before it; and, June 18, 1650, granted \" time to give satisfac- \ntion.\" Besides failing to do this, he gave new offence at Maiden ; \n\nas this town petitioned the Court to encourage him \" to return to them.\" \nThe Court, May 2, 1649, thought it \" no way meet \" to grant this request. \n2 The Cambridge Platform (1G48) claimed for the churches, as their \nright, the power of ordaining tiieir officers, which was defined \" the \nsolemn putting a man into his place and office in the church, whereunto \nhe had rights before by election.\" — Chap. xi. 2. 4. See an excellent \nnote on this point in American Quarterly Register, vol. xii,, by the Rev. \nSamuel Sewall. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 123 \n\nfor, a year later, 1651, May 7, he was again summoned be- \nfore the same tribunal to answer concerning \" former and later \nmiscarriages.\" On the 15th the passages he had delivered in his \nsermons were read by his accusers ; which, \" though he owned \nthem not,\" were proved upon him, under oath, by depositions from \nsuch citizens as Thomas Lynde ^ and John Hawthorne. Mr. \nMatthews replied to them in detail, commencing as follows: — \n\n\" To ye accusations exhibited against Marmaduke Mathewes before ye \ngeneral court at Boston ye 15 of ye 3 month 1651. In his name and pre- \nsence whose I am, and whom 1 desire to serve, and yt wth Child like frame, \n— as also forevermore to rejoice in, and yt with christian trembling, I \nye sayd accused, M. M. thinke good thus to answere.\" \n\nThis paper, dated May 26, is an elaborate documCTit, that would \noccupy several pages of this type.^ One accusation, with a part of \nthe answer to it, will serve as a specimen of the theology of the day : \n\n\" 8 Accusation. That the saints have more varieties of righteousness \nthan Christ, for Christ hath only a double righteousness, and the saints \nhave a trebble. \n\n\"Answer. Tis true that having treated about the freeness of Christs \ngrace to sinners according to what was expressed in the point of Christs pur- \npose towards the rebellious, my scope then was to treat also of the fulness \nof his grace to his saints, which I did dispatch by the only explaining of \none word as tis in the original ( i ) righteousnesses in , 45. 24, tis ren- \ndered truly righteousness in the margin of many Bibles : implying that \nChrist is not only very free but also very full of grace to his believing \nservants, in that he affords unto them not only a single righteousness, or \na righteousness of immitation, for the resembling of righteous ones in \nrespect of outward conversation, which was all the righteousness that the \nPharisee had, or civil honest persons have fur to shew, but comes short \nof qualifying for the Kingdom of Heaven — witness Christs words Mai. \n5, 20 — nor meerly a double righteousness, or a righteousness of infu- \nsion, both which were all the righteousnesses that Adam in Paradise had, \nor the elect Angels in Heaven have, as the blessed angels have no more, \nso believing sinners have no less, witness Eph. 9. 20., but a trebble \nrighteousness or a righteousness of imputation, witness 2 cor. 5,21: \nPhil. 3. 10, which is more than Christ himself either hath or doth need \nto make himself righteous. Twas far from me to either to say or suppose \nthat Christ Jesus doth give to others more than he hath to give, as twas \nboth ingeniously and publickally reported in the presence of many hun- \ndreds of men. \n\n\" 'Twas nor a solecism nor any absurdity to affirm that Christ Jesus hath \nmore variety of righteousnesses for to make others righteous than he hath \n\n1 The church of Maiden censured Mr. Lynde for his testimony against \nMr. Matthews. At a council held in Boston, March 4, 1651, a letter \nsigned Edward Rawson, secretary, was addressed to the Maiden church, \nin which they were requested, before they proceeded so far as excommu- \nnication, to consult the neighbor churches. This was done, the letter \nsays, \" without any intention or desire in the least to infringe the liberty \nthe Lord Jesus Christ hath purchased for his church.\" — Mass. Hist. Col., \nvol. xxviii. p. 325. 2 it is in Mass. Archives, Vol. EcclesiasticaJ, \n\n\n124 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nto make himself righteous : no more than it is to say that he hath more \nvariety of graces, as restraining grace (or fear of men) or renewing grace \n(as repentance from dead works) to bestow on others for to make them \ngracious, than he hath in himself for to make himself gracious.\" \n\nThis defence, certainly not free from \"inconvenient\" expres- \nsions, was unsatisfactory to the Court ; and a special commission \nwas instituted to examine Mr. Matthews on doctrinal points. For \nconsenting to be ordained, he was fined ten pounds, which he was \nordered to pay within a month, provided he did not make \" an \nhumble acknowledgment of his sin ;\" and for ordaining him, the \nMaiden church was summoned to answer at the next Court. \n\nThe commission consisted of \" Mr. Simon Broadstreet, Mr. \nSamuel Simoffds, Captain William Hawthorne, Captain Edward \nJohnson, Mr. John Glover, Captain Eleazer Lusher, Captain \nDaniel Gookin, Mr. Richard Brown and Captain Humphrey Ather- \nton,\" — gallant and able men, doubtless, but severely representa- \ntive of the intolerance of the times. The Court, however, pro- \nvided for an addition to it, by instructing the commission to call \nin \"the reverend elders\" in case of difficulty. \n\nMr. Matthews was cited to appear on the 11th of June; and \non the 15th, he favored this ecclesiastical tribunal of civilians and \nsoldiers with the following confession : — \n\n\" To ye Honored Committee of ye Generall Court appointed to examine \nsome doctrinall points delivered att Hull and since yt time at Maiden \nby M. M. \n\nHonored of God and of his people ; \n\n\" Haveing given you an account of my sence and of my faith in ye con- \nclusions wch were accused before you, I thought good to acquaint you, \nyt, if any among you (or others) should count that faith a fansie, and that \nsence to be non-sence, I desire yt God may forgive them : I doe, conceav- \ning yt such doe not yet soe well know what they doe, as they shall know \nhereafter. \n\n\" Yet in case yt this should reach any satisfaction to such as are (yett) \nunsatisfied with my expressions for to know that I doe acknowledge yt there \nbe sundrie defects in sundry points yt I have delivered, I doe hereby signifie \nyt through mercy I cannot but see and also ingenuously confesse yt some \nof my sayings are nor safe nor sound in the superlative degree : to wit : \nthey are not most safe ; nor yett eyther sound or safe in a comparative \ndegree; for I easily yeald yt not onely wiser men probably would, but \nalso I my self possiblie mouyht have made outi x's mynd and my owne \nmeaning in termes more sound and more safe than I have done had I not \nbeen too much wanting both to his sacred majesty, whose unworthy mcs- \nsinger I was, and also to my hearers, and to my self, for wch I desire to \nbe humbled, and of wch I desire to be healed by ye author of both. As I \n\n1 Christ's mind. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 125 \n\ndoe not doubt butyt conscientious and charitable-hearted Christians (whose \nproperty and practise it is to put uppon doubtful! positions not ye worst \nconstruction but ye best) will discerne, as I doe, yt there is a degree of \nsoundness in what I doe owne, though but a positive degree. \n\n\" However it is and (I trust) for ever shall be, my care to be more circum- \nspect than I have hitherto been in avoyding all appearances yt way for \nye time to come, yt soe I may ye better approve my self through ye grace \nof Christ and to ye Glory of God, such a workman as need not be \nashamed. In ye interim I remayne amongst his unworthy servants \nye most unworthy, and \n\nYour accused and condemned \nBoston this 13th of ye fellow-creature to command \n\n4 month, 1651. in ye things of Christ \n\nMarmaduke Matthewes. \n\nThe hint which the ingenious preacher gave his stern tribunal, \nto act as charitable-hearted Christians, was lost upon them. In two \ndays (June 17) the committee declared themselves \"much unsa- \ntisfied\" with the confession, finding \" several particulars weak, un- \nsafe and unsound, and not retracted by him ;\" ^ and the marshal \nproceeded to collect the fine. But the \" condemned\" was a poor \nsubject for fines : \" he lived above the world, and depended wholly \nupon providence for the support of himself and family. \"^ The \nofficer could only find a library ; and the General Court, in Octo- \nber, permitted the execution \" to be respited until other goods \nappear besides books.\" ^ \n\nMeantime Mr. Matthews appears to have retained the confidence \nof his congregation, or the majority of it.\"\"* It was his custom \n\n\n1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxi. p. 30. \n\n2 Dr. Calamy, Non-Conformist Memorial, vol. iii. p. 504. \n\n3 Colony Records. \n\n4 Even Johnson, (book iii. chapter 7,) than whom none treated heresy \nmore sternly, seems loth to give up Matthews. Notwithstanding what \nhad passed, he says, \" he will not miss to mind him in the following \nmeeter,\" — perhaps one of his most expressive verses. \n\n\" Mathews ! thou must build gold and silver on \n\nThat precious stone, Christ cannot trash indure, \nUnstable straw and stubble must be gone, \n\nWhen Christ by fire doth purge his building pure, \nIn seemly and in modest terms do thou \n\nChrist's precious truths unto thy folk unfold, \nAnd mix not error with the truth, least thou \n\nSoon leave out sense to make the truth to hold : \nCompleating of Christs Churches is at hand, \n\nMathews stand up and blow a certain sound, \nWarriours are wanting Babel to withstand, \n\nChrists truths maintain, 'twill bring the honors crown'd.\" \n\n\n126 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nto make no visits but such as were properly ministerial, and to \nreceive none but in a religious manner ; and ties thus formed were \nnot to be weakened by fines. The female portion of his flock \nsent to the General Court, October 28, 1651, the following petition, \n— valuable as a record of the names, and christian spirit, of the \nearly matrons of the town : — \n\n\"To the Hon'd Court ; \n\n\" The petition of many inhabitants of Maiden and Charlestown of \nMistick side humbly sheweth : \n\n\" That the Almighty God in great mercie to our souls as we trust, hath, \nafter many prayers, endeavors, and long waiting, brought Mr. Matthews \namong us, and put him into the work of the ministry : By whose pious \nHfe and labors the Lord hath afforded us many saving convictions, direc- \ntions, reproofs and consolations, whose continuance in the service of \nChrist if it were the good pleasure of God, we much desire : and it is our \nhumble request to this honourd Court, that you would please to pass \nby some personal and particular failings (which may as we humbly con- \nceive be your glory and no grief of heart to you in time to come) and to \npermit him to employ those talents God hath furnished him withal. So \nshall we your bumble petitioners with many others be bound to pray &c. \n\n28 — 8 — 51. \nMrs. Sergeant, Sarah Bucknam. Eliz. Mirrable. \n\nJoan Sprague, Tbanklord Sheppie. Sarah Osbourn. \n\nJane Learned. Fran. Cooke. An Hett. \n\nElizabeth Carrington, Eliz. Knowker. Mary Pratt. \n\nBridget Squire. Bridget Dexter. Eliz. Green. \n\nMary Wayte. Lydia Greenland. Joan Chadwicke. \n\nSarah Hills. Margaret Pemerton. Margret Green. \n\nAn Bibble. Han. Whitemore. Helen Luddington. \n\nEliz. Green. Eliz. Green. Susan Wellington. \n\nWid. Blancher. Mary Rust. Joana Call. \n\nEliz. Adams. Eliz. Grover. Rachel Attwood. \n\nRebec Hills. Han. Barret. Marge Welding.\" \n\nAt the same time, 1G51, October 28, Mr. Matthews addressed \nanother confession \" to the honored Court,\" declaring that he \nwas \" in some measure sensible of his great insufficiency to de- \nclare the counsil of God unto his people;\" that he \" was very \napt to let fall some expressions that are weak and inconvenient ;\" \nbut that it was his desire \"to avoid all appearances of evil therein \nfor time to come as in all other respects whatsoever.\" ^ But the \nCourt continued inexorable ; neither the petition nor the confes- \nsion procuring a remittance of the fine. \n\nMeantime the General Court, at a full meeting October 24, \n1651, arraigned the Maiden Church for its share of the sin in or- \n\n1 This document is printed in Mass. Hist. Col., vol. xxxi. pp. 31,32. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 127 \n\ndaining Mr. Matthews. The defence of the church, dated Octo- \nber 28, is a manly and well prepared document. It argues, first, \nthat the offensive expressions delivered at Maiden were not so \nmuch before ordination as after, and \" for the business of Hull,\" \nMr. Matthews had undergone his punishment and \" stood clear in \nlaw : \" second, that in case they had \" swerved from any rule of \nChrist\" they should have been proceeded with \" in a church way,\" \nfor they \" both owned and honored church communion ;\" third, that \nthey had invited two churches, before ordination, to pursue this \ncourse, and were ready to reply to any charges of \" sin \" they \nhad committed : fourth, they begged the Court to consider what \npassed between them and the magistrates, and \" that no return was \nmade only by Mr. Nowell : \" fifth, that it was with grief of heart \nthey seemed \" to wave or undervalue \" the \" advice of any magis- \ntrate or church, but considering the liberty of the churches allow- \ned by law to choose their own officers and apprehending him (Mr. \nMatthews) to be both pious, able and orthodox, as the law provides, \nwe proceeded.\" The gist of the document, however, is contained \nin the last specification, — a part of which reads as follows : — \n\n\" Our plea is, that we know no law of Christ or the country, that binds \nany church of Christ not to ordain their own officers without advice of \nmagistrates and churches. We freely acknowlege ourselves engaged to \nany that in love afford any advice unto us, but we conceive a church is \nnot bound to such advice farther than God commends it to their under- \nstanding and conscience. And if a church act contrary to such advice, \nwe see not how, or by what rule, they are bound to take offence against \na church of Christ in that respect, — namely, for not attending that advice, \nor that a church of Christ so doing should be concluded offenders m any \ncourt of justice, and so plead our laws allow every church free liberty \nof all the ordinances of God according to the rule of the scripture ; and in \nparticular, free liberty of selection and ordination of all their officers, \nfrom time to time, provided they be pious, able and orthodox. And that \nno injunction shall be put upon any church officer or member, in point of \ndoctrine or discipline, whether for substance or circumstance, besides the \nInstitutes of the Lord.\" \n\nThis remarkable plea did not prove a valid one with the \nCourt. In three days, October 31, the church received the fol- \nlowing sentence : — \n\n\" Ordered, that the members of the Church of Maiden shall be fined \nfor their offences the sum of fifty pounds, which shall not extend to any \nperson that hath given this Court satisfaction, and that consented not to \nMr. Matthews' ordination. And it is further ordered, that the said fifty \npounds shall be levied by execution on the estates of Mr. Joseph Hills, \nEdward Carrington and John Wait, who are hereby impowered to make \nproportion of the said sum on the rest of the members of the church, ex- \ncept before excepted.\" \n\n\n128 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nSubsequently, the church was charged, \"speedily to consider \nthe errors Mr. Matthews stands charged with in Court.\" An \necclesiastical council, composed of messengers of the churches of \nCharlestown, Cambridge, Lynn and Roxbury, was gathered, \nwhich considered the whole case and reported to the Court, \nMay 26, 1652. On this day, in answer to petitions, the Court \ndeclared it saw no cause to remit the church's or the pastor's \nfine, \" the country being put to so great trouble, charge and ex- \npenses in the hearing of the cause.\" On the 19th of October, \nhowever, the fine of Mr. Matthews was remitted in full, and ten \npounds of that of the church. \n\nBut the General Court, firmly established its power over the \n\nchurches : it aimed to preserve them as well from incompetent \n\nas from heretical pastors. In 1653 it prohibited any to preach or \n\nprophecy without the consent of neighbor churches or the county \n\ncourt. This called forth a letter of remonstrance from the Salem \n\nchurch, in which the first reason against this law is this : — \n\n\" First, because it intrencheth upon the liberties of the several churches, \nwho have power (as is confessed by all the orthodox) to choose and set \nup over them, whom they please for their edification and comfort without \ndepending- on any other power and if a breach be once made into these \nliberties, we know not how far it may proceed in time, there being such \na leading example as this.\" i \n\nBut this was of no avail. The law was sustained ; and churches \nif in the view of the Court schismatical, or acting in a corrupt \nway, or \" contrary to the rule of the word,\" fared no better than \nindividuals ; the civil magistrate might put forth his coercive power \nas the case required. 2 \n\nIn a short time, individuals of the majority submitted to the \nCourt. Several,^ in May, 1655, \"humbly acknowledged the \noffence they gave to the Court and several churches about ordain- \ning Mr. Matthews,\" and prayed for a release from .£13. 6s. 8d., \nthe remainder of their fine. Edward Carrington, one of the three \nmade responsible for the whole fine followed, October 28, 1658, \ntheir example. He states that the Lord had convinced him \nof the evil of being of the majority ; but that it was not in his \n\n1 Felt has preserved the whole of this excellent letter in his Annals of \nSalem, p. 533. See also Woburn Memorial in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxi. \n\n2 Cambridge Platform, chap. xi. 9. \n\n3 Their names were, Joseph Hills, Abram Hill, John Waite, Jno. \nSprague, Ralph Shepherd, John Upham, James Greene and Thomas Call. \n\n\nHISTORY. OF CHARLESTOWN, 129 \n\npower to collect fines of \" his poor, unable and absent brethren ;\" \nand he prays that some meet person may be appointed to receive \nthese fines, or that they be remitted, or that he may be allowed to \npay his proportion, and be released from the rest. The magistrates \nvoted to accept his part of the fine, and to give the remainder \" to \nthe town for a town stock ; \" but the deputies would not consent \nto it.\" 1 The General Court finally referred the whole subject of \nabating the fines to the Middlesex County Court ; which, June 19, \n1660, ordered the majority of the church to \" give a clear account \nof all their proceedings\" to a commission of three, Richard \nSprague, Edwin Oakes and Ephraim Child ; who were instructed \nto report at the next Court. This does not appear to have been \ndone : but in 1662 the same Court abated ten pounds of the fine \nof Edward Carrington. \n\nMr. Matthews soon returned to England, where he continued \nto preach, in Swansey, in a small chapel, by the connivance of the \nmagistrates. \" He had,\" writes Dr. Calamy, \" no estate, but \nsubsisted by the piety of his children, of whom two or three were \nsober conformists, and by the kindness of relatives and friends, \nwhich made him sometimes pleasantly say ; \" he was comforta- \nbly maintained by the children of God, his own children, and the \nchildren of the world.\" \" He lived to a good old age, and con- \ntinued useful to the last. He died about 1683.\" ^ \n\nDuring nearly thirty years, there are but few allusions on the \nrecords to Maiden. Mr. Matthews was succeeded, as early as \n1654, by Rev. Michael Wigglesworth, a distinguished divine and \nphysician ; who for nearly half a century, until 1705, was the regu- \nlar pastor of the church. He was of feeble constitution, and for \ntwenty years unable to discharge the duties of his office. Yet the \npeople generously supplied him with aid. Benjamin Bunker,^ \nfrom 1663 to 1669, Benjamin Blackman in 1679, Thomas Chee- \nver and Mr. Upham, preached at Maiden. In 1662 the church \n\n1 In the proceedings in this, from first to last, there was far from una- \nnimity. In the vote of censure (May 1651) fifteen of the deputies record- \ned their names as \" contradicentes ;\" and in October of the same year, \nten, — among the latter Richard Bellingham the deputy governoi;. \n\n2 Non-Conformist Memorial, vol. iii. p. 11. \n\n3 Benjamin Bunker was the son of George Bunker, of this town, (see \np. 83,) a graduate of Harvard College in 1658. He settled at Maiden, \n1663, December 9, and died February 2, 1670. It was his father, George , \nthat signed the remonstrance in Mr. Wheelright's favor and was disarmed. \nThe reader is requested to make the correction on pp. 73,74. \n\n17 \n\n\n130 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nhad so far regained the good opinion of the Court as to ob- \ntain a grant of one thousand acres of land which was laid \nout at Worcester. The early records of Maiden are lost. \nThere are no church records until Dr. Thatcher's ministry, and \nno town records before 1678, — when the by-laws, curious and \nquaint though they are, indicate a thriving community, striving to \nmaintain the blessings of health and order. ^ \n\n\nCHAPTER XVI. \n\nEcclesiastical History — 1640 to 1650. — Thomas Allen. — Theological \nControversies. — Samuel Gorton. — The Baptists. — The Cambridge \nPlatform. — Death of Thomas Allen^ \n\nRev. Zechariah Symmes remained sole pastor of the church but \na few months. In the year Harvard died, Thomas Allen arrived \nin Boston. He was the son of John Allen, a dyer of Norwich, \nborn in 1608, and educated at Caius College, Cambridge, where he \ntook the degree of Master of Arts in 1631. He was minister of \nSt. Edmunds, of the city of Norwich, where about 1636, he was \nsilenced by Bishop Wren, for refusing to read the Book of Sports \nand conform to other innovations ; and hence emigrated to this \ncountry. In 1639, January 11, he was admitted a member of \nthe church of Boston, in the records of which he is called \" a \nstudent.\" On the succeeding June 9th, at his own desire and \nthat of the Charlestown church, he was dismissed from Boston ; \nadmitted to this church December 23, and probably soon after \nbecame its teacher. \n\nDuring the eleven years of the joint ministry of Messrs. Symmes \nand Allen, the churches were occupied with interesting and impor- \ntant questions, that supplied the place, though in a moderate degree, \nof the Antinomian strife. There was the controversy respecting \nGorton ; the synod that established the Cambridge Platform ; the \ncommencement of the Baptist controversy, and of the proceedings \n\n1 Wright's Historical Discourse on Maiden. Mr. Wright furnishes \nno facts about Matthews, and does not mention his name. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 131 \n\nagainst the Maiden church and minister. The Charlestown \nrecords of this date, afford no information of the action of this \nchurch upon these subjects. They only contain the record of one \nhundred and twenty-three persons admitted from 1G39 to 1651, \nwith an imperfect list of the baptisms.^ \n\nSamuel Gorton was imprisoned in this town on account of his \nopinions. He was, in the language of the time, a minister of \n\" very heretical principles, a prodigious minter of exorbitant \nnovelties, even the very dregs of farailisra ;\" ^ in the judgment of \nto-day, \" a wild but benevolent enthusiast, who used to say, Hea- \nven was not a place, there was no Heaven but in the hearts of \ngood men, no hell but in the mind.\" ^ The magistrates judged \nhim worthy of death, — the deputies of the lighter penalty of im- \nprisonment,— \" to be kept at work and to wear such bolts and \nirons a^ might hinder his escape.\" In 1644, March 7, he was \nreleased on the condition that he should leave the Colony in four- \nteen days. Perhaps this notice will be a sufRcieRt introduction \nto the following extract : — \n\n\" Vv'\"hen this order of the Court was presented to Samuel Gorton, by \nthe constable of Charlestown, bringing a smith with him, to file off his \nbolts, he told the constable he was not willing to part with his irons on \ntliese terms, but expected fairer terms of release, than were therein ex- \npressed, desiring him to go to Master Nowell, who lived in that town, and \ndeclare so much unto him. In short time the constable returned, bring- \ning divers of the chief men in the town with him, and commanded the \nsmith to fall to work to file off his bolts, who did accordingly, and so took \nthem from him, leaving the said Gorton either to walk abroad, on such \nconditions, or else stay at his peril.\" \"* \n\nThe increase of the Baptists caused great alarm in the colony. \nThey were treated with double injustice by our fathers ; who first \nassociated them with the savage reformers of Munster ; and then \ninflicted upon them excommunication, fines, imprisonment and \nbanishment. The colony law of 1644 reads as follows : — \n\n\" If any person within this jurisdiction shall either openly condemn or \noppose the baptism of infants, or go about secretly to seduce others from \nthe approbation or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the congregation \nat the ministration of the ordinance, or, &c., and shall appear to the Court \n\\villfully and obstinately to continue therein after due time and means of \nconviction, every such person shall be sentenced to banishment.\" ^ \n\n1 The inquirer will find a valuable catalogue of the admissions into the \nchurch from 1632 to 1787 in Rev. W. I. Budington's History of the First \nChurch of Charlestown. \n\n2 Hubbard, p. 402. 3 Bancroft's Hist., vol. i. p. 419. \n4 Simplicity's Defence against Seven Headed Policy, p. 75. \n\n^ Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 175. \n\n\n132 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, \n\nPersons were fined for reading Anabaptist books. Probably \nfor offences of this nature Stephen Fosdick, of this town, was \nfined twenty pounds; and, May 7, 1643, was excommunicated^ \nfrom the church. In 1647 he petitioned the Court, that as his \nhouse, burnt while in the sheriff's hands, was worth fifteen pounds, \nhe might be released by paying the remaining five pounds. ^ \nA few years later, (1664,) on making an acknowledgment and \nconfession, the church granted him absolution. The record of \nthis is in the following words : \n\n\" The covenant of the church being (for the sunnme of it) a solemn \npromise or engagement to walk with God, and with his people according \nto the word of God, I do now heartily approve of it, and close with it, \nand am sorry that I have at any time spoken against it : Having neglect- \ned likewise to hear the church in their dealings with me for my offence, \nI do unfeignedly repent thereof, and desire God and his people to forgive \nme.\" \n\n\"This was read to the church, accepted by all as satisfactory ; he was \n(the brethren consenting) received to that state of communion which he \nhad before his excommunication ; and by the sentence of the Eldership \ndeclared to be soe restored.\" ^ \n\nA petition, praying the Court to abrogate the laws in relation \nto Anabaptists and foreigners, has on it the name of Robert \nSedgwick and others, of this town ; the Court declared, in \nreply, that these laws \"should not be altered or explained at \nall ; \" and in 1646, a counter petition, prayed for their enforcement. \n\nThe other exciting religious topic of this period was the synod \nthat closed its labors in 1648. \" It went on,\" Winthrop writes, \n\" comfortably, and intended only the framing of a confession of \nfaith, &,c., and a form of church discipline.\" This was the cele- \nbrated Cambridge Platform, which continued, in the main, to be \nthe rule of the ecclesiastical polity of Massachusetts, until the \nadoption of the constitution of 1780 ; \" and is still of some influence \nin the construction of difficult topics.\" ^ \n\nThe ministry of Mr. Allen in this country closed in 1651, when \nhe returned to England. In January, 1657, he was chosen pastor \nof the Congregational Church in Norwich, where he continued \nuntil he died, September 21, 1673, aged sixty-five years. He \nwas greatly beloved, and is characterized as \" an able, practical \npreacher.\" \n\n1 Church Records. 2 Mass. Archives. \n\n3 Church Records. 4 Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii, p. 330. \n\n\ni \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n133 \n\n\nMr. Allen was the author of several works, the titles of these \nare as follows : — An Invitation to Thirsty Sinners to come to \ntheir Saviour : The way of the Spirit in bringing Souls to Christ : \nThe Glory of Christ set forth, with the Necessity of Faith ; in \nseveral sermons. A Chain of Scripture Chronology, from the \nCreation to the Death of Christ, in seven periods, — which has \nbeen much commended. ^ A letter written by him, relating to the \npreaching of the gospel among the Indians, may be found in Mas- \nsachusetts Historical Collections, vol. xxxiv. p. 194.^ \n\n\n1 Non-Conformist Memorial, vol. iii. p. 11. \n\n2 Rev. Thomas Allen, (see p. 75,) probably married the widow of \nJohn Harvard. They had in this country, 1, Mary, born January 3l, \n1640 : 2, Sarah, born August 8, 1641, buried April 21, 1642 ; 3, Elizabeth, \nborn and died, 1642 : 4, Mercy, born and died, 1G46, They had also a \n\n\nFIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH, \nBUILT 1833. \n\n\n134 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\n\nCHAPTER XVII. \n\nBiographical Sketches. — Increase Nowell. — Robert Sedgwick. — \nThomas Graves. — Francis Willoughby. — Richard Russell. \n\nIncrease Nowell was the most distinguished of those who re- \nmained in town on the dispersion of Winthrop's company. He was \nrelative of Alexander Nowell, dean of St. Paul's, in Elizabeth's \nreign ; a Patentee ; elected an assistant of the Massachusetts Com- \npany in England, October 20, 1629 ; came over in the Arbella \nwith Winthrop ; and on the organization of the first church, was \nchosen ruling elder. But being also an assistant, the question \narose whether a magistrate ought to be a ruling elder 1 It was \nsubmitted to the Salem and Plymouth churches, which gave the \nopinion, '' that a ruler in the church ought not to be a ruler in \nthe state at the same time.\" Mr. Nowell, accordingly, relinquish- \ned the office of elder. \n\nHe held the office of magistrate until his death. But to write \nin full his biography would be, in fact, to write a large part of the \ncivil and ecclesiastical history of his time, for his name appears in \nconnection with much of it. He was secretary of the colony \nmany years, and one of the commission for military affairs in 1634. \nHe joined with Endicott, Dudley, and others, in 1649, in the asso- \nciation against wearing long hair. \n\n\nson, Thomas. His wife, Anne, was living in 1651, as she, this year, \ndeeded land with him. She died soon after, and Mr. Allen married, for \nhis second wife, the widow of Robert Sedgwick ; they had no cliildren. \n\nHarvard had a large property for those days, in this town, — one half \nof which fell, probably, to his widow. I have met with only one \nallusion to a sale of land by her, and that in 1638, to Thomas Graves. \nThomas Allen was also a large land owner, having, among other proper- \nty, five hundred acres granted to him, \" in regard to Mr. Harvard's gift.\" \nAmong the sales of property is one, in 1659, of a partof the estate on which \n\" his mansion house \" stood. It had an orchard, and was bounded north \non \" the narrow lane up Mill-hill.\" The purchaser was Thomas \nShephard. In 1676 Gravel-lane is described as bounded on Mr. \nShephard's land, and this, it is hence inferred, was Harvard's house, \nstanding in 1697, and owned by Mrs. Shephard. It is the estate on \nwhich Washington Hall stands. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 135 \n\nMr. Nowell was one of the chief founders of the town. He was \noften on important committees, a short time town clerk, and for \nnineteen years a selectman, — from 1635, with the exception of \n1653, to the year of his death. He devoted his life to the public \nservice, and died poor. The situation of his family, just before \nhis death, elicited the following order of October 24, 1655. \"It \nis desired that the deputies of each town commend the condition \nof Mr. Nowell's family to their several towns in reference to some \nmeet recompense for the said Mr. Nowell's service by way of rate \nor otherwise, bringing their returns to the next Court of election.\" \nThis vote, at least, cheered the closing days of this \" honored \nmagistrate.\" He died November 1, 1655. The next year, Octo- \nber 14, 1656, the General Court, remembering Mr. Nowell's \n\" long service to this Commonwealth in the place not only of a \nmagistrate but secretary also, for which he had but little and slen- \nder recompense,\" granted Mrs. Nowell and her son Samuel, two \nthousand acres of land. The territory now part of Worcester, \nwas once owned by this family. \n\nIncrease Nowell was a rigid Puritan, and enjoyed, in an eminent \ndegree, the respect and affection of his contemporaries. One \nterms him, \" one of the men of renown that settled Massachu- \nsetts : \" another, \" honored and upright-hearted : \" a third, \" emi- \nnent for his piety and learning.\" The long confidence of his \ntownsmen, and the votes of the colony, are solid testimonials of \nthe value of his services. It is to be regretted that his piety was \naccompanied with a severe temper, and his public virtue with a \nstern intolerance. \n\nMr. Nowell married Parnel Coitmore, the daughter of Catharine \nCoitmore. She survived him ; and the town, in 1658, voted that \nshe \" should be freed from paying town rates hence forwards.\" \nShe died March 25, 1687, aged eighty-four.^ \n\nRobert Sedgwick was one of the most distinguished men of his \ntime. The family is supposed to have sprung from the northern \ncounties of England. Johnson furnishes the earliest notice of \n\n\n1 Increase and Parnel Nowell had eight children, of whom three died \nin infancy, namely, Increase, Abigail and Eliezur. The others were . — \n\n1, Samuel, born November 12, 1634, graduated at Harvard College \nin 1653, a preacher, often engaged in the public service, treasurer of the \nCollege, and an assistant in 1680. He married widow Mary Usher, who \ndied in this town August 14, 1683. He died in London, September, 1688. \n\n\n136 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMr. Sedgwick, writing that he \"was nursed up in London's ar- \ntillery garden,\" and \" was stout and active in all feats of war.\" He \nwas admitted an inhabitant of this town June 3, 163G ; a freeman \nin 1637, and this year chosen representative, and several times \nafterwards. He was also selectman, and often engaged in town \nbusiness. He was, probably, a merchant, and on an occasion of \nselling his goods too high, was admonished (1639) by the Court \nto take heed of oppression. He was the captain (1636) of the first \n\"trained band\" of this town, the first major (1644) of the Middle- \nsex regiment, and elected major general May 26, 1652. In 1641, \n'45, and '48, he commanded the Ancient and Honorable Artillery \nCompany, and in 1641 the Castle. In 1645, he had a commission \nto take care of the fortifications of the town, and to keep it and the \nharbor \"from all hostile and mutinous attempts or insurrections.\" \nHe was, among other duties, directed to have always in readiness, \n\" a barrel of powder for every six pieces of ordnance, with twelve \nshot and five pound of match, if any ships in the harbor shall quar- \nrel and shoot one another, whereby the people, or houses may be \nendangered.\" \n\nPrevious to July 1, 1654, General Sedgwick had visited Eng- \nland, and engaged in the service of Cromwell, as commander of a \ncontemplated expedition against the Dutch at New-York. In a \nletter to the Protector, of this date, Sedgwick informed him of his \narrival here, and of his proceedings; namely, that in fourteen days \nhe had victualled his ships, and in six more was ready with nine \n\n\n2, Mehitable, born February 2, 1638, married William Hilton Sep- \ntember 16, 1G59. Their children were, Nowell, born May 4, 1663 ; \nEdward, born March 3, 1666 ; John, baptised May 24, 1668 ; Richard, \nborn September 13, 1670 ; and Charles, born April 19, 1673. William \nHilton died September 7, 1675, and his widow married, October 29, 1684, \ndeacon John Cutler, who died September 12, 1694. She died, Sept. 1711. \n\n3, Increase, born May 23, 1640, (Boston Records,) — a seaman. \n\n4, Mary, born May 26, 1643, married Aujrust 14, 1666 Isaac Wins- \nlow, whose father, John, was a brother of Edward, of Plymouth, and \nwhose mother, Mary, was the first female who landed from the Mayflower \nin 1620. Their children were : — Parnel, born November 14, 1667, mar- \nried Richard Foster, May 4, 1686 ; Isaac, born and died in 1670 ; Mr. \nWinslow died, August 14, 1670, at Port Royal, Jamaica; his widow \nmarried, September 16, 1674, John Long-, who died July 20, 1683. \nTheir children were Isaac, born 1675, died 1680; Catharine, married \nWilliam Welstead May 24, 1694 ; Samuel died March IH, 1730 ; and \nMary married Simon Bradstreet; Mary Long died about 1729. \n\n5, Alexander, graduated at Harvard in 1664, the author of several \nAlmanacks, and died in 1672. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. I37 \n\nhundred foot and a company of horse, to act against the cneiiiy \nwhen, June 1, news of peace arrived; and that commissioners' \nat a meeting in Charlestown, June 17, had determined to employ \nthe force against the French forts in Nova Scotia. Sed.vvick \nsaded, July 4, 1654, from Boston, with a fleet consisting Jf the \nAugustme, Church, Hope, and a ketch; arrived at St. Johns, a \nstrong fort, on the 14th; captured it on the 17th; then took P^rt \nH^a] and another French fort, and sailed for Piscatanua. \n\nThough the General Court questioned General Sedgwick's \n\nauthority for domg this, yet such vigorous action was so acceptable \n\no Cromwell that the next year he was appointed to an important \n\nservice in the West Indies. Jamaica had been captured; and \n\nGeneral Sedgwick was sent, with a fleet under his orders, with \n\nreinforcements for the army under General Venables. He sailed \n\nfrom Plymouth July 11, IG55; and arrived at Barbadoes, August \n\n27, when he learned that Venables had met with a repulse, losing \n\nfour hundred men. A fe^y extracts from Sedgwick's letters show \n\nhe state of his feelings. Writing to Cromwell, September 1, \n\nlo55, he says : — ' r j \n\nThe same letter concludes in the following manner : — \n\nas GLTarSt'r\";l\"^^^n^G:f ^^ t'^'' \"^^''°™ ^^^ ^-^^^^ \n\nbeareth me witness SiatTf i'^1,p Ll ?n ',\"'^ H^'^ ''' '°™^ ™^=^«^^« \n\nplovment and T hnnl i n ^^°'^ °^^°^' ^'^^^ ^ intended in this em- \n\nSir, \n\nI am willing to be, and wish I \nwere, \n\nYour Lordships humble Servant, \n\nRobert Sedgwick.\" \n\nGeneral Sedgwick's letters,^ long, able, and interesting, present \n\n\n^ In Thurloe's State Papers. \n18 ^ \n\n\n133 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\na vivid view of the difficulties he had to encounter. \"The truth \nis,\" he writes the Protector, November 5, 1G55, \"God is angry, \nand the plague is begun, and we have none to stand in the gap.\" \n\" Sir, you cannot conceive us so sad as we are, broken and scat- \ntered, God rending us in twain, a senseless hearted people, not \naffected with his dealing towards us.\" There was the evil of a \ndivided command. A council for managing the affairs of the \nisland was formed, of which Sedgwick, appointed commissioner \nby Cromwell, was one, and General Fortesque was president. The \nlatter soon fell a victim to the climate. At this time General \nSedgwick made two requests to the Protector : — \n\n\" One is, if God spare me life, that your highness would be pleased to \npermit me to come to England. But I am not very solicitous in that, \nsometimes thinking that another place will be my portion, before I may \nhear again from your highness. \n\n\" The other petition is: I left behind me a dear and religious wife, \nwho through grace hath much of the fear and knowledge of God in her. \nI have also five children, to me dear and precious. I would only by this, \nthat your highness would cast one thought towards them ; that whatever \nhazard or hardship I may go through, yet my relations may not be for- \ngotten. 1 only expect, what your highness was pleased to promise me, \nthat she may not be troubled in obtaining it in such seasons, as may tend \nto her comfort.\" \n\nGeneral Sedgwick renews the latter request, — in relation to \nhis pay, — to Cromwell's secretary, Thurloe, in letters dated \nNovember 7, and November 12, 1655; remarking, \"the truth is, \nmy heart and spirit are in a confusion, and (I) think sometimes it \nmay finish my few days I have here to be.\" His presentiment \nproved true. So far from granting his request to return, the Pro- \ntector sent him a commission to command the army. \" He \nnever enjoyed himself,\" writes one of his officers, \" after he re- \nceived his commission,\" \" but as was apparent to all men, from \nthat time lost much of freedom and cheerfulness.\" He died \nMay 24, 1656. \n\nCharlestown has cause to remember the public spirit of General \nSedgwick. He took a warm interest in its welfiire ; and either as \nselectman, representative, or a member of an important committee, \nwas constantly in its service. He w.as an enterprising merchant, \nas we find him building wharves on the shore east of the old ferry- \nways, carrying on a brewing establishment, building the old Tide \nMills, and interested in the Iron Works at Lynn. He was zealous \nin disciplining his company, — freely spending time and money, \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 139 \n\nJohnson says, for this purpose. The train band manifested their \nfeelings towards him by the grant, somewhat irregularly, of a \npiece of land, which the town \" to gratify the major \" confirmed. \nHis residence was in the market-place, now the square, near the \nsite of the Bunker Hill Bank. \n\nRobert Sedgwick was a representative of the liberal Puritans of \nearly New-England. Religion was in all his thoughts, and yet he \nopenly opposed the prevailing intolerance. His regard for educa- \ntion is seen in his gifts to the College. He was \" a very brave, \nzealous and pious man,\" ^ \" beloved and esteemed by all.\" ^ \n\nThomas Graves, the ancestor of the distinguished family of this \nname, was born June 6, 1605, in Ratcliff, England, and baptised \nJune 16, at Stepney.-^ In 1629 he is mentioned by Higginson in \nterms of commendation,^ and was mate of the Talbot, — the year \nthat the engineer of the same name came over. In 1630, he was \nmade freeman ; in 1632 was master of the Whale; in 1633, of the \nElizabeth Bonadventure; in 1635, of the James ; ^ in 1643, of \nthe Trial, the first ship built in Boston, and which had been com- \nmanded by Thomas Coitmore. Mr. Graves continued to follow \nthe sea. During the protectorship of Oliver Cromwell, and while \non a mercantile voyage, he met a Dutch privateer in the English \nChannel ; and though in a merchantman, he engaged with her, \nand captured her. As a reward for his bravery, the owners of the \nvessel presented him with a silver cup; and Cromwell conferred \non him the command of a ship of war.*^ In the inventory of his \n\n\n. 1 Carlyle. \n\n2 Aylesbury, his secretary, June 25, 165G, in Thurloe, vol. iv. p. 604. \n\" He was truly a religious rnan, and of the most innocent conversation I \never accompanied.\" \n\nGeneral Sedgwick names five children living in the year of his death. \nOf these, — 1, Samuel, baptised 1639, was in 1668 a woolen draper of \nLondon. 2, Hannah, baptised 1641. 3, William, married Elizabeth, \ndaughter of Rev. Samuel Stone, first minister of Hartford, Connecticut, \nand died in 1674. He had a son Samuel from whom the distinguished \nfamily of the Sedgwicks is descended. 4, Robert, member of artillery \nin 1674, whose widow died in 1683. 5, I know nothing of the fifth child. \n\n3 MSS. in possession of his descendants. I have been informed that the \ndate of his birth and baptism may be relied on ; the MSS. make the engi- \nneer and admiral identical.— See p. 26. \n\n^ Hutchinson's Coll., p. 48. \n\n5 Winthrop's Hist., vol. i. pp. 77. 161. He came over \" every year \nfor these seven years,\" e MSS. Papers, \n\n\n140 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nestate he is called \" Rear-Admiral • \" he must have received this \ndistinction, also, from the Protector. \n\nThe name of Thomas Graves ^ is not found on the Town Re- \ncords until 1638 ; and of course, he had no share in any divisions \nof land previous to this time. In 1639, with his wife Catharine, \nhe was admitted to the church of this town ; and after this date, \nuntil his death, his name is constantly found on committees, and \nin divisions of land : and the names of his children, among the list \nof baptisms in the Church Records. He died July 31, 1653. \nWinthrop commends him as \" an able and godly man.\" His will \ncontains his autograph. The signature of the engineer is also \naffixed to the contract (see p. 16) he made with the company in \n1639. Fac-similes of the two, — \n\nTHE ADMIRAL, \n\n\ni/m^dimm.^ \n\n\nTHEENGINEER, \n\nindicate the hand-writing of two individuals. The admiral was \nundoubtedly the ancestor of the family of this name in this town.^ \n\n\n1 The compiler of the account of the settlement of the town appears \nnot to have known the whole name of the engineer (see p. 20) but left a \nspace for the name of \"Thomas.\" He always writes out the name of \nthe admh-al in full ; and after 1640, with the \" JVIr.\" before it. In 1633 \nthe General Court (see p. 52) ordered the neck of land \" where Mr. \nGraves dwelleth\" to belong to Newtown, — since Cambridge. This neck \nwas East Cambridge ; and it is probable that the \" Mr. Graves\" was \nthe engineer. \n\n2 Thomas Graves married Catharine Coitmore, the daughter of widow \nCoitmore, noticed on page 86. He names in his will, sons John, Thomas, \nNathaniel and Joseph : and daughters, Rebecca, Elizabeth and Susanna. \nOf these : \n\n1, John, probably lived in England, as a house at Ham, near London, \nis bequeathed to him. \n\n2, Thomas, born in 1638 at this town, married May 16, 1677, Elizabeth \nthe widow of Dr. John Chickering, who died July 22, 1679. He then \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 141 \n\nFrancis Willoughby, an eminent citizen, was the son of Colonel \nWilliam Willoughby and his wife Elizabetli, of Portsmouth, county \nof Hampshire, England. He was admitted an inhabitant of \nthis town, August 22, 1638 ; and from 1640 to the time of his \ndeath, was almost constantly engaged in the public service. He \nwas first chosen selectman in 1640, and served seven years on this \nboard ; was representative 1649 and '50 ; elected an assistant in \n1650, '51, '54, and was Deputy Governor from 1665 to the day of \nhis death. He was, also, entrusted with an agency in England, \nas appears from the vote of the Court, October 15, 1669, granting \nhim one thousand acres of land : — \n\n\" The Court considering that our honored Deputy Governor, Francis \nWilloughby, Esq. hath yet had no acknowledgment of the country's respect \nto him by grant of lands or otherwise, as has been shown to some others \nthat have not done that public service which he hath done for this place \nas well in England as here, do therefore grant him one thousand acres of \nland to be laid out in any place that may not prejudice a plantation.\" i \n\nMr. Willoughby was a merchant, and a successful one. He \nbuilt wharves above and below the old Ferry-ways, where he \nowned a large property. He had a part of this granted to him in \n1649, when a road was laid out to the landing \" so that boats \nmight go to low water mark ; \" he \" agreeing to build a wharf and \nstairs for passengers and maintain them.\" In 1663 he resigned \nthis land adjoining the ferry. He built (1641) a ship directly on \nthe Warren Bridge avenue. He lived near the square, between \nHarvard-street and Bow-street, on the estate on which the house \n\n\nmarried, May 15, 1682, Sarah, the widow of Dr. Samuel Alcock. Their \nchildren were : Thomas, Catharine, John, Nathaniel, Susanna, Joseph. \nHon. Thomas Graves, distinguished as a physician and judge, died May \n30, 1697. His widow married Colonel John Phillips of this town and \ndied March 1, 1731, aged eighty-seven. \n\n3, Nathaniel, baptised 1G39, a mariner, married August 24, 1664, \nElizabeth, daughter of Richard Russell. Their children were Nathaniel, \nMaud and Elizabeth. He died February 12, 1679. \n\n4, Joseph, born April 13, 1645, married, Jan. 15. 1666, Elizabeth \nMaynard, and had, Samuel, born 1667, Richard, born 1672, John, born \n1674. He married a second time — Mary, and had Mary, Ebenezer and \nperhaps others. \n\n5, Susanna, born July 8, 1643, married Zechariah Symmes (minister \nof Bradford) November 18, 1669. Their children were, Susanna, Sarah, \nZechariah, Catharine, Thomas, William and Rebecca. Susanna died \nJuly 23_, 1681 : her husband Zechariah, March 22, 1718. \n\n6, Of Rebecca, T know nothing. \n\n1 Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 321. \n\n\n142 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nStands that was, a kw years since, occupied by Governor Everett. \n\nHe died April 4, 1671. \n\nHutchinson ^ has this short, but honorable characteristic of him : \n\n** He was a great opposer of the persecutions against the Baptists.\" \n\nHe is mentioned, in warm terms of affection, by his contemporaries. \n\nTwo significant memorials ^ of him exist. One is a letter dated \n\nMay 28, 1670, when he was confined to his house, and addressed \n\nto his associates in the government. After dwelling on the rumors \n\nthat came to him of disunion in the councils, he says : — \n\n\" I do earnestly beseech you that you study and contrive some way \nbefore you break up the Court, to adjourn with the demonstration of \nonenes and affection, that it may appear you all scope at the good of the \ncountry. And that you will endeavor to have as good thoughts one of \nanother as possibly you can ; retaining the interest of the name of God \namong us : Let it not be published to the world that the Government of \nNew-England is broken, and that your animosities are such that it is im- \npossible for you to agree in any thing that may tend to the saving the \nwhole. Desiring a good construction may be put upon my broken hints ; \nand that you will believe that my scope is publick interest : Praying and \nbeseeching the Lord to be with you in your councells and determinations, \nyt his name may be gloryfied in all your transactions, with my service \nheartily endorsed to your interest.\" 3 \n\nThe other memorial is the fragment of a speech made in 1666, \non one of the most interesting events in the history of New- \nEngland. It was delivered in the controversy (which began in \n1662) connected with the preservation of the Charter Privileges; \nand was against sanctioning an appeal to the king, or his commis- \nsioners. A royal mandate (1666) summoned the General Court \nto send persons to England, to answer the complaints made against \nthe colony ; the Court refused to comply with the order. The \nfollowing is a part of the debate in the council : \n\n\" Bradstreet. I grant legal process in a course of law reaches us not in \nan ordinary course, yet I think his prerogative gives him power to com- \nmand our appearance, which before God and men we are to obey.\" \n\n\" Dudley. The king's commands pass any where ; Ireland, Calais, &c., \n\n\n1 Hist. Mass., vol. i. p. 21G. \n\n2 Governor Willoughby left MSS. which (see p. 4) were in the hands of \nPrince. There is a journal, supposed to have been written by him, now \nin the archives of the Antiquarian Society of Worcester. It is in a dif- \nficult cypher, which I have, in vain, tried to read. Rev. W. I. Buddington \nsays of it: \"It is entitled 'A Continuation of my Daily Observation,' \nand comprises a period of time from 1 . 9 mo. IG50, to 28 , 10 mo. 1G51. \nIt was certainly written in Charlestown, for on the first page is a brief ac- \ncount, not written in cyi)her, of a fire, which consumed eleven or twelve \nhouses, 21 . 9. 1C50, p. \"208.\" 3 Mass. Archives, p. 203. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOVVN. 143 \n\nalthough ordinary process from judges and officers pass not. No douht \nbut you may have a trial at law, when you come in England, if you desire \nit, and you may insist upon it and claim it.\" \n\n\" Willoughby. Whether God doth not call us to argue one way, as \nwell as another; whether Calais, Dunkirk, — have not been governed by- \ncommission, and if this be allowed, how easily may the king in one year \nundo all that he hath done : and we must as well consider God's displea- \nsure as the king's, the interest of ourselves and God's things, as his \nmajesties prerogative ; for our liberties are of concernment, and to be \nregarded as to the preservation ; for if the king may send for me now, \nand another to-morrow, we are a miserable people.\" ^ \n\nIt is to such far-sighted men as Willoughby, that New-Eng- \nland owes its liberties. From this period, — and the decision \nof this question, — Judge Minot^ dates the origin of the contro- \nversy between the patriots and prerogative men, scarcely inter- \nmitted, and never ended until the separation of the colonies from \nthe mother country. \n\nWinthrop relates an incident that happened in London. Dr. \nChild, who had been harshly treated by the General Court, met \nMr. Willoughby at the Exchange ; and in conversation about \nNew-England, \"railed against the people, saying they were a \ncompany of rogues and knaves.\" Mr. Willoughby replied, \"that \nhe who spake so, &c., was a knave; \" whereupon the Doctor gave \nhim a box on the ear. Mr. Willoughby arrested his assailant ; \nwho, through friends, made atonement. Dr. Child was ordered to \n\" give five pounds to the poor of New-England (for Mr. Willoughby \nwould have nothing of him) and to give Mr. Willoughby open satis- \nfaction in the full Exchange ; \" and to promise in writing that he \nnever would speak evil of New-England again, nor cause the coun- \ntry trouble.^ \n\nGovernor Willoughby left a large estate, — valued at .£4050. 5. 4. \nof which ^600 were in money and plate. He gave three hundred \nacres of land for the school of this town ; and five pounds to \nThomas, son of the celebrated Ezekial Cheever, schoolmaster, \n\" provided he be brought up to learning in the College.\" He \nnames this institution as one for which he had great affection, and \nfelt desirous for its prosperity ; \" Having,\" he says, \" made it my \nwork to solicit the country in general, and particular persons to \n\n\n1 This interesting debate is in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxviii. pp. 99, \n100. \n\n2 Minot's Hist. Mass., vol. i. p. 51. 3 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 322. \n\n\n144 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ntake care thereof, in order to the advantage of posterity.\" He \ngave the military company of this town twenty pounds, to fur- \nnish \"poor men on days of exercise\" with arms. His will has \nthis paragraph respecting funerals : \" whereas, in funeral solemni- \nties there is generally a great expense to little profit or advantage \nto particular persons : I do prohibit the giving any scarfs or ribbons \nto any persons except magistrates, and those who officiate at my \nfuneral.\" ^ \n\nRichard Russell, the ancestor of a distinguished family in this \ncountry, was of a family no less celebrated in England. He came \nfrom Hereford, in Herefordshire, and was admitted an inhabitant of \nthis town in 1640. In 1642 he was elected a selectman, and from \nthis year until his death was constantly engaged in the public \nservice. His name stands at the head of the board of selectmen \nseventeen years, and he was on it twenty-six years. He was \nelected representative first in 1646, and for ten years afterwards; was \nan assistant sixteen years from 1659 to 1676; a speaker of the \nHouse of Deputies in 1648, '50, '54, '55 and '58; and for twenty \nyears treasurer of the colony. \n\nThough thus engaged in public duties, he found time to embark, \nlargely for those days, in commerce. He was deeply interested in \nnavigation and real estate. He built, in this town, wharves and \nstore-houses; purchased one quarter of the Pemaquid Patent; and \nin 1656, he bought of Edward Collins the greater part of what, at \nthat date, was JVIedford. He accumulated a handsome fortune. \n\n\n1 Francis Willoughby had certainly two wives, perhaps three, for I \nfind in Church Records, Mary ; in Boston Records, Sarah ; and on the \nTown Records, Margaret, wives of Francis. He had children, some of \nwhom died young. Of the others, \n\n1, Jonathan, married Grizzel , and had Mary, born 1664. He \n\nwas hving in 1G71. \n\n2, Nehemiah, born June 8, 1644, was a respected citizen and merchant \nof Salem ; married Abigail Bartholomew, January 2, 1672, who died \nSeptember 3, 1702. lie died November 6, 1702, leaving children, Fran- \ncis, Nehemiah, Abigail and Sarah. (Felt's Salem, p. 336.) \n\n3, William died of small pox in 1678. \n\n4, Sarah, baptised in 1641, who is named in 1662, as the \" only daughter \nof Francis. She may have married Kcmpfield, or Campfield. \n\nBy his last wife, Margaret, (whom he probably married in England, as \nhe speaks of her as being a stranger in the country) Governor Willoughby \nhad, 1, Francis; 2, Nathaniel, died 1663 : 3, Susanna, born Aug. 19, f664. \n\nGovernor Willoughby's widow, Margaret, married Captain Lawrence \nHammond, February 8, 1675, and died February 2, 1683. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n145 \n\n\nRichard Russell^ died May 14, 1C7G, — leaving in his will ad- \nditional proof of the interest he felt in the town, the church and \nthe colony. To the church, \" with whom he had been in sweet \nchristian fellowship for many years,\" he gave one hundred pounds ; \nand also fifty pounds towards a house for the use of the ministry, \nprovided it was built within two years. To the town he gave two \nhundred pounds to constitute a fund for (he poor, — the annual \nproceeds of which (with additions) are, to this day, distributed by \nthe selectmen and deacons. To Harvard College he gave one \nhundred pounds. This item of the will is in the following words : \n\n\" To Harvard College in Cambridge T doe give and bequeath jClOO, \nand my will is yt it shall be improved for the purchase of some real estate \nor otherwise so as to bring in an annual revenue and the principal not \nwasted ; and ye said annual revenue shall be allowed to two poor students \nyt may need the same for their furtherance in good literature.\" \n\nMr. Russell opposed the sanguinary edicts against the Quakers, \n\nand was ever ready to afford substantial aid to the colony. His \n\nson James Russell, in a letter to the General Court regarding a \n\nsettlement of the accounts of the late treasurer, dated May 24, \n\n1676, says : — \n\n\" I hope you will please to take care for the reimbursing his estate for \nwhat he has expended in the countries service in this war and otherwise, \nand those personal engagements he has passed for the countries use and \nbenefit, that so his children may not suffer for his love to the country. \nThus, not doubting but you will in some measure consider the case, and \ntake care not to injure or oppress the widow and fatherless, whose loss is \nso great already, and that there may be ordered a speedy settling of ac- \ncoonts, I am lTO>v, \nIn D. Jesu placide obdormivit, Anno 1677. Dec. 22. \n^tatis suEe 43. \nTotius Novanglise Lachrymis Defletus ; \nUsq; etUsq; Deflendus.\" \n\n\" Let Fame no longer boast her antique things, \n\nHuge Pyramids and IMoriuments of i \n\n\n.......^ \n\n\nby a description. It was much used and several times repaired ; \na sentence (1677) by the selectmen for \"drinking to excess,\" \nshows that one hour's sitting in the stocks could be compromised \nby paying 3s. 4d., money. The whipping-post stood in the mar- \nket-place and was frequently used. A few cases will show the \nkind of offences that were expiated by the lash. The selectmen \nsentenced Theophilus Marsh \" to have five lashes on his bare \nback for crying in the streets, publicly. \n\nThat he that will cozen, cheat and lie, \n\nMay go to Goodman Candish and learn by and by.\" \n\nand John Johnson \" for contumacious carriage in the meeting- \nhouse on the Lord's Day,\" to be whipped ten stripes or pay a fine \nof ten shillings. The County Court sentenced Ursula Cole to be \n\n\n1 Quoted in Brande's Popular Antiquities. \n\n\n208 \n\n\nH[STORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nwhipped, or pay a fine of five pounds for reviling Rev. Messrs. \nSymmes and Shepard, saying \" slie had as live hear a cat mew \nas them preach.\" The Stool of Repentance was a high seat in \nthe middle alley of the meeting-house, on which culprits, for \nheinous offences, besides being fined and imprisoned, were obliged \nto sit on Lecture-days with a paper on their heads on which their \noffence was written. Wearing a halter was another punishment ; \nthere are cases, of early date, in which the General Court ordered \npersons to wear one for years. The Cage stood on the north side \nof the church, and was built in 1677, twelve feet square, under the \ndirection of the county court. It was repaired in 1705. This \nwas the punishment of Sabbath breakers, who were put into it on \nLecture-days, and subjected to the gaze and taunts of the people. \nThe Pillory was in use until after the Revolution : this stood in the \n\n\nmarket-place; and culprits were commonly treated with lemons, \neggs and other offensive missiles, from the crowd. Military pun- \nishments, for contempt of officers, were riding the wooden horse, \nsitting in the Bilboes, or lying neck and heels. ^ Branding and \nmaiming, the House of Correction, and the Gallows, were modes \nof punishment. I have not met with an instance of an execution \nin Charlestown under the First Charter. \n\nThe Puritans, however stoical their idea of life, however strict \ntheir laws, however in earnest in spiritual things, were not the un- \n\n\n1 Law of 1672, May 15. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 209 \n\nsocial people they are sometimes represented. The inventories of \ntheir estates prove that they did not neglect the comforts, and even \nluxuries of life. There was no lack of variety in their household \nestablishments. The kitchens were provided with pewter, tin, \nbrass, and earthen cooking utensils in abundance, conspicuous \namong which was that now obsolete roasting apparatus, the Jack. \nThe Pantries were stocked with fruits, preserves, and wines from \nabroad, and every variety of fish and flesh known to-day. The \n\" Halls,\" \" Parlors \" and \"Porches\" contained costly furniture, \namong which were Olive-wood tables, Turkey and Persian car- \npets, Turkey wrought chairs, window hangings, mantel-tree orna- \nments, brass andirons, pictures, maps and clocks. The chambers \nwere supplied with feather-beds, satin and silk quilts, curtains and \nwarming-pans. The wealthy owned large amounts of plate. \n\nThe costume varied, in style, as to-day. But the dress of the \nwealthy was rich and showy. The full dressed gentleman ap- \npeared in a coat of broadcloth or scarlet, with plaited and wadded \nskirts that reached below the knee, and were set off with wires. \nIt had a narrow hem at the neck, full sleeves, with the cuffs reaching \nabove the elbow, and wristbands fringed with lace. An embroidered \nband lay around the top, tied in front with tassels. Gold and sil- \nver buttons were spread over it in profusion. The vest was \nfringed with lace. The small-clothes were supplied with puffs of \nribbon or \" points \" at the knee, large buckles ornamented the \nshoes, and a sword hung by the side. The full dressed belle ap- \npeared in a gown of silk or satin, of full breadths, long and with a \ntrail, liberally supplied with flounces and spangles, trolloped and \nkept up by means of hoops. It was low in the neck, with short \nsleeves, but large and slashed. The hair was covered with a lace \nhead-dress, from which hung a profusion of curls, and over it a \nfine piece of cloth was sometimes thrown, showing a little of its \nborder on the front. She wore an embroidered apron, fringed with \nlace, gloves, shoes ornamented with lace, and a profusion of jew- \nelry on the ears, neck, wrists and fingers.* \n\nThis gaudy apparel, though frowned upon by ministers in their \nsermons, was allowed in persons of competent estates, or of liberal \n\n\n1 Rev. J. B Felt contributed a curious series of papers on costumes to \nthe Worcester Spy. \n\n27 \n\n\n210 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\neducation. But none, even thus early, felt themselves doomed to \npoverty or obscurity, or to wear homely clothes ; and all were \nrather disposed to make their wardrobe at least as costly as their \npurse could buy. In the view of the Court, however, it was \" in- \ntolerable that men and women of mean condition should take upon \nthem the garb of gentlemen, by the wearing of gold and silver lace, \nor buttons, or points at their knees, or to walk in great boots ; or \nwomen of the same rank to wear silk or tiffany hoods, or scarfs.\" ^ \nHubbard preached, that, \" Whatever is not according to order is \nvery indecent ; i. e. for the peasant to equal the prince, or imitate him \nin garb and in gait, or for the handmaid to imitate her mistress; \" \nand he regarded such things as a \" forerunner of sad confusion.\" ^ \nAnd the Synod of 1679 regarded \"pride in respect to apparel, \nespecially in respect to servants and the poorer class of people,\" \nas one of the evils that brought upon New England the judgments \nof God. But neither the Law, the Pulpit, nor the Synod could \nsuppress the love of dress ; and the officers sometimes met with \nhome arguments as they executed their duty. A Woburn farmer, \ncalled to account for extravagance, answered \" That he thought it \nno sin for his wife to wear a silk hood, and silk neck, and he \ndesired to see an example before him.\" ^ If the laws on this subject \nindicate that some of our ancestors had a lurking love of the dis- \ntinctions of rank they left behind them in England, the manner in \nwhich they were disregarded shows, also, that there was no place \nfor them in this community. \n\nThe Foreign Trade of the town was undoubtedly large for the \ntime. Business, however, as it is to-day, was intimately connected \nwith Boston, and I have found but few facts on this subject. The \nTown Records contain evidence that, for many years, there was a \nlarge export of horses from here ; and the inventories of several mer- \nchants show that they were largely engaged in commerce. In spite \nof Parliamentary laws, a thriving, direct trade was carried on with \nthe West Indies and the greater part of Europe. In 1673 a British \nvessel was in Boston three months ; and the captain wrote to Eng- \nland that ships came in daily from Spain, France, Holland, and the \n\n1 Laws of 1651 and 1662. Fines of ten and twenty shillings were im- \nposed. The latter law is severe upon tailors for making garments for \nchildren or servants, contrary to the order of their governors. \n\n2 Election Sermon. 3 Rgv. Samuel Sewall. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 211 \n\nCanaries, bringing wines, linens, silks and fruits, and received the \nproduce of the Colonies in exchange, which they carried to these \nkingdoms without going to England. The complaints made to \nEngland respecting the evasion of the Acts of Trade, induced the \nGeneral Court to establish a Naval Office, and James Russell of \nthis town was appointed to take charge of it. \n\nThe Home Trade was done chiefly in stores, which presented a \ngood assortment of articles. Of Dry Goods there were cotton, \nstriped and blue linen, Turkey mohair, green say, black say, grey- \nserge, red-serge, broadcloth, fine Kent linen, Irish stockings, red \nand yellow taffety, dowlas, muffs, straw hats, bone-lace, band- \nstrings, ribbons, silks, silver-buttons, gimp-buttons, threaTi-lace, pins, \nhorn-combs, gloves, table-napkins and tape. Of Hardware, there \nwere ivory-handled knives, scissors, thimbles, pad-locks, spring- \nlocks, files, nails, brass-ware, tin-ware, pewter-ware, and tools for the \nvarious branches of agriculture and mechanical trades. Of Gro- \nceries there were sugars, cinnamon, nutmegs, indigo, starch, figs, \nraisins, currants, pepper, ginger ; but no tea or coffee. \n\nThe allusions to manufactures, in the Town Records, are \nscanty, and, up to this period, (1686,) are also few in the docu- \nments of the times. \" Some manufactures there are amongst \nthem, but not a twentieth part of what the country have need of. \nMost of their clothing, both as to woollen and linen, they have \nfrom England.\" ^ The iron works at Lynn are well known. \nPetitions were presented for encouragement to individuals to com- \nmence various species of manufacture, such as \" a Powder Mill,\" \n\"making pitch, tar, and turpentine,\" \"tanned leather.\" Spin- \nning was encouraged in the towns. Ship-building had already \nbecome an extensive business. \n\nIt deserves remark, that business was kept free from many of \nthe tolls, taxes, fees, restrictions and monopolies that were so com- \nmon in England. The General Court attempted, in a few cases, \nto interfere with it ; as when it prescribed the manner in which \ncertain articles should be manufactured, or prohibited individuals \nfrom carrying on two trades at the same time,^ or regulated the \nprices of merchandize and labor ; and later the shrewd forestallers, \n\n1 Letter to a Person of Quality, London, 1689. The original of that \ntract is in Hutchinson, MSS. Coll., and also printed in Mass. Hist. Coll., \nVol. XXXI. p. 93. 2 In 1698 a tanner could not be a shoemaker. \n\n\n2i2 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWiV. \n\nas they pocketed their profits, were obliged to face the frown of an \nindignant community. Still industry and enterprise were kept, in the \nmain, free from restrictions ; individuals engaged in such pursuits \nas their tastes or interests dictated, and changed them as often \nas their circumstances required. And even when the British Par- \nliament declared it to be a common nuisance for the Colonists to \nmanufacture certain articles, the people, — according to John \nAdams, — disregarded the edict. \"No cause,\" Albert Gallatin \nhas remarked, \" has contributed more to the prosperity of the \ncountry than the absence of those systems of internal restriction \nand monopoly, which continue to disfigure the state of society m \nother countries.\" \n\nThe wealthy families owned one or more slaves, and these were \nvariously prized in inventories, =£15 and £25. In 1G78 a vessel \nbrought about fifty into Boston, mostly women and children, who \nwere sold from £10 to £ 20 each. It was estimated that in 1680 \nthere were about 120 in the Massachusetts Colony. \n\nThe circulating medium of the Colony was partly specie and \npartly \" Country Pay.\" The mint established in 1652 coined \ntwelve-penny, six-penny and three-penny silver pieces, and contin- \nued its operations until the period of the fall of the old charter. \nThe General Court, to prevent washing and clipping, ordered the \ncoin to have on each side a double ring, and on one side Massachu- \nsetts, with a tree in the centre — on the other side New England \nand the year of its being issued. The symbol of a Pine Tree was \na favorite with Massachusetts. Its State Flag bore it, and it was \nunder such colors that the Bunker Hill Battle was fought. The \nCountry Pay consisted of the various kinds of produce that were \nmade receivable for public rates ; and there was often a wide dif- \nference between this sort of money and cash. The government \nwas generally accommodating: Andros, greedy for fees, allowed \nHingham to pay its taxes in Milk Pails. ^ \n\nThere was no Post Office in town until after this period ; \nprobably the house used in Boston for the deposit of letters, \nserved for this purpose. In 1677 a petition represented that the \nletters were often thrown upon the Exchange (Boston) and im- \nportant ones were frequently lost. Mr. John Hayward, the scriv- \nener, was appointed by the General Court to convey letters accord- \n\n^ Felt's History of Mass. Currency. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 213 \n\ning to their direction. A general letter office was established in \n169K Under date of May 31, 1G90, John Knight of this town \nwas appointed \" Post.\" \n\nTlie facilities for travelling were few. The most common \nmethod was on horseback, when a man would take a lady compan- \nion on a pillion, behind him. The more wealthy probably owned \na few coaches: in 1668 there is mention of one being in Boston, \nwhen Mr. Davenport and his family entering the town \" were shel- \ntered in a coach of Mr. Searl's, who went to meet him.\" ^ The \ninventories of this period name \"coach-chairs\" (value ^15). \nThe \" caravans\" mentioned in the records of the General Court, \nMr. Felt supposes, were the \" Stage Wagons \" used to carry pas- \nsengers down to the time of the Revolution. In 1716 there was a \n\"Carriage \" or Stage Coach, running between Boston and Newport.^ \n\nTo conceive of society, at this period, it must be remembered, \nthat no tea was used, if coffee, but rarely, and if potatoes, only in \nsmall quantities. There were no concerts, scientific lectures or \nnewspapers — no insurance companies or banks. A dancing \nschool had been set up — it is stated — but put down. It may be \ncurious to notice the introduction of these things. Tea and coffee, \nafter 1700, became articles of trade, but for a long time were but \nsparingly drank. Potatoes after 1733, came slowly into general \nuse. In 1744, there was in Boston, \" a fine concert of Music at \nFanueil Hall,\" for the benefit of the Poor, \" and the thing took so \nwell that the profits were at least two hundred pounds clear of all \ncharges.\" After Franklin's renowned Electrical discoveries, E. \nKinnersley, in 1751, gave two lectures in Fanueil Hall, \"on \nthe newly discovered Electrical Fire,\" with numerous experiments, \nwhich are specified at length. The tickets of admission were half \na dollar. A newspaper was printed in 1704. The first Insurance \nOffice in America was opened in Boston, in 1724, by Joseph Ma- \nrion, which was kept by the same person, in 1748, when another is \nmentioned. It appears to have been for Marine risks. An emis- \nsion of paper money was authorized in 1686, and a Bank in 1714. \nIn 1723, a Dancing Master was patronized, and even allowed to \nadvertise an exhibition — the \"public dancing to begin at five \no'clock. \n\n1 Felt's MSS. 2 lb. Salem, p. 316. \n\n\n214 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nI have not met, in these early times, any allusion to an associa- \ntion in this town for benevolent objects, or for intellectual improve- \nment ; the former were, most probably, carried on through the or- \nganism of the church, and the latter was left to the common schools \nand the college. It seems needless to remark on the value placed \nupon education, from the simplest rudiments to the highest attain- \nments, where society did its duty so faithfully in these respects. \nSo watchful were the public authorities of the Common Schools, \nthat, in 1691, Charlestown was presented to the County Court for \nits neglect, while it was in search of a competent teacher, and only \nsaved itself from a penalty by a quick bargain ;i so clearly were their \ntendencies seen by the favorers of monarchy, that Randolph wrote \nin 1686, \"We want good schoolmasters, none being allowed here \nbut of ill principle; and till provision be made to rectify the youth \nof this country, there is no hope that this people will prove royal ;\"~ \nand so general was their influence, that Neal, in 1700, asserts that \nthere was \" hardly a child of nine or ten years old throughout the \nwhole country, but can read and write, and say his catechism. \"^ \n\nBut the cultivation, the refinement of the time, must not be \nplaced too high. When the strictness with which morals were \nwatched over is considered, it seems difiicult to account for the in- \ndelicacy of some of the public spectacles; those, for instance, of a \nLecture-day in the Square. The courts frequently appointed pun- \nishments to be administered on these days ; and after lecture was \nover, it was rather a common exhibition than a rare one, for a wo- \nman, for a heinous offence, to stand for hours on an elevated plat- \nform, or stool, in the most public places, with a label on her hav- \ning her crime written on it in large letters ; or worse still, for her \nto be whipped (one sentence reads thirty lashes) on her bare flesh, \nin the presence of a concourse of people. There was something \nradically wrong in the moral sentiment of a community, when it tol- \nerated such corrupting scenes. Still it would be unjust to lay this \nto the exclusive door of the Puritans. This mistaken requirement \nof justice was inherited and general ; and it was the great principle \nthey were, for the first time, naturalizing in society, namely, that \n\n1 Hutchinson's Coll., p. 553. 2 ]\\iijjiiesex Records. \n\n3 Neal's New England, p. 618. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 215 \n\nof an elevated individualism, that was destined in time to correct \nit.^ \n\nI have lingered, perhaps too long, on early colonial times. But \nthey were times, when, through the favor of neglect from the \nmother country, the people enjoyed their peculiar customs their \nlocal politics, their stern faith, in substantial independence. ' From \nthe first, they had refused to ask ftivors of Parliament from a fear \nthat the policy would lead Parliament at length to comprehend \nthem ,n its laws;^ and hence, of themselves, they subdued the wil- \nderness, and conquered the Savages into peace. In spite of deso- \nlating wars, the country prospered as no country had ever prospered \nbefore. Leading minds identified this prosperity with a mainte- \nnance of the churches in their purity ; and were inclined to measure \nthis purity by continued strictness in the Puritan ritual, and a con- \ntinued reverence for the persons of magistrates and ministers. But \nintellectual freedom rebelled against too stern a discipline- and as \nthey noticed the changes time was silently producino- tliey pro \nnounced them to be evidences of decay, and uttered their protest \nA little while after 1060, according to Prince, there beaan to ap- \npear a decay, and in 1 670, it - grew visible and threatening \" Oaks \nm 1673, asked, - What means that disgust some men have a<.ainst \nthe very name and rule of authority, (truly so called,) in the elder \nship, against councils and synods, and the decisive power thereof.\" \nHubbard, m 1676, saw the root of \"disorders of all sorts\" in thit \nspiritual pride that was \"too evident in the conceitedness of men's \ngifts, of their privileges, liberties and estates;\" \"the sin of the pro- \nfessing part of the country as well as of others.\" Willard in 16S0 \ndeclared, that unless the tendency of his time was checked \" Re! \nhgion would languish and the power of godliness fail.\" In 1083 \nthe complaint was, \" that New England was not to be found in New \nEngland ;\" and Torry printed his \" Plea for the life of Dyincr Re \nhgion.\" Willard, in 1700, asked, \" What tokens are on our%hil \ndren, that it is like to be better hereafter.\" Higginson and Hub- \nbard put forth in 1701, a testimony against prevalent \" declensions \nand corruptions.\" Mather, in 1702, published his tract, entitled \n\n1 This mode of punishment continued until after the Revolution • so Inntr \n^:.^Z^Sl^'^' ''- ^^\"^-^ -\"- °^ ^h« communTcimn! \n\n2 Gov. Winthrop under 1640. \n\n\n215 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n-The Glory departing from New England;\" and in 1721, in \nmourning the changes going on, used the words, \" O ! that my head \nwere waters, and mhie eyes a fountain of tears.\" Twenty years \nafter. Prince declared things had been growing worse and worse \never since. Such phrases may be easily increased. \n\nBut the noble-minded men, who thus yearned for a true glory \nfor New England, d,d not read aright the signs of their times \nWhat they called decay, was in reality progress. The decline ot \nintolerance, and the growing dislike of forms, were symptoms of new \nlife for Religion ; the reverence paid to magistrates deepened into \nthat respect for Law, that lies at the root of the New England char- \nacter • while the kindling idea of liberty acquired strength m every \ndebate of a local community, in every protest against royal prero- \ngative, until at length it burst forth into Colonial Union and Pol.ti- \ncal Independence. \n\n\nCHAPTER XXIII \n\n\nifiRfitn 1OT2 Sir Edmund Andros.-Land Titles. - A Petition for \n\n1686tolbJ^. P-ir r^onumu Li(]o-ett. — Remonstrance of the \n\nConfirmation. — Grant to Uiarles l^icJ^eii. Pole.— \n\nci A Ji^i-DCB tr> tlip Ts.nifr. — comment on ii. .'»- ^^-^^ \n\n^^\"'co^ntnfriu - Fi»s of .l.e Coun.y Cou«. - Sabm.ss,o„s. \n— Morton's Letter. \n\nCH.RLESTOWN, from 1C8G to 1692, was in a state of much ex- \ncitement. Its citizens felt the burden of arbitrary power, and en- \n.aaedinthe daring work of effecting its overthrow Bu the \nrevolutionary measures, and the principles that just.hed them, \nwere not approved by some of the citizens; and hence arose an \nexciting controversy, carried on by opposition to the new gov- \nernment. addresses to the crown, and sharp V;--?^^'^^^' f \nthis controversy was connected with the principles -y^^'y':''' \ndeemed proper to dwell upon it considerably m detail , for the \nRevolution of 1G89 was the forerunner of that of 1775. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 217 \n\nIn May, 1686, the First Charter was superseded ; and on the \n20th of December, Sir Edmund Andros commenced his adminis- \ntration as Governor of New England. King James authorized \nhim to appoint a Council, and in concert with it to make laws, \nlay taxes, control the militia, — in a word, to rule New England. \nPopular representation was abolished. Even town meetings were \nnot allowed, except for the annual choice of officers ; to assemble \nfor other purposes was sedition or riot. \" There is no such thing \nas a town in the whole country,\" remarked Andros. His commis- \nsion was full ; and until April 18, 1689, his despotism was complete. \n\nThe course adopted with respect to titles to lands was one of \nthe arbitrary measures. It was given out, that, on the forfeiture of \nthe charter in 1684, all lands reverted to the crown, and that the \nowners, to hold them legally, must take out patents of confirmation \nfrom the new government. Forms were prescribed for this ; first \na petition from the land-holder, then an examination by a commit- \ntee, next a survey, and then a patent. Fees were demanded at \nevery step ; and these in some cases, were enormous ; an estate not \nworth =£'200 had more than <£50 demanded in this way.^ \n\nTo avoid a costly and vexatious controversy with the new gov- \nernment, many persons petitioned for the confirmation of their \nlands. One from a citizen of this town is as follows : — \n\n\" To his Excellency, Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Captain Genera], \nGovernor-in-chief, and Vice Admiral of his Majesty's Territory and Do- \nminion of New England in America. \n\n\" The Humble Petition of Samuel Ballatt of Charlestown, Shipwright, \nSheweth : \n\n\" That your Petitioner for valuable considerations hath purchased of \nsundry persons, several pieces or parcels of ground within the bounds of \nCharlestown, on which are several houses, warehouses and wharves-— \nbuilt and erected, the bounds and limits whereof, will appear by his \nseveral deeds and conveyances for the same, and the which he hath for \nmany years been in the quiet and peaceable possession and enjoyment of, \nand being desirous so to continue under his majesty — humbly prays your \nExcellency to grant him his majesty's Patent of confirmation for the same \nunder such moderate quit rent or acknowledgment as to your Excellen- \ncy shall seem meet. \n\nAnd your Petitioner shall ever pray. \n\nSamuel Ballatt.\" \n\nThe commons of several of the towns were seized and given to \nAndros's supporters.^ One of them. Col. Charles Lidgett, petition- \n\n1 The Revolution in New England Justified, p. 25. \n\n2 A narrative of the miseries of New England. \n\n28 \n\n\n218 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ned for a part of the fine tract, now Somerville, between the Ten \nHills Farm and Cambridge, that had been recently lotted out ; and \na notice of this petition was served on the town authorities. In \nanswer, the inhabitants immediately sent to him \" seven substantial \nreasons in writing thereunto,\" with other \" cogent arguments,\" why \nthe land should not be given away. The tract was however sur- \nveyed and laid out by Mr. Wells ; and though \" there were divers \nland marks\" showing the bounds of the proprietors, yet, without \nfurther hearing, it was confirmed, August 1, 1687, to Lidgett. \nHe next prosecuted the rightful owners for cutting wood from it, \nand served a writ of intrusion upon a small farm belonging to \nJames Russell, that had been improved fifty years. These irrita- \nting proceedings appear to have been resisted, and hence further \nprosecutions. An account says, that Lidgett, by pleading his \npatent rights, carried the cases, and bound over some \" that did \nnot say or do any thing, and had them out of one county into \nanother, backwards and forwards several times;\" and at last \nexecution was granted \" against them for twenty-odd pounds,\" \nand then they were imprisoned. The account concludes, \" Oh, \nwonderful injustice.\" ^ \n\nPalmer, in his vindication of Andros's government, has a lame \ndefence of this proceeding. He denied 1st, that Charlestown had \na legal claim to this land, and 2d, says, \n\n' It cannot be consistent with the interest of new plantations, that two \nor three hundred thousand acres of land should be taken up by a small \nnumber of people, who are not capable of improving one tenth part of it, \nand the rest lie vacant under the notion of commons, when persons of \nability, equally concerned, would improve it, but cannot, because they \nare less numerous than the poorer sort of the town, whose advantage it \nis the lands should so lie, and who manage their affairs by majority of \nvoices. And if the tract of land which Chailestown pretends to, were \nproportionally divided, Col. Lidgett's share (they themselves being judges) \nwould have exceeded the grant.\" 2 \n\nA few days later, August 10, 1687, a patent, produced in Coun- \ncil, was \" allowed and approved \" \" for a farm in Charlestown, \ncalled Ten Hills, containing nine hundred acres to Lt. Col. Charles \nLidgett at ten shillings per annum quit rent.\" ^ \n\n1 Mass. Archives. I have not been able to find the remonstrance of the \ntown. None of the documents of the period are on the town records. \n\n2 Palmer's Vindication, p. 30. \n\n3 ('onncil Records. This farm, in 1677, was deeded by Winthrop's \nheirs to Elizabeth Lidgett. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 219 \n\nA deposition of Joseph Lynde,^ a leading citizen, gives a good \n\nview of the petty tyranny of the times : — \n\n\" Joseph Lynde of Charlestown in the county of Middlesex in New Eng- \nland, being- fifty-three years of age, testifieth and saith, that in the year \n1687, Sir Edmund Andros the governor of New England did inquire of hira \nsaid Lynde what title he had to his lands, who shevi'ed him many deeds \nfor land that he the said Lynde possessed, and particularly for land that \nsaid Lynde was certainly informed would quickly be given away from \nhim, if he did not use means to obtain a patent for it. The deed being \nconsidered by Sir Edmund Andros, he said it was worded well, and re- \ncorded according to New England custom or words to the same purpose. \nHe further inquired how the title was derived, he said Lynde told him, that \nhe that he bought it of, had it of hisfather-in-law in marriage with his wife, \nand his said father from Charlestown, and the said town from the general \ncourt grant of the Massachusetts Bay, and also by purchase from the na- \ntives. And he said, my title was nothing worth if that were all. At \nanother time after shewing him an Indian deed for land, he said, their \nhand was no more worth than a scratch with a bear's paw, under-valuing \nall my titles, though every way legal under our former charter govern- \nment. I then petitioned for a patent of my whole estate, but Mr. West \ndeputy seci-etary told me T must have so many patents as there were \ncounties that I had parcels of land in, if not towns. Finding the thing so \nchargeable and difficult I delayed, upon which I had a writ of intrusion \nserved on me in the beginning of the summer 1688; the copy whereof is \nin the Charlestown men's complaint, and was at the same time with that \nof Mr. James Russell's, Mr. Sewall's and Mr. Shrimpton's ; it being for the \nsame land in part that I shewed my title unto Sir Edmund Andros as \nabove, being by myself and those I derived it from possessed, inclosed, and \nimproved for about fifty years, at which time I gave Mr. Graham attorney \ngeneral three pounds in money, promising that if he would let the action \nfall 1 would pay court charges, and give him ten pounds, when I had a \npatent completed, for that small parcel of land, that said writ was served \nupon me for, which I did because a Quaker that had the promise of it \nfrom the governor, as I was informed in the governor's presence, should \nnot have it from me, said Lynde, having about seven acres more in the \nsame common field or pasture, about a mile from this forty-nine acres, \nnear unto the land said governor gave unto Mr. Charles Lidgett, of \ndivers of my neighbors, which I concluded must go the same way that \ntheirs went, and therefore though desired to be patented by said Lynde \nwith the forty-nine acres, he could not obtain a grant for it. About the \nsame time Mr. Graham attorney general asked said Lynde what he would \ndo about the rest of his land, telling him the said Lynde that he would \nmeet with the like trouble about all the rest of his lands, that he possessed, \nand were it not for the governor's going to Nev/ York at this time, there \nwould be a writ of intrusion against every man in the colony of any con- \nsiderable estate, or as many as a cart could hold, and for the poorer sort \nof people said Sir Edmund Andros would take other measures, or words \nto the same purpose. Said Lynde further saith, That after judgments ob- \ntained for small wrongs done him, triable by your own laws before a jus- \n\n1 This Deposition has been very incorrectly printed. It is copied ii\\ \nthe text from the Mass. Archives, Vol. XXXV. p. 169. \n\n\n220 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ntice of peace, from whom they allowed no appeals in such cases, he was \nforced out of his own county by writs of false judgment ; and although at \nthe first superior court in Suffolk, the thing was so far opposed by judge \nStoughton as illegal, as that it was put by, yet the next term by judge \nDudley and judge Palmer, said Lynde was forced to answer. George \nFarewell attorney before that, saying in open court in Charlestown, that all \ncauses must be brought to Boston in Sufiblk, because that there were not \nhonest men enough in Middlesex to make a jury to serve their turns, or \nwords to that purpose ; nor did Suffolk, as appeared by their practice, for \nthey made use of non-residents in divers cases there. I mention not my \ndamage though it is great, but to the truth above written I the said Lynde \ndo set to my hand. Joseph Lynde. \n\nBoston, January 14, 1689-90. \n\nJuratus coram me, John Smith, Assistant.\" \n\nJames Russell, son of the late Treasurer, another prominent \ncitizen, was obliged to pay three pence per acre for a patent for \nLong Island, in Casco Bay, — an estate left him by his father and \nfor several years improved by Captain Davis. Mr. Russell was \ninformed that if he did not take out a patent for it, Mr. Usher \nshould have it.^ \n\nBut the citizens had other causes of complaint. In May, 1687, \nthere was a riot in town between some of the crew of the frigate \n\"King Fisher\" and some of the inhabitants. One of the con- \nstables, Timothy Phillips, \" commanded the King's peace in the \nKing's name,\" whereupon the captain of the frigate, wrested his \nstaff from him, and made a pass at him. A little later there was \nanother riot here with the crew of the Rose frigate, when Na- \nthaniel Adams, another constable, and \"some of his neighbors\" \nwere stabbed. The constables waited on Sir Edmund Andros, \nrelated the circumstances and asked for advice. Adams deposed : \n\" Hereupon he fell into a great rage, and did curse us, saying, \n\n*d n you, you deserve to be indicted,' and called us ill names, \n\nand threatened to send us to jail. Addressing Phillips, Andros \nsaid ; ' Look to yourself and have a care, for you are marked \nmen — never come to trouble me more with any such stories.' \" ~ \n\nThere were also disturbances and riots here connected with the \nintroduction of Episcopacy, and the sports of the old country. \nThe former, always disagreeable to the rigid congregationalists, \nwas made doubly offensive by the arrogant and tyrannical course \nof Randolph in relation to forcing a support of it. On the \n\n1 Russell's Deposition is printed in Revolution in N. E. Justified, p. 24. \n\n2 Depositions in Mass. Archives. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 221 \n\nOther hand, the ministers called the Episcopal clergyman, \" Baal's \nPriest,\" and Episcopal prayers, \" leeks, garlick, and trash,\" In \n1686 the Liturgy began to be used at funerals ; and when, in May, \n1687, a soldier was thus buried in this town, \" a disturbance \ngrew,\" Sewall writes, \" by reason of Joseph Phipps standing with \nhis hat on as the parson was reading the service.\" At another \ntime a company from Boston came over here, and \" riotously pull- \ned down whole church windows.\" ^ Again, a May-pole was set \nup, probably by those who favored the church of England. In \nMay, 1687, it was cut down ; and it was noised about that Samuel \nPhipps, \" being a selectman,\" \" led or encouraged the watch to \ncut it down.\" \" Now,\" Sewall writes, May 25, \" a bigger is set \nup with a garland upon it; \" but I find no further allusions to it.^ \n\nThese proceedings, with the arbitrary imposition of taxes and \nexecution of fees, produced a deep feeling of discontent. This \nwas shared by the talented and patriotic minister of the town ; \nand in accordance with custom, he made, probably, the sad \ncondition of the country his theme on the regular Lecture Day, — \nSeptember 2, 1687. The sermon has not been preserved. But \nDoctor John Clark informed Andros that Mr. Morton had uttered, \nin its delivery, \"several seditious expressions; \" and Randolph's \nletters characterize him as \" a rank independent \" and a \" pro- \nmoter of anti-monarchical principles:\" indications that Morton, \nwho had suffered from the tyranny of the old world, did not spare \nthat of the new. \n\nThe paper 3 that Dr. Clark presented to Andros containing the \nseditious language was read in the Council, November 19, when \nthe informer and the offender were summoned to appear the suc- \nceeding Wednesday. On that day, November 24, Mr. Morton \nwas examined about his expressions, \" part whereof he denied \nand seemed to evade or excuse the other part.\" Then Dr. Clark \nwas examined, who affirmed the truth of his report \" upon his \noath.\" The Council then ordered \" That the said Charles Mor- \nton be bound over to appear at the next Superior Court in five \nhundred pounds, and that he be prosecuted for the same by in- \nformation on his majesty's behalf\" ^ \n\n\n1 Vindication of New England, p. 21. 2 Sewall's MSS. 3 I have \nnot met with this document. ^ Council Records, copies of which, in \nadmirable style, have recently been procured from London by the State. \n\n\n222 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMr. Morton accordingly appeared before the Superior Court, \nheld in this town, and desired that he might \" then make answer \nor be acquitted;\" but at the request of Andros's counsel, George \nFarwell, \"the hearings and the bond were continued to the next \ncourt at Charlestown.\" But previous to the session of this court, \nMr. Farwell gave notice in writing, that the case would be tried \nJanuary 31, 1688. This court was to beholden in Suffolk county ; \nand hence the documents of the time are severe upon the govern- \nment for ordering a trial in a county where the offence was not \ncommitted : for summoning him to another court, one of them says \n*' to answer to the false report of a single false reporter in all re- \nspects contrary to law.\" One of the most prominent citizens, \nJoseph Lynde, deposes that Farwell said in open court in this \ntown, \" That there were not honest men enough in Middlesex \nto make a jury to serve their turns.\" \n\nMr. Morton, through his counsel, Anthony Checkley, appeared, \nJan. 31, 1688, and plead that the action ought not to be brought \nbefore that court, 1. Because he was only under bonds to appear at \nCharlestown Court. 2. Because the venue was laid in Middlesex, \nand from thence must come the venire facias. 3. \" Because the \ndefendent is under no precept of our Lord the King, nor under \nany obligation or recognizance, but where the fact is said to be \ndone and his recognizance obligeth him:\" 4. Because he had \nneither a legal nor a timely notice : \" For these reasons,\" the \nplea reads, \" the defendant declineth at this time and in this place, \nto plead to the matter of the information, which he hopeth he may \ndo by law without reflection upon either the honored court, jury \nor informer.\" ^ \n\nIn addition to the charge against the officers of summoning Mr. \nMorton out of his county, there is that of packing the jury. One \njuryman was summoned who lived two hundred miles distant, and \nwas Mr. Morton's bitter enemy ; and another was not a house- \nholder. Several of the pamphlets of the time allude to the case; \nand those of the popular side speak of it as a causeless and mali- \ncious prosecution. Though the defendant was acquitted,^ the \ntrial, judging from other cases, must have been perplexing and ex- \n\n1 Morton's Plea is preserved in Mass. Archives. \n\n2 Vindication of New England, p. 10. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 223 \n\npensive. It gained for Mr. Morton, however, the affection of the \npeople and made him prominent among his associates of the min- \nistry. Randolph charges them with being the \" chief promoters \nof the rebellion \" that ensued : \"All things,\" he wrote the next \nyear, \" are carried on by a factious rabble animated and encour- \naged by the crafty ministers.\" \n\nBut few entries were made on the town books in 1688 : one of \nthem reads as follows : — \n\n\" At a meeting of the Selectmen, May 15, 1688, it was then ordered \nthat it be entered in the town book that Mr. Bantam, his Majesty's gov- \nernor of the port or block house at Boston, did on the ninth day of this \nmonth carry away the great guns (from the battery in this town) viz. \nthree sakers, and three **** with a whole culverin, — they being all \niron guns with a quantity of shot appertaining to them.\" \n\nThese measures prompted the people to resistance. On the \n18th of April, 1689, upon a rumor that the Prince of Orange had \nlanded in England, the people of Boston and vicinity affected a \nrevolution. \" About two of the clock (the Lecture being put by) the \ntown was generally in arms, and so many of the country came in, \nthat there were twenty companies in Boston, besides a great many \nthat appeared in Charlestown that could not get over, (some say \nfifteen hundred).\" ^ Andros, and some of his friends, among \nwhom was Col. Lidgett, were imprisoned. Captain Richard \nSprague of this town led his company in Boston on this occasion.^ \n\nA government was instituted entitled \" A Council for the safety \nof the People and Conservation of the Peace.\" On the 2d of \nMay, this Council recommended an assembly of representatives \nto be convened ; and on the 9th sixty-six delegates met, and called \nanother meeting on the 22d, — recommending each town to ex- \npress its views on the public affairs. Those of Charlestown were \nexpressed as follows : — \n\n\" The Inhabitants of Charlestown, convened this 21st day of May, \nAnno Dom. 1689, do declare as followelh : — \n\n\" That, forasmuch as our dependence (under God) is upon the Crown \nand Government of England : and that God hath wonderfully succeeded the \nhigh and noble undertakings of his Highness the Prince of Orange, for \nthe suppression of popery, and advancement of the protestant religion in \nthat and the neighboring nations : We being willing and desirous also to \nreap with them the benefit of so great a blessing ; and that we may join our \nprayers with theirs unto the God of our salvation ; we do desire the \nhonoured Council, now in being at Boston, may be continued for the \n\n1 Byfield's Account. 2 Vindication of New England, \n\n\n224 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nconservation of the peace in the present exigent. And that the militia \nmay be so settled and disposed as that all orders issuing from the Coun- \ncil for our peace and safety, may be by all men readily and duly obeyed, \nuntil it shall please God, in his abundant mercy towards us, to settle us \nunder such a government, as shall be for his glory, the prosperity of this \npeople, and correspondent with the wisdom of the government of Eng- \nland : for which we desire heartily to pray and humbly to wait. \n\nThe above written was voted by the Inhabitants of Charlestovvn, nemine \ncontradicente. As attests, \n\nLaur. Hammond, \nJacob Green, Senior, \nJohn Cutler, Senior.\" i \n\nThe representatives of fifty-four towns assembled on the22d, — \nand forty of the towns were in favor of a re-assumption of the old \nCharter. \n\nThe next proceeding of this town is recorded as follows. \" At \na legal meeting of the inhabitants of Charlestown, June 17, 1689, \nit was fully voted, that all officers then chosen should stand in \ntheir offices no longer than till the first of March, that the town \nmight come to their former order in those matters.\" \n\nAt this meeting town officers were elected, — among them \nSamuel Phipps, who had been a selectman, commissioner and re- \ncorder, was chosen constable. The following is the next record : \n\n\" At a meeting of the Selectmen of Charlestown June 19, 1689, it was \nthen ordered that the following should be entered into the Town Book : \n\n\" Boston, June 13, 1G89. At the convention of the governor and \ncouncil and representatives of the Massachusetts Colony, it is declared, \nthat all the towns in this jurisdiction may, as they shall see meet, re- \nspectively make choice of constables, selectmen, and other town officers as \nthey were wont to do before the change of the government in May, 1686, \naccording to the laws of this Colony then in force, and the persons so \nchosen are hereby empowered to act in their several places accordingly.\" \n\nA few of the citizens, some of them sustaining high offices, op- \nposed the subsequent proceedings. They had sworn allegiance \nto the Crown of England, and could not regard the government, \nestablished by the people, as legitimate, so long as it lacked the \nsanction of royal authority. Hence they refused to acknowl- \nedge it. \n\nCaptain Laurence Hammond was one of these citizens. He \nhad been town-clerk, a selectman, a clerk of the court under \nAndros, and was commander of one of the military companies. \nBy a vote of the Convention, the officers in power, May 12, 1686, \nwere declared to be restored to their places. Although this order \n\n1 Mass. Archives, Vol. CVII. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 225 \n\nsecured to Captain Hammond his office, yet his known opposition \nto the new government appears to have prompted many of his com- \npany to desire a new election of officers. At their request the \nmembers, \" warned by beat of drum,\" assembled, July 2, at eight \no'clock ; when the captain inquired \" what they desired a meeting \nfor?\" One of the company replied that \"The actor order of \nthe Council would inform him.\" This order was then read, when \nthe Captain asked, \" Whether they were willing to proceed accord- \ning to the Council's act?\" No direct answer was given, and after \nsome delay, the order was read a second time, and the question put \nagain. Another member, a private, asked : \" If he (Hammond) \nwere to continue in captain, by what commission would he hold \nhis place, whether by Sir Edmund's or his former commission re- \nceived before 1G86 ? \" The captain replied, \" He came not there \nto answer their impertinent questions ; \" and again declared that \nhe stood by the order, and decided that the company had the \nliberty of choosing officers \" only to such places as were vacant \" \nby the terms of the order. Several then said, \" They would not \nbe debarred of their liberty.\" Capt. Hammond declared that if \nthe company would not adhere to the words of the order, but \nchoose new officers, \" He would have no hand in it.\" He then \nhanded an address to \" Ensign Call \" and left the company. He \nalluded, at the commencement, to his being chosen Lieutenant in \n1668 by the company, and his appointment of captain upon the \ndeath of Richard Sprague : he said the former was prompted by a \n\" strange kind of fancy or affection they bore towards him ; \" and \nthat his chief inducement to accept the latter was \"the company's \nentire affection for him :\" and concluded as follows : — \n\n\" I say your love hath been the cause thereof, which I have at least \napprehended to be real, by manifold demonstrations, all which may be \ncomprised in these two, viz. : Your ready and orderly obedience to my \ndirections and commands, and your long bearing with and covering of my \nmany infirmities, which have attended me in the execution of my place. \nEvident it is, other motives or encouragements 1 have had none, to oblige \nmy continuance in this service twenty-one years. Trouble and charge \nare appendages of such places, of which I have had my share. Nothing \nbut love hath been the cement between us hitherto, and so long as love, \nunity and concord were maintained among us, it did outweigh all other \ndiscouragements. \n\n\" But now observing a discontented, factious, censorious, unreasonable \nand mutinous spirit to spread among us, and the old, peaceable, rulable, \ngenuine spirit to languish (though 1 am satisfied in the fideUty and good \n\n29 \n\n\n2^6 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nhumor of the generality of the officers, and do hope well concerning the \nmajor part of the soldiery) 1 am discouraged from bearing any longer \ncommand among you. And forasmuch as the Governor and Council with \nthe representatives, have granted you the liberty of the choice of your \nown officers, I do advise you to make choice of such who may be duly \nqualified to promote the public good, and whom you can love, honor and \nobey ; and forasmuch as change is desirable to mankind and, that I may \nno longer stand in your way, nor in the way of some other person more \nmeet and able to be your leader than ever I have been, or am like to be, 1 \ndo hereby declare myself to be free and discharged from that place and \noffice I have for so long a time borne among you. And as I have hitherto \nmaintained a true love and respect for you all, so shall it remain and con- \ntinue in my more private capacity, which shall at all times appear as \noccasion shall offer in any way within my power except that of com- \nmand ; and as we have for so long a time been united in love, so it \nis my desire we may part in love. Wishing you and your officers \nmay always unite in love, for the peaceable and effectual carrying to an \nend all your public affairs for the Glory of God and the public good, \nwhich shall be the continual prayer of \n\nYour true friend, lover and fellow at arms, \nJuly 2, 1(589. L. Hammond.\" 1 \n\nAfter this address was read, the majority determined to proceed \nto the nomination of officers, and Capt. Hammond's friends, protest- \ning against the proceeding, withdrew. The company then nomi- \nnated John Phillips, Esq., for Captain ; Captain John Call, Lieu- \ntenant, and Samuel Kettle, Ensign. The dissenting members, \nhowever, petitioned for a new nomination, which was granted ; \nwhen Captain Hammond, Nathaniel Dowse, Lieutenant, and Na- \nthaniel Rand, Ensign, were nominated by two-thirds of the votes. \nThis choice was not allowed by the Convention ; but it passed \na vote confirming those officers in commission May 12, 1686, \nwhich left Capt. Hammond in command. \n\nIt was a time of war with the Indians, and on the 22d of August \nhe received an order \"to impress twelve able men out of the two \ncompanies of this town,\" to appear at Woburn on the 28th inst., \nat noon. Six men were impressed by Capt. Hammond's order, \nwho, under various pretences, refused to serve. \" Nor,\" he wrote, \n\" could other men be found, the noise of a press having frightened \nmost men capable of service out of the town.\" One of his cor- \nporals, after impressing two men, refused to make a legal return \nof them. \" Whereupon,\" the Captain says, ^' I ordered the im- \npressing of him, which is done ; judging it but reasonable, that he \n\n^ Mass. Archives. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 227 \n\nthat will not do his duty as an officer, should serve as a private \nsoldier.\" ^ \n\nAnother transaction, of a civil nature, shows the independent \nspirit of the town, and the tenacity with which it clung to its lib- \nerties. It elected Samuel Phipps, a graduate of Harvard, to the \noffice of constable ; and the only way in which he could legally \navoid serving, was to pay a small fine. This he refused to do, \nbut, August 9, 16S6, complained of the town's action to the gov- \nernment, and asked release from the fine on the ground that he \nwas a master of arts and kept a grammar school. The govern- \nment, \"judging it unreasonable and not customary to choose per- \nsons so qualified and improved \" to serve in this capacity, excused \nMr. Phipps, and ordered the town to make another choice. This \nwas a direct interference with its elective rights ; and the inhab- \nitants, August 13, resolved not to comply with the order, and as- \nsigned their reasons in the following petition,^ too long, perhaps, \nto insert, but too curious to abridge : — \n\n\" To the Honored Governor and Council and Representatives sitting in \nBoston. \n\n\" We the inhabitants of Charlestown being duly convened this 13th day \nof August, 1689, in return to an order of the Governor and Council bear- \ning date the 9th instant, for our proceeding to the choice of another per- \nson to the constable's office in our town, instead of Mr. Samuel Phipps, \nwho by said order is said to be dismissed, do humbly offer our reasons for \nnot proceeding according to the tenor of said order as follows : — \n\n\"1. We apprehend it to be just and reasonable that when two parties \nare concerned in any controversy to be determined by lawful judges, the \npleas and allegations of each party ought to be first heard and duly con- \nsidered, whereby the whole truth may appear before judgment can regu- \nlarly pass upon the case : we wonder not that Mr. Phipps hath made his \nown case good when there was none to respond. \n\n\" That Mr. Phipps was sometime student at the College and had the de- \ngree of Master of Arts confirmed upon him, we deny not. But that there- \nfore it is unreasonable (as the order saith) for him to be chosen to, and to \nserve in the office of a constable, we cannot conceive : \n\n\" 1. Because no law we know of exempts him therefrom. 2. Because \nother men under the same circumstances have been chosen and served or \nfined to the same office — instances whereof can be produced in Boston. \n.3. If Masters of Arts will take up secular employments and become secu- \nlar men ; as merchants, adventurers, common traders, shop-keepers, and \nwill accept of other civil offices, as selectman, town recorder, town treas- \nurer, &c., why may they not be chosen and serve as constables (which \n\n1 The men impressed were Zechariah Johnson, Jacob Waters, John \nSimpson, Sen., Hopewell Davis, John Lowden, John Kettle. — Mass. \nArchives. \n\n2 This Petition is in Mass. Archives. \n\n\n228 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nis an honorable place) who, reaping the same benefits, ought to help bear \nthe same burdens with other men of the same employments. \n\n\" That this is applicable to our present subject, all that are acquainted \nwith the person and his communications need no further evidence. \n\n\" True it is, some years since under a pretence of applying himself to \nthe ministry, he was by ourselves dismissed from the same office of a con- \nstable to which we had chosen him : but finding it to have been no other \nbut a pretence, we are not willing to be again deluded. \n\n\" Moreover, if the instructing two or three youths in a private way in his \nhouse, as his other occasions will permit (for his private benefit) in gram- \nmar learning, at the desire of their friends, will give him the reputation \nof keeping a grammar school, so be it. In like manner may any other \nman, that hath skill in the Latin tongue in vacant hours do. But we con- \ncieve except he were chosen by the town, or settled by authority in a just \nand regular way of keeping a public grammar school, he can therefore be \nno more exempted from serving in the office of constable than any other \ningenious person who may privately instruct youth in any part of the \ndoctrine of the mathematics ; which deservedly claims an honorable es- \nteem among men. \n\n\" 2, We judge it unreasonable and neighboring upon oppression to im- \npose all burdensome, unprofitable and difficult offices upon men of the lower \nrank in a town ; while others, who are, or would be esteemed, some of \nthe first in the town, shall bear no burden, when no law or just reason \ncan excuse them. \n\n\" 3. If the laws made in former years by the General Court be now in \nforce, we plead the law Titled Townships, Sect. 4. And a later law \nmade in March, 1680, to warrant our choice, which liberty we are not \nwilling to part with. \n\n\" 4. This town being a haven for shipping, and exposed to riots and \nrouts by rude strangers frequenting the same, as woful experience hath \nlately shown, we conceive it necessary, especially under our present un- \nsettlements, that our head constable should be a man of more than ordi- \nnary parts, for the discreet management of himself upon such occasions \nfor keeping the peace, &c. We therefore have made choice of Mr. \nPhipps as a meet person (we hope) for such a service ; whose personal \nbusiness and employment can be no more a bar thereunto than the em- \nployments of other men. \n\n\" Finally. We cannot yet believe that the honored Convention (after due \nconsideration of the premises) will debar us of our just liberties allowed \nus by law, especially when arbitrary government hath been so lately con- \ndemned, and do hope our not attending the above cited, but adhering to \nour first choice, will admit of no other construction, than an innocent \npleading and maintaining our said liberties, which is the uttermost of our \ndesign, wherein not this town alone but all others are concerned. \n\n\" Submitting ourselves to all your lawful and just determinations, we \nare yours and the country's servants. \n\n*' Signed in the name, and by the order of the inhabitants of Charlestown. \n\nJohn Fowle, \nAndrew Stimson, \n\nConstables.\" \n\nThe opposition to the new government produced great excite- \nment in the Colony. The convention declared, July 4, 1689, that \n* all courts of judicature, as formerly held within this Colony,\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 229 \n\nshould be holden at such times and places as were provided in a \nlaw in reference to them \" until further settlement.\" Acting \nunder such authority, James Russell appointed a court at Cam- \nbridge on the first Tuesday in October. Thomas Graves objected \nto this proceeding in the following \" writing.\" \n\n\" The writincr delivered to James Russell of Charlestown, Esq., by \nThomas Graves, Esq., Judge of their Majesty's inferior Court of Pleas, \nand one of their Majesty's Justices of the Peace within the County of \nMiddlesex. \n\n\" To James Russell, of Charlestown, Esq., to be communicated to any \nothers that are in like manner with yourself concerned herein. \n\n\"Sir, — Forasmuch as I am credibly informed, that yourself with \nsome other pretended magistrates, intend on the first Tuesday in October \nnext, to meet together at Cambridge to keep a pretended Court of Judica- \nture, not having any authority from our Sovereign Lord and Lady, King \nWilliam and Queen Mary, enabling you so to do, I therefore, considering \nthe obligation lying upon me, by the commissioner of the peace for this \ncounty of Middlesex, as also by a commission to be judge of the inferior \ncourt of pleas in said county, both from the Crown of England ; neither \nof which (although I have by the late tumults, not yet stilled, been hin- \ndered from executing the power therein to me committed) is yet legally \nvacated, or superseded: lean do no less to show my loyalty to the \nCrown of England than to signify unto you that any such meeting can be \nlooked upon no otherwise than as contrary to the peace of our Sovereign \nLord and Lady, King William and Queen Mary, their crown and dignity ; \nand therefore, I must, on their Majesties' behalf, warn you, that you pre- \nsume not to assemble at Cambridge, or any other place within this coun- \nty, for any such unlawful purpose aforesaid ; but that you do at all times \n•bear good faith and allegiance to their sacred Majesties, as you will an- \nswer the contrary at your peril. \n\n\" Dated at Charlestown, this 21st day of September, in the first year of \nthe reign of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, King William and Queen \nMary, Anno Dom., 1689.\" i \n\nThis course was sanctioned by Captain Richard Sprague, Cap- \ntain Laurence Hammond, Deacon John Cutler, and his son, John \nCutler, Jr., — all leading citizens. On the 23d of September \nthere was a town meeting in reference to it, the proceedings of \nwhich, however, are not on the records. The above named citi- \nzens were complained of to the Council, for \" misdemeanors \" at \nthis meeting, and for publishing this \" seditious writing,\" and sum- \nmoned to appear before it. Judge Graves, and the others, met the \nCouncil September 24. The writing was read to them, and \" Mr. \nBradstreet, (governor,) made a speech to Mr. Graves.\" The an- \nswer of the latter was in the following terms : — \n\n\" As to the paper delivered to Mr. James Russell, I judge I did but my \n\n^ The People's Right of Election. \n\n\n230 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nduty in it, and therefore cannot in conscience recede from it, and I shall \nbe ready to answer King William and Queen Mary -whensoever they or \nany authorized from them shall call me to an account for the same. I \nam sworn to the Crown of England, and yourselves have proclaimed \nKing William and Queen Mary to be the rightful sovereigns of the realms \nand territories belonging thereunto, and therefore I cannot own any law- \nful authority in any until I be legally informed that they have commission \nfrom their sacred Majesties. Thomas Graves.\" i \n\nThe offenders, Graves, Hammond, and the two Cutlers, were \nordered to give a bond of one hundred pounds for their appearance \nat the Middlesex Court, or be imprisoned. They declined to en- \nter into bonds, and were imprisoned by confinement to their houses. \nThe town was full of excitement about this subject : \" men of \nCharlestown and several towns thereabouts,\" — a letter of October \n25, says, \"threaten to pull down the jail if they put them (Graves, \n&>c.) in.\" \"2 It was reported that this \" was the most ill-affected, \ndistracted and divided town in the country.\" ^ The government \nordered Sprague, Hammond and Cutler to be deprived of their \ncommands in the militia; and Captain Sprague was even expelled \nfrom the House of Representatives. The precept issued to the \ntown, October 4, for a new choice, was as follows : — \n\n\" To the Constables of Charlestown : \n\n\" Whereas Captain Richard Sprague has rendered himself incapable of \nserving their Majesties as a representative, by his contemptuous carriage \nagainst this government, for which he is excluded this house : You are \ntherefore forthwith to signify to your town that they have liberty to \nchoose another meet person to serve in his place. \n\nEbenezer Prout, \n\nBoston, October 4, IG89. Clerk nf the Representatives.''^* \n\nIn the fall, this party sent to England the following Address : \n\n\" To the King's most excellent Majesty. \n\n\" The humble Address of sundry your Majesty's subjects, inhabitants \nin Charlestown. \n\n\" We, your Majesty's most loyal and dutiful subjects, being deeply \nsensible of the admirable blessings, by the Almighty's providence, bestow- \ned on your Majesty and all your subjects, in making your Majesty the \ntrue defender and maintainer of the protestant religion and the laws and \nliberties of the English nation, and placing you upon the throne of these \nkingdoms, do return our hearty and unfeigned thanks to God for his great \ngoodness therein. And in all humility offer to your Majesty our duty \nand allegiance with our continued prayers for your Majesty's long, happy \nand prosperous reign over us. That as the sun gives heat and warmth \nto the utmost parts of the earth, so we may be influenced and cherished \nby your Majesty's grace and favor, and be made partakers of those com- \n\n1 The People's Right of Election. 2 Felt's MSS. \n\n3 Vindication of New England, p. 19. ■* Mass. Archives. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 231 \n\nmon benefits which your Majesty's great clemency and goodness distribu- \nted to all your subjects. \n\n\" We cannot but truly lament the great disorder and confusion these \nparts are brought into by the rash and inconsiderate actions and designs \nof a disaffected prevailing party amongst us, who, upon strange and \ngroundless pretences, did in the month of April past seize and imprison \nthe person of the governor, several members of the council, the judges, \njustices and several other principal officers and ministers, and take into \ntheir possession and command your Majesty's several forts and garrisons, \ndisband your forces, and thereby wholly subvert and overthrow the \ngovernment established by your Majesty's predecessor, discharging and \nhindering all other officers from the further observance and executing \nof their respective offices, and setting up and placing instead thereof several \nscenes and representations of government and jurisdiction as uneasy \nand unsafe for your Majesty's subjects as unwarrantable for them to act. \nWhereby not only some of us but many other your Majesty's good sub- \njects are brought under great hardships and inconveniences for maintain- \ning and asserting your Majesty's right and sovereignity here (which by \nmany is too much disregarded) and refusing to comply with their exor- \nbitant, irregular and arbitrary actings and proceedings. Having hearts \nfull of duty and loyalty to your Majesty, we chose rather to continue \ntaithful under our suffiirings, though to our considerable damage, besides \nthe great loss and spoil and inconveniencies that this whole country in \ngeneral hath already sustained and is likely to sustain thereby, the par- \nticulars whereof are too tedious here to relate. \n\n\" And as we are fully satisfied we can have no redress or relief herein \nunder God, but from your Majesty's abundant g-oodness and compassion, \nwhich in all duiifuliiess, we humbly implore may be extended toward us. \nAnd that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to aflord your favor \nand protection to your Protestant subjects here, in settling such form and \nmethod of government over them as in your great wisdom shall bethought \nmost proper and agreeable for your Majesty's service, and the good and \nwelfare of your subjects, that they may not be wholly estranged from and \ndenied the benefit of the laws of England. And that all persons holding \nthe fundamentals of faith and order may be amicably treated and accord- \ning to the rules of Christian charity. The which alone can heal our \nbreaches and compose our disorders, and save us and others your Majes- \nty s subjects from being a prey to our French and Indian enemies, who in \nthis present posture of affairs, have too great advantages against us. \n\n\" ^Y .^\"\"\"^'y ^^S your Majesty's gracious acceptance of this our Ad- \ndress, being from persons wholly devoted to your Majesty's service in all \nduty and obedience. And who account it their greatest happiness to be \nesteemed really they are. \n\nYour Majesty's most loyal and dutiful subjects, \nThomas Graves, Richard Sprague, \n\nRichard Hooper, Jno. Cutler, Jr., \n\nTimothy Hawkins, Jerahmeel Bowers, \nSamuel Whitmore, John Jackson, \nAndrew Mitchell, Wm. Richardson, \n\nJohn Robinson, Thomas Weld, Jr.\"! \n\n1 This Address, from the Mass. Archives, appears to be a copy. The \noriginal w^s probably sent to England. In the copy here, the christian \nname of Bowers, and the surname of Weld, Jr., are not given. I have \nsupplied them from MbS. loaned me by Mr. Felt. \n\n\n232 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThe following comments on this Address are from a pamphlet \n\nissued by the popular party : — \n\n\" This address is an accusation of the country for the rashness and in- \nconsiderateness committed in the revolution : and after some other scurvy- \nflashes and reflections, which were at leisure to deal with, they should \nhave their due, they come at last to petition that they might not be es- \ntranged from the laws of England. The meaning of all which is easy tO' \nbe interpreted ; in short they like not Charter Government, and let them \nabound in their own sense. As for the plantations having some things- \ndiverse from the laws of England, it is no more than all the other English \nplantations in America may have affirmed of them. We could never \nlearn that New England varies from any laws of England, that would be \nproper, or were by the King and Parliament intended for such a country. \nHowever, this Address is subscribed by Thomas Graves, late judge of \nthe county court ; Richard Sprague, late captain of the trained band, \nwho appeared at the head of his company to assist in the above mentioned \nrevolution in the day thereof ; and ten more, of which one was a Sir \nEdmund's captain, one is in our copy subscribed Bowers, without a \nchristian name, and no wonder if he be a Quaker. We suppose it is that \nQuaker who was one of Sir Edmund's setters, and begged of him his \nneighbor's lands, that lay as convenient for him as Nabotli's vineyard did \nfor Ahab ; that Quaker who with a brutish bawling used to disturb christ- \nian assemblies, and more particularly one just as they were entering on \nthe celebration of the Lord's Supper. We shall not count it worth while \nto trouble the world with particular characters of the other subscribers ; \nmost of them have on some account or other labored under infamy ; and \nseveral of them are of that congregation who owned that other address, \nthere of the Church of England, here inhabitants of Charlestown, where- \nin they discover their very good will to wound and rend that honest \ncountry in as many capacities as they can. And why all inhabitants of \nCharlestown ; are not at least four of the twelve inhabitants of other \ntowns? Must they scum Watertown and Cambridge also, for a panel of \ntwelve honest men and true, to pack a Charlestown jury, for condemning \nNew England's Charter privileges ? This is strange ; but the strangest \nof all is, that any men of reputation (such as Mr. Graves and Mr. \nSprague) should mingle themselves 'in any design, with such a lewd, \nsorry, shabby and obscure crew ! \" i \n\nIn a short time the party opposed to the revolutionary proceed- \nings, sent a second Address to the Crown, not naming William or \nMary. It commenced as follows : — \n\n\" To the King's most Excellent Majesty. The humble address of \ndivers of the gentry, merchants and others, your Majesty's loyal and duti- \nful subjects, inhabiting in Boston and Charlestown, and places adjacent, \nwithin your Majesty's territory and dominion of New England in Amer- \nica.\" \n\nAfter representing the distressed state of the country it conclu- \nded : — \n\" Dread Sovereign : We, your poor, loyal, distressed subjects, there- \n\n1 Vindication of New England, p, 19. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 233 \n\nfore heartily supplicate your royal favor to be extended towards us, in \ncommiserating our lamentable estate, and that you will be graciously \npleased to take us into your immediate care and protection, and send us \nsuch speedy relief and assistance, as in your princely wisdom shall seem \nmost meet, to save us and ours, together with your Majesty's interest in \nthese parts, from total ruin.\" \n\nThis Address was afterwards printed in a pamphlet in London, \ntogether with a letter dated \" Charlestown, Nov. 22, 1690, signed \nL. H., — undoiibtedly Laurence Hammond. It will be noticed \nthat the documetit does not say which sovereign was addressed, — \nwhether King James or King William. A severe criticism on the \nAddress and Letter was printed, the same year, in London, entitled \n\" The Humble Address of the Publicans of New England, to \nwhich King you please. A Publican is a creature that lives upon \na commonwealth.\" ^ This pamphlet speaks in the following man- \nner of the \" Commonwealth Notions\" that, the British spies al- \nleged, and not incorrectly, were growing rapidly in New England : \n\n\" But the great cry of our Publicans, and by which they would scare \nus out of our wits, is, a commonwealth, a commonwealth ; nay, we dare \nnot speak, act, write, work, nor sit still, for fear of a commonwealth : \nOne would wonder what should occasion all this fear, distraction and \ndisorder in our Publicans about a commonwealth ; but to do them right, \nthey have more cause to be at their wit's end, when they think, hear or \nspeak of a commonwealth, than every one thinks ; for those state chemists \nhave been hard at work, ever since the days of that mighty hunter Nira- \nrod, to invent a perfect perpetual tyranny ; and commonly when they have \ne'en just done it, to about the same degree Agrippa was a Christian ; one \nunhappy accident or other comes over it ; and necessitates one extremity \nto produce another, and so all blows up into a commonwealth. This has \nhappened to them not once nor thrice, but so many thousand times, that \nthey are now grown hairbrained, and quite beside themselves ; and their \nmany and surprising frights have brought them into a continual fancy, \nthat every house, town, island, county, colony, plantation, ship, or any \nthing they hear, see, or speak of will presently turn to a commonwealth. \nAnd to say the truth on't, its no wonder they are in this pickle about it, \nfor they have been longer at work upon it, and met with far more disap- \npointments, than all the projectors of the philosopher's stone, and maleable \nglass have ever done.\" 2 \n\nIn December, Captain Sprague and John Cutler, Jr., were ar- \nraigned before the Middlesex county court for publishing the \n\" Seditious Libel,\" forbidding the courts to assemble : the former \nwas acquitted, but the latter was found guilty, and sentenced to \n\n\n1 I have not met with the letter signed L. H. The Criticism on it is \nin the Boston Athena?um. \n\n2 The Humble Address of the Publicans of New England, &c., p. 13. \n\n30 \n\n\n234 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\npay a fine of twenty pounds. Captain Hammond, who had been \nappointed Recorder, refused to give up the records in his posses- \nsion,— alleging that no authority from William and Mary had \nordered them to be given up. This opposition, however, ceased \nwhen the Crown authorized the Colonial authorities to continue \nthe government. The submission of Captain Hammond and \nDeacon Cutler was made in the following letter : — \n\n\" To the Honored Governor and Council sitting in Boston. \n\n\" Honored Gentlemen : It having pleased his Majesty to authorize \nand empower you to continue your care in the administration of the gov- \nernment and keeping the peace in this his Colony of the Massachusetts. \nIn obedience to his Majesty whose subjects we are, we do cheerfully sub- \nmit ourselves thereunto. And do therefore now apply to your honors, \nliumbly prayiug that what hath been by us done in the vacancy of such \nauthority may not now be imputed to us a contempt of authority, or a \nfactious breach of the peace. For God, who is the searcher of hearts, \nHe knows, and we are sure doth acquit us from any such purpose or de- \nsign, the guilt whereof we have always dreaded and abhorred. \n\n\" Let, we pray you, an almost three months' confinement to our houses, \nand many other damages attending the same, together with this our \nserious promise (which will be to us as binding as a bond) to demean our- \nselves for the future as good subjects to their Majesties and their govern- \nment here, and peaceably towards all men, expiate for the faults you \njudge we have committed, and that you will cause to cease any further \nprosecution of us for the same, and that we may have free liberty to at- \ntend our occasions. \n\n\" However we have been represented by some, and reputed by many \n(in this hour and hurry of temptation and distraction, which doubtless \nought on all hands to be considered) we are and ever shall be true lovers \nof our country, and shall heartily pray for, and otherwise endeavor, as we \nare able, by all lawful ways, the promoting the weal and prosperity there- \nof, both in Church and in State. \n\n\" Praying that all your councils may terminate in the glory of God \nand the peace and settlement of his afflicted people here, we are \n\nHonored gentlemen, their Majesties faithful subjects \nand your humble servants, \n\nLaur. Hammond, \nJohn Cutler, Sen.\" i \n\nIn March, 1690, John Cutler, Jr., tendered his submission; \nand there was attached to it the name of his father. They stated \nthat their opposition was at a time \" Wherein the spirits of men \nwere much discomposed, and many rash, indeliberate things were \ndone;\" and expressing their \" entire good will to the peace and \nestablishment of this people,\" asked to be released from the fine \n\n\n1 Mass. Archives, Vol. XXXV. No date is attached to this letter, \nbiit it was probably written about Dec. 1689. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 235 \n\nthat had been imposed. In aid of this petition, Rev. Charles \n\nMorton sent to the Convention this letter : — \n\n\"March 11, 1689-90. \n\n\" Hon'd Sirs: It becomes one in my place to promote (as I am able) \nthe peace of my neighbors, and therefore I hope you will pardon the bold- \nnessof tliis Address. I understand Mr. John Cutler, Jr., has presented an \nhumble petition to the Hon'd Court for the remission of his fine and drop- \nping his appeal. I am well persuaded that 'tis not for the destruction but \nreformation of any person, that you impose at any time legal penalties. \nAnd therefore where the end is attained (and the case will bear it) mercy \nrejoiceth over judgment. He has professed to me, that, as he hath not \njomed with any to petition against the present government, or a change \nthereof for a general governor or otherwise, so he will make it his care to \ndemean himself for the future in such manner, as shall give no just occa- \nsion of offence. But will quietly attend his own business according to \nhis private station in peace and love among his neighbors. And as to the \npublic, that he will not meddle farther than he shall be regularly called \nthereunto. And then he shall be ready to do his utmost for the public \ngood. How far the proceedings already past may serve to catition others, \nor prevent future disturbances in the management of the government, I \nmust leave to your honors' wisdoms ; yet please to permit me (ut amicus \ncurie) to suggest a few things to your consideration. The man won by \nkindness may be worth the having. He has adventured far int he country's \nservice, and may again upon called thereunto. The fine being so consider- \nable may make a great hole in a small estate, which must maintain a \ngrowing family. And while I speak to Christian magistrates, I may be \nbold to intimate my hopes that it will not a little conduce to the success of \nmy ministry, (to the glory of Christ) if I may have the honor to be an \neffectual intercessor for my people's ease. You may please to communi- \ncate these my thoughts according to your prudence. And as I beg par- \ndon for another I must crave the same for myself, that I have made thus \nbold with you. \n\n\" That the God of Heaven will direct and bless your affairs, and happily \nsettle this poor country, is the daily supplication of \n\n\" Your honor's well wisher and humble servant, \n\nCharles Morton.\" i \n\nIn 1691,2 the political excitement in town appears to have sub- \nsided, and in 1692 a new charter was obtained from England. \nCaptain Hammond in a short time removed to Boston. Captain \nSprague was on the Board of Selectmen, and until his death con- \ntinued to represent the town in the General Court, Deacon Cut- \n\n' Mass. Archives. \n\n2 A few items, illustrative of the times, have been reserved for a note. \nWhen Andros landed, in 1686, the guns of the battery were fired on a \nsignal from the Boston Town House. In 1686, Sept. 13th, Rev. Cotton \nMather preached a sermon before the Artillery Company of this county, \non which occasion the President and Deputy President were present. \nThis Company Sewall writes, \" had like to have been broken up, the ani- \nmosity being so high between Charlestown and Cambridge men about the \n\n\n236 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nler served also in the latter capacity. Thomas Graves a physician \ndied soon after (1697), universally respected for his learning and \ntalents. Although these citizens did not approve of the proceed- \nings subsequent to April 18th, yet Sprague and Hammond were \nclassed by Randolph, in 1681, as of the popular party, or \" faction,\" \nagainst whom he exhibited \" articles of high misdemeanor,\" ^ and \nthe heads of which, in 1682, he proposed to prosecute and fine \n\"for their treasons.\" ^ Samuel Nowell, of this town, a prominent \ncitizen who went to England, about 1685, Randolph also charac- \nterizes as \" a late factious preacher.\" ^ \n\nAll these citizens, with Lynde, Russell, Phillips and Morton, \nstand out, in the annals of the times, and deserve to be remember- \ned by posterity, as strong defenders of the constitutional rights of \nthe colony. \n\nThe revolutionary proceedings, so indicative of the daring \nspirit of the Colonists, and of their love of liberty, were regarded, \nnot only with astonishment, but alarm. They suggested the infer- \nence (in 1689) that those who justified them designed \"to cast off \ntheir dependence and obedience to the crown of England;\" and it \nwas said \" that this would end in the utter ruin of the English in- \nterest here,\" and leave the colonies \" a prey to all nations, when \nthe wild beast shall pass by and tread down the thistle.\" '^ This \ncharge continued to be made as often as the spirit manifested in \n1689, was exhibited. In 1701 the Lords of Trade declared \" The \nindependence the colonies now thirst after is notorious ; \" Quar- \nry wrote home in 1703 that \" Commonwealth Notions improve \nDaily ;\" and it was said in print in 1705, \"The colonists will \nin process of time, cast off their allegiance to England, and set \nup a government of their own.\" ^ \n\nplace of traininor. In 1687, Feb. 25th, A ndros visited this town, on which \noccasion there was a military display — \" an extraordinary meeting of the \nmilitia, — when the government paid \"for beer and cider given to the \ndrummer and soldiers \" of the town. The General Court held a session \nin this town, March, 14th, 1690, on account of the small pox being in \nB )Ston. On the 6th of July, 1689, the government ordered \" a watch \nan I ward to be kept up \" at the causeway, at the Neck, \" to examine all \nIndians travelling to or from the town,\" and \" to search their baskets or \nother carriage for powder.\" \n\n1 Hutch. Collection, p. 526. 2 lb., p. 535. ^ lb., p. 535, \n\n4 The People's Right to Election (1689) p. 14. \n\n5 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 108. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 237 \n\n\nCHAPTER XXIV. \n\n1692 to 1764. — Witchcraft. — Gary's Narrative. — Attack on Billerica. — \nCol. Lynde's Expedition. — Town Expenses. — Execution in Charles \nRiver. — Town Clock. — School House Controversy. — New Meeting \nHouse. — The Lecture Hour. — Bridge over Charles River. — Innoc- \nulation. — Fire Engine. — Insurance Office. — Stoneham. — Paving. — \nTown's Income. — Ministerial House. — Court House. — Riot. — \nIllumination. — Burglary. — Punishment. — The Town in 1741. — \nA Potter's Kiln. — A Comet. — Bounty to Soldiers. — Sale of Pews. \n— Forestallers. — Private School. — Slaves. — Small Pox. — A Spin- \nning School. — Fish Market. — French Neutrals. — Impressment. — \nAn Execution. — Minister's Salary. \n\nCharlestown, for seventy years, affords but few materials for \na continuous narrative, either in its civil or its ecclesiastical history. \nYet the short and simple annals of this period are well worthy of \nnotice ; for they afford glimpses of the social life of the com- \nmunity, show the gradual increase of municipal conveniences, \nand reflect the folly or the wisdom of the times. \n\n1692. This year was a memorable one in the History of New \nEngland, signalized as it was by the prosecutions and executions \nfor the imaginary crime of witchcraft. The prisons in the vicin- \nity,— those of Boston, Cambridge, and Salem, — were crowded \nwith supposed witches. \" All the securities of society were dis- \nsolved. Every man's life was at the mercy of every other man.\" ^ \nNone, however pure in life, however beloved in society, were safe \nfrom accusation. A member of one of the most respected families \nin town, — Mrs. Cary — was arrested. The narrative of her \nhusband, Nathaniel Cary, this year at the head of the Board of \nSelectmen, and afterwards a representative, gives so interesting \na view of her arraignment, her treatment in prison, and escape, \nand is so illustrative of the times, that it is inserted entire. \n\n\" I having heard some days, that my wife was accused of witchcraft, \nbeing much disturbed at it, by advice we went to Salem-Village, to see \nif the afflicted did know her ; we arrived there 24th May, it happened to be \na day appointed for examination ; accordingly soon after our arrival, Mr. \nHathorn and Mr. Curwin, &c. went to the Meeting-house, which was the \nplace appointed for that work, the minister began with prayer, and hav- \n\n1 Upham's Lectures, p, 26. \n\n\n238 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\n\ning taken care to get a convenient place, I observed, that the afflicted were \ntwo girls of about ten years old, and about two or three other, of about \neighteen, one of the girls talked most, and could discern more than the \nrest. The prisoners were called in one by one, and as they came in were \ncried out of, &c. The prisoner was placed about seven or eight feet from \nthe justices, and the accusers between the justices and them ; the prisoner \nwas ordered to stand right before the justices, with an officer appointed to \nhold each hand, lest they should therewith afflict them, and the prisoner's \neyes must be constantly on the justices ; for if they looked on the afflicted, \nthey would either fall into their fits, or cry out of being hurt by them ? \nafter examination of the prisoners, who it was afflicted these girls, &c. \nthey were put upon saying the Lord's Prayer, as a trial of their guilt ; \nafter the afflicted seemed to be out of their fits, they would look steadfastly \non some one person, and frequently not speak ; and then the justices said \nthey were struck dumb, and after a little time would speak again ; then \nthe justices said to the accusers, which of you will go and touch the \nprisoner at the bar? Then the most courageous would adventure, but \nbefore they had made three steps would ordinarily fall down as in a fit ; \nthe justices ordered that they should be taken up and carried to the pris- \noner, that she might touch them ; and as soon as they were touched by the \naccused, the justices would say, they are well, before I could discern any \nalteration ; by which I observed that the justices understood the manner \nof it. Thus far I was only as a spectator, my wife also was there part \nof the time, but no notice taken of her by the afflicted, except once or \ntwice they came to her and asked her name. \n\n\" But I having an opportunity to discourse Mr. Hale (with whom I had \nformerly acquaintance) I took his advice, what I had best to do, and desired \nof him that T might have an opportunity to speak with her that accused my \nwife ; which he promised should be, I acquainting him that I reposed my \ntrust in him. \n\n\" Accordingly he came to me after the examination was over, and told \nme T had now an opportunity to speak with the said accuser, viz. : Abigail \nWilliams, a girl of eleven or twelve years old ; but that we could not be \nin private at Mr. Parris's house, as he had promised me ; we went there- \nfore into the alehouse, where an Indian man attended us, who it seems \nwas one of the afflicted ; to him we gave some cider, he shewed several \nscars, that seemed as if they had been long there, and shewed them as \ndone by witchcraft, and acquainted->us that his wife, who also was a slave, \nwas imprisoned for witchcraft. And now instead of one accuser, they \nall came in, who began to tumble down like swine, and then three women \nwere called in to attend them. We in the room were all at a stand, to see \nwho they would cry out of; but in a short time they cried out, Gary ; and \nimmediately after a warrant was sent from the justices to bring my wife \nbefore them, who were sitting in a chamber near by, waiting for this. \n\n\" Being brought before the justices, her chief accusers were two girls ; \nmy wife declared to the justices, that she never had any knowledge of \nthem before that day ; she was forced to stand with her arms stretched oat. \nI did request that I might hold one of her hands, but it was denied me ; \nthen she desired me to wipe the tears from her eyes, and the sweat from \nher face, which 1 did ; then she desired she might lean herself on me, \nsaying she should faint. \n\n\"Justice Hathorn replied, she had strength enough to torment those \npersons, and she should have strength enough to stand. I speaking \nsomething against their cruel proceedings, they commanded me to be silent, \nor else I should be turned out of the room. The Indian before mentioned, \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 239 \n\n\nwas also brought in, to be one of her accusers ; being come in, he now \n(when before the justices) fell down and tumbled about like a hog, but said \nnothing. The justices asked the girls, who afflicted the Indian? They \nanswered she (meaning my wife) and now lay upon him. ; the justices \nordered her to touch him, in order to his cure, but her head must be turned \nanother way, lest instead of curing, she should make him worse, by her \nlooking on him, her hand being guided to take hold of his ; but the Indian \ntook hold of her hand, and pulled her down on the floor, in a barbarous \nmanner ; then his hand was taken off, and her hand put on his, and the \ncure was quickly wrought. I being extremely troubled at their inhuman \ndealings, uttered a hasty speech [That God would take vengeance on them, \nand desired that God would deliver us out of the hands of unmerciful men.] \nThen her Mittimus was writ, I did with difficulty and charge obtain the \nliberty of a room, but no beds in it; if there had, could have taken but \nlittle rest that night, she was committed to Boston prison ; but I obtained \na Habeas Corpus to remove her to Cambridge prison, which is in our \ncounty of Middlesex. Having been there one night, next morning the \njailor put irons on her legs (having received such a command) the weight \nof them was about eight pounds ; these irons and her other afflictions, \nsoon brought her into convulsion fits, so that I thought she would have \ndied that night. I sent to intreat that the irons might be taken off, but all \nintreaties were in vain, if it would have saved her life, so that in this con- \ndition she must continue. The trials at Salem coming on, I went thither, \nto see how things were there managed ; and finding that the Spectre- \nevidence was there received, together with idle, if not malicious stories, \nagainst people's lives, 1 did easily perceive which way the rest would go ; \nfor the same evidence that served for one, would serve for all the rest, I \nacquainted her with her danger ; and that if she were carried to Salem to \nbe tried, I feared she would never return. I did my utmost that she might \nhave her trial in our own county, I with several others petitioning the \nJudge for it, and were put in hopes of it; but I soon saw so much, that \nI understood thereby it was not intended, which put me upon consulting \nthe means of her escape ; which through the goodness of God was effected, \nand she got to Rhode Island, but soon found herself not safe when there, \nby reason of the pursuit after her; from thence she went to New York, \nalong with some others that had escaped their cruel hands ; where we \nfound his excellency Benjamin Fletcher, Esq., governor, who was very \ncourteous to us. After this, some of my goods were seized in a friend's \nhands, with whom I had left them, and myself imprisoned by the sheriff, \nand kept in custody half a day, and then dismissed ; but to speak of their \nusage of the prisoners, and their inhumanity shown to them, at the time of \ntheir execution, no sober Christian could bear ; they had also trials of cruel \nmockings ; which is the more, considering what a people for religion, \n1 mean the profession of it, we have been ; those that suffered being many \nof them church members, and most of them unspotted in their conversation, \ntill their adversary, the Devil, took up this method for accusing them. \n\nNathaniel Cary.\" \n1693. The Witchcraft spell was not broken until this year. \nOne of the remarkable trials took place in this town, January 31, \nat the session of the Superior Court. The reputed witch, Sarah \nDaston, was seventy or eighty years old; and the rumor spread \nthat \" If there were a witch in the world, she was one,\" for she \nhad been \" so accounted of\" for many years. A large number \n\n\n240 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthronged to hear the trial. A multitude of witnesses testified \nagainst her, who detailed the accidents or illnesses, that, during \ntwenty years, had happened to them after quarrels with her. The \nSpectre-Evidence was not used, and the Jury, to their credit, \nbrought in a verdict of \"Not Guilty,\" although it was affirmed \nthat there was more evidence against her than served to convict at \nSalem. Judge Danforth, however, admonished her in the words, \n\" Woman, woman, repent ; there are shrewd things come in \nagainst you.\" She was remanded to prison for her fees, where, \nin a short time, she expired. \n\nThere is no allusion to Witchcraft on the town records ; but \nRev. Charles Morton counselled and acted with those who urged \nthe prosecutions. This remark, however, is not designed as a \nreflection upon this eminent character. His belief in it was in \ncommon with that of many of the distinguished men of his time, \nboth in this country and in England. In the latter, it was so prev- \nalent, that some of the towns even paid the infamous witch- \ndiscoverers for their services in proving persons to be witches;^ \nand more persons were put to death there in a single county, and \nin a short space of time, than suffered in all New England.^ \n\n1G94. \"The favorite coin of our ancestors, Felt writes, the \nPine Tree money, was still so plenty, that <£G75 of it had been \nrecently ordered for remission to Sir Henry Ashurst in London.\" 3 \n\n1095. The Indians, at the instigation of the French, renewed \ntheir wars ; and this year two persons living in Haverhill were \nwounded by them, and an attack was made on Billerica on the \n5th of August. The surprise of the latter was accompanied with \nthe common acts of Indian warfare; in one family, that of John \nLeviston, his mother-in-law and five young children were killed, \nand his oldest daughter carried into captivity. Fifteen persons \nwere either killed or taken. While this part of Middlesex county \nwas in a state of alarm, Col. Lynde of this town received a com- \nmission to pursue the Indians ; but so effectually had they concealed \ntheir flight, even tying up the mouths of their dogs with wampum \nto prevent their barking, that all efforts to find them proved \nunavailing.'* Col. Lynde presented the following official account \nof his expedition : — \n\n1 See patre 117 of this work. ^ Hutchinson, Vol. II. p. 42. \n\n3 Felt's Mass. Currency, p. 51. ^ Farmer's Billerica. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 241 \n\n\n\" Aug. 23, 1695. Receiving commission from the Honorable William \nStoughton, Lieutenant Governor, Commander-in-chief, overall the province \nof Massachusetts, with instructions for his Majesty's service in the county \nof Middlesex : pursuant whereunto, I went that night to Billerica, where \nI found about three hundred men in arms from Woburn, Reading, Maiden, \nMedford, Charlestown, Cambridge, Watertown, under conduct of Major \nWilliam Johnson ; Major Jeremiah Swaine ; Major Wade ; Capt. William \nGreene ; Capt. John Greene ; Lt. Remington ; Lt. Haman ; Capt. Gerfield ; \nSergeant Bond and Mr. Sherman. \n\n\" That night we marched to the river of Merrimack, guarded the fords \nthere, being three between Andover and Chelmsford, with about forty men \nat each ford, and with about one hundred men encamped that night at \nProspect Hill, that lies between Chelmsford and the river, on the northern \nside of the great swamp ; leaving the remaining forces to guard the town. \nAs soon as it was light, on the 24th of August instant, we sent men to the \ntop of the said hill, where we had a view of the said swamp, and the \ncountry far about, but could discover no fire anywhere. Thence we pro- \nceeded to range the woods between Andover and Chelmsford, but finding \nno sign of our enemies, we rendezvous at a place called Sandy Pond, about \neight miles from Billerica eastward ; from whence about eleven of the clock \nthat day we went to the great swamp, dismounted half our men, the other \nhalf taking their horses. We caused the men on foot to pass through the \nswamp in a rank, each man at distance as much as was convenient, appointed \nto rendezvous again at Prospect Hill. Major Johnson with about forty men \ncompassing the swamp on the west side, and myself with the rest of the \nsoldiers on the east side. Our men on foot, with much difficulty having \ngot through the swamp, gave us account that they saw a new track and \nsmelt Indians in one place, but did not judge by their track there were \nabove two, having again rendezvous about four o'clock, afternoon, near \nProspect Hill, having before noon ranged the woods belonging partly to \nAndover and Chelmsford to the eastward of Prospect Hill, we proceeded \nto range the woods towards Chelmsford ; rendezvousing again near the \ntime of sun-setting at the chief-fording place on the Merrimack below Hunt's \ngarrison ; where I advised with all our officers. Having no prospect of \ndoing service against the enemy ; considering the evil that had accrued by \ndrawing off all forces at once, I left a guard of ten men to guard that ford, \nunder the direction of Hunt and Foster of Billerica, until the 29tli day of \nAugust, instant, at night, and then to be dismissed without further order. \nMarching then up to Billerica town in diverse parties, we rendezvous at \nthe Ordinary, where, paying off the army with thankful acknowledg- \nments for their ready and willing services, — at their request, I dismissed \nthem according to their desires, to make the best of their way home, which \nwithout doubt they attended ; though with difficulty, by reason of the \ndarkness of the night. So concluding, \n\nI am, sir, your servant, \n\nJoseph Lynde, Lt. Col.\" \n\n\" Dated at Charlestown, Aug. 25, 1695.\" \n\n\" P. S. We have left about five hundred of bread in the hands of Capt. \nDanforth, who was not so prudent in the disposal of some of Avhat was \nspent, as in my way home I was informed, as he should have been. \nI directed him at my coming away to preserve what was left until further \norder. Yours as above, J. L.\"i \n\n1 Mass. Archives, Vol. LI, p. 41. \n31 \n\n\n242 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n1696. The guns taken from the Battery in 1687, were, on the \npetition of the selectmen, in March, 1690, ordered to be restored; \nand the Court abated the town its proportion of two single coun- \ntry rates to compensate it for the damage done to the Battery, and \ntowards repairing it. But all the guns were not replaced until \nthis year (1696); when efficient measures were taken to rebuild \nthis ancient fortification. An order of Lieutenant Governor \nStoughton authorized Colonels Phillips and Lynde \" to cause the \ninhabitants to work by turns\" on it. Three sakers that had been \ncarried away and were mounted in Boston, and another piece of \nordnance taken at Port Royal, were ordered to be delivered to \nthe chief military officers of this town. \n\nThe town-house was repaired this year. New sills were put \nunder it ; new posts put in the turret ; a new belfrey made ; and \nthe platform repaired. Samuel Griffin was the carpenter, who was \nto have for his \" work and stuff done and completed workmanlike, \nfive pounds and ten shillings, besides lod. per foot for the sill in \nthe garret.\" \n\n1697. At a town-meeting, March 1st, it was voted \" that the \npublishing of banns of matrimony should be on Lecture-days, or \nany other public times, and not restrained to Sabbath-days only.\" \nA great chair and a new school bell were purchased for the \nSchool-house. \n\n1698. Judge Sewall, in his Diary, has the following chronicle \nof the state of the ice in Charles river, in February of this year. \n\" February 19, I go over the ice and visit Mr. Morton, who \nkeeps his bed. 21st I rode over to Charlestown on the ice, then \nover to Stower's (Chelsea), so to Mr. Wigglesworth. The snow \nwas so deep that I had a hard journey, — could go but a foot pace \non Mystic river, the snow was so deep. 26th. A considerable \nquantity of ice went away last night, so that now there is a glade \nof water along by Governor's island, about as far as Bird island. \n28th. A guard is set upon Charles river to prevent persons from \nventuring over on the ice for fear of drowning ; and the ferrymen \nare put upon cutting and clearing the ice, which they do so hap- \npily, that I think the boat passeth once a day.\" \n\n1699. The warrants for town-meetings at this period did not \nalways specify the subjects to be acted upon as definitely as they \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 243 \n\ndo at the present time. One issued this year, May 5, was expressed \nas follows : \" then ordered the town clerk to sign the warrant to \nwarn the freeholders to meet the 22nd inst., May, to choose rep- \nresentatives, and several other concerns of the town.\" \"The \nWorshipful James Russell, Esquire,\" was often chosen Moderator. \n\n1700. At the Annual town-meeting, March 4, Voted, \" That \nall the waste land belonging to the town on the north side of Mys- \ntic river should be divided, and laid out equally to every person \nan equal share that hath been an inhabitant of this town six years, \nand is twenty-one years old, and the like share to all widows, house- \nholders, that have been six years inhabitants.\" \n\nThe selectmen, November, 12th, granted Capt. Nathaniel By- \nfield, Esq., Capt. Andrew Belcher, and company, liberty \" to set \nup such a furnace or kiddle for melting tallow, in order to making \ncandles in the house on the wharf late the possession of Lieut. \nRandolph Nichols.\" \n\nOn the 17th of January, Sewall writes; \" A great fire broke \nout at Charlestown, last night, though very rainy. Three houses \nburnt ; viz. : the Widow Cutler's and two more. \n\n1701. At the annual meeting in March, it was voted, \"That \nif there should be a county school settled by the General Court, \nthat this town would raise forty pounds in order to providing for it, \nif it be settled in this town.\" \n\n1702. The town raised this year for the poor £ 20 ; for re- \npairing the meeting-house and school-house <£ 20; for high-ways \n■£20; for bel!-man <£ 11 ; for town treasurer £ 4 ; for town clerk \n£2 ; for selectmen's expenses £5 and enough to make the school- \nmaster's salary £ 40. \n\n1703. The battery was again repaired, and money was paid, for \naprons for the great guns, for plank for the platform, spikes, &c. \nIt was customary for the selectmen to post \"the middle price of \nwheat:\" in 1696 it was posted at eight shillings a bushel — this \nyear (1703) it was four shillings and six-pence. \n\n1704. A report was accepted, Dec. 25, in relation to the \ntown's rights to the Land of Nod, and an action commenced \nagainst trespassers. See page 111. \n\nThe following vote shows the care the town took to obtain quali- \nfied teachers. The selectmen appointed, Dec. 29th, Samuel Hey- \n\n\n244 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nman, Esq., Capt. Samuel Phipps, and Mr. Joseph Whittemore to \nbe a committee, in the name of the selectmen, to inquire of Mr. \nBrattle and the fellows of the college, concerning Mr. Wissell, \nwhether he was a fit man to be a schoolmaster for the town, — \ninformation from some persons having been given \" of his worth \nand qualifications for said service.\" The report was favorable ; \nand Mr. Peleg Wissell was engaged to \" teach children to write, \ncypher, and perfect them in reading English, and to teach them \nand instruct them in grammar learning.\" \n\nThis year there was in this community one of those public ex- \nhibitions that were common to the times, but which a higher \ncivilization regards with horror. On the 13th of June seven \npersons were condemned to the penalty of death in Boston for rob- \nbery and murder committed on the high seas. Up to the hour of \nthe execution, the ministers were indefatigable in their offices to \nthe wretched men. They preached and prayed with them every \nday; and, in addition, catechised them, and gave them \"many \noccasional exhortations.\" On the day of execution, June 30th, \n\"pursuant to the death-warrant,\" the Provost Marshal and his offi- \ncers, the constables, and \" forty musketeers \" guarded the crimi- \nnals as they walked from the prison to Scarlet's wharf, — the sil- \nver ore they had stolen being carried before them. They \" were \ncrowded and thronged on all sides with multitudes of spectators.\" \nThey went, from Scarlet's wharf, by water, to the gallows, which \nhad been erected in Charles river, on Boston side. It is not ne- \ncessary to detail the prayers of the ministers or the dying speeches \nof the pirates. One was reprieved on the gallows, but six suf- \nfered the dreadful penalty of the law.^ \n\n1705. The selectmen, March 12, agreed \" with David Ray to \nbe bellman, to go about the town with his bell every night from \neleven o'clock until five in the morning, to keep watch for alarums \nand fires, and give timely notice thereof; and for his faithful per- \nformance of said work, it is agreed he shall receive sixteen pounds \nout of the town treasury, if he continue in said service, and \nfaithfully perform it one whole year from the twenty-seventh day \nof November, last past, which he hath promised and agreed to do, \n\n1 Hand-bill issued at the time : the gallows was probably erected, and \nthe pirates buried at low watei mark. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 245 \n\nexcept a military watch should be commanded.\" The town bell \nwas rung daily, from March, at five o'clock in the morning and \neight in the evening ; and on Sabbath-days, &/C. for meetings. \n\n1706. At the annual meeting, the town voted to prosecute \nthe town of Maiden for its neglect in not assisting to repair the \nBattery. In 1708 other repairs were made, and Maiden then \nagreed to pay of the whole expense, (thirty pounds) nine pounds \nin sleepers for the platform. \n\n1707. Joseph Whittemore, in a petition, stated that \"the \ncountry road leading to Cambridge is very narrow and crooked\" \nopposite land shortly to be his, and offered to straighten it by \ngiving in land and taking \" a small dark corner of land \" belonging \nto the town. The request was granted. \n\n1708. At a town meeting it was voted to grant Edward Sheath \npermission to set some posts in the Training Field, \" to make ropes \non, provided it be not offensive to the neighborhood.\" The select- \nmen agreed this year with Mr. Ivory \" to mend the pulpit and fix \nit to Mr. Bradstreet's satisfaction.\" \n\n1709. At this period it was customary for the town, through \nthe selectmen, to grant permission to influential citizens to build \npews in the meeting-house. This year Capt. William Rowse, \nwho had purchased of one of the heirs, an interest in the late \nCapt. Thomas Russell's pew, complained that he \" was something \ndisturbed by others taking up part of the same pew.\" The select- \nmen confirmed the pew to Capt. Rowse, on condition that he \nallowed the children of Mr. Russell to occupy it. \n\n1710. The selectmen approbated for inn-holders, Ruth Wyer, \nMrs. Trumble, Mrs. Mabel Jenner, Mrs. Ruth Waite, William \nPatten, and Benjamin Frothingham ; and for retailers out of doors, \nEdward Emerson, Mrs. Sarah Newell, Elizabeth Newell, Mrs. \nMehitable Cutler, Nicholas Lawrence, Thomas Harris, Seth \nSweetser, and Calvin Galpine. \n\n1711. The following record of May 11, shows the town \n\nexpenses for this year : — \n\n\"Voted, The several sums hereafter mentioned, to be raised by way of vote \non the Polls and Estates in Charlestown, to defray the necessary charges \nof the town for the year ensuing, viz. : — \n\nFor the Schoolmaster's Salary, £iO 0 0 \n\nFor the Minister's House Rent, ; 10 0 0 \n\nFor Town Clerk's and Town Treasurer's Salary, . . 7 0 0 \n\n\n246 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nFor the Bellman ringing the Bell, and sweeping the Meeting \n\nHouse, &c. • jClO 0 0 \n\nFor Relief of the Poor, 35 0 0 \n\nFor Repairing the Meeting House, Town House, and School House, 10 0 0 \nFor Selectmen's expense, , , . . , . .700 \nFor Payment of last year's Representative, . . . . 7 10 0 \n\nFor Repairing Highways, . 20 0 0 \n\nFor Hiring Bulls, &c., 10 0 0 \n\nFor a Bellman for the night, and more if the Selectmen see \n\nnecessity of it, 16 0 0 \n\n\n£112 10 0 \nNothing appears on Record relative to the salary of the \nminister ; but there is, in a previous year, an allusion to contribu- \ntions for this object ; and in 1721, forty pounds were raised \" for \nminister's arrears.\" \n\n1712. It is an indication of the enterprise of the time that it \nwas proposed to build a bridge over Charles river, at the Old \nFerry. The General Court Records, under the date of March 20, \ncontain the following record ; — \n\n\" The Council declare they are ready to promote the attainment of so \nbeneficial a work as the bridge projected, and judge the best method to \nbring it to pass, is for private gentlemen to undertake and carry on the \nsame ; and for their encouragement, that a toll be forthwith granted and \nset by the act of the General Assembly ; — such as shall be judged reason- \nable, to be paid for man, horses, and other beasts, carts, carriages and \ncoaches ; leaving to the College their interest and revenue of the Ferry \nthere, to be duly paid from time to time, with the advance of forty shil- \nlings per annum thereto, for the term of fifteen years next after the erecting \nof said bridge, without any advance or increase after the end of the first \nfifteen years; and that in case the projection be attempted and fail, the \nriver and harbor be put in good condition as at present.\" \n\nThe town voted in May, five pounds to place \"poor children \nat such woman's schools as shall be allowed of by the selectmen ; \" \n\" such children whose parents are not able to bring them to school.\" \nThe teacher having requested that regulations might be made \nabout the town school, it was voted, \" That whereas the school \nbeing thronged with so many small reading children that are not \nable to spell or read as they ought to do, by reason of which Latin \nscholars, writers and cypherers cannot be duly attended and instruct- \ned as they ought to be,\" Capt. Samuel Phipps and Mr. Jonathan \nDowse were chosen \"inspectors and regulators of that matter.\" \n\n1713. The town voted, at the annual meeting, \" that they \nwould have a town clock to be kept in the town house, and to \nbe procured at the charge of the town; \" and a committee was \nraised to buy it. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 247 \n\nThis year several citizens made contributions towards building \na new school-house, one offering a bell, others lime, bricks, paint, \nand stone, and one \" a raising dinner ; \" and the town, in May, \nvoted fifty pounds for this purpose. But a controversy arose about \nits location. The committee chosen to build it, selected the epot \n\" where the cage stood,\" a site north of the meeting-house. But \nthis invasion of the old place of punishment was warmly opposed. \nA town-meeting was called, July 14, to act upon the matter, when \nit was voted \" to null all the votes concerning the building of the \nnew school-house.\" To this, twenty-six citizens recorded their \ndissent, and to the whole action of the meeting. A new meeting \nwas called August 17; when it was voted to build on the Hill, \nnear the old house. The first committee then declined ; and the \nselectmen built one \" thirty feet long, twenty feet wide, twelve \nfeet stud, one floor of sleepers, and one floor of joist aloft.\" The \nbills were approved February 14, 1714, — the cost was =£104. 4. 11. \nThe undertaking was evidently a considerable one for the day. \nThe salary of the grammar master, at this period, was fifty \npounds, and four pounds were voted \" to pay for teaching children \nto write among our inhabitants near Reading.\" \n\n1714. The following Post Office advertisement appeared May \n31, in the Boston News Letter : — \n\n\" These are to give notice to all persons concerned, that the Post Office \nin Boston is opened every Monday morning from the middle of March to \nthe middle of September, at seven of the clock, to deliver out all letters that \ndo come by the post till twelve o'clock. From twelve to two o'clock being \ndinner time, no office kept. And from two o'clock in the afternoon to \nsix o'clock, the office will be open to take in all letters to go by the south- \nern and western post, and none to be taken in after that hour, excepting \nfor the eastern post, till seven at night.\" \n\n1715. At the annual March meeting, the town voted \" that \nthe selectmen should draw up something to prevent forestalling \nand engrossing provision before it is brought into the town, and \npresent the same to his Majesty's justices of the quarter sessions \nfor Middlesex, — desiring their confirmation thereof, and establish- \ning it as a by-law for the town.\" \n\nWilliam Cutlove was admitted an inhabitant \" and had liberty \nto set up a still-house without the Neck.\" \n\n1716. The town voted (by paper votes) June 21, 1715, to \nbuild a new meeting-house, and that \" it should stand as near the \nold one as can be, or where the old one stands, with such additions \n\n\n248 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nof land as shall be needful for it.\" A committee of eleven were \nchosen to build it, viz. : Col. John Phillips, Capt. Joseph Lynde, \nCapt. Nathaniel Carey, Capt. Samuel Phipps, Capt. Charles Cham- \nbers, Capt. Jonathan Dowse, Capt. Michael Gill, Doct. Thomas \nGraves, Capt. Samuel Frothingham, Mr. Daniel Russell, and Mr \nNathaniel Frothingham. This committee were instructed to col- \nlect what they could \" by voluntary subscriptions,\" in aid of this \nwork. The house was raised June 20, and used for public wor- \nship August 5. The committee reported, May 20, 1717, that the \nhouse was finished ; the cost, £ 1899. 3. 10, and that the contri- \nbutions amounted to £ 1925. 3. 0. It was seventy-two feet long, \nfifty-two feet wide, and had two galleries.^ \n\nThe Boston News Letter of August 27, 1716, contains the fol- \nlowing advertisement, — \n\n\" This is to give notice, that at the house of Mr. George Brownell, late \nschoolmaster in Hanover street, Boston, are all sorts of millinery works \ndone ; making up dresses, and flowering of muslin, making of furbelow'd \nscarfs, and quilting, and cutting of gentlewomen's hair in the newest \nfashion ; and also young gentlewomen and children taught all sorts of fine \nworks, as feather-work, filigree and painting on glass, embroidering in a \nnew way, Turkey work for handkerchiefs two ways, fine new fashion \npurses, flourishing and plain work, and dancing cheaper than ever was \ntaught in Boston, brocaded work for handkerchiefs, and short aprons upon \nmuslin, artificial flowers worked with a needle.\" \n\n1717. The town voted this year to \" make the Causeway at the \nNeck,\" and that the committee should \" have liberty to dig gravel \nfor said work any where in the town's land, provided they damnify no \nman in his property, nor the king's, or town's ways.\" Sixty pounds \nwere voted in May and sixty pounds in September for this purpose. \n\nMuch controversy occurred at this period as to which town \nshould be the shire-town of the county, Charlestown or Cambridge. \nJudge Sewall writes, June 12, that there was a hearing before the \nCouncil. \" Mr. Auchmuty pleaded very well for Charlestown. \nHis first discourse was very well worth hearing. Mr. Remington \nalleged and proved for Cambridge very pertinately and fully.\" \nOn the 13th the Council decided in favor of Cambridge. The \nnext day there was a spirited contest in the House of Deputies on \n\n1 Judge Sewall writes, under date of June 20, 1716, \" I went over to \nCharlestown in the morning, and drove a pin in Charlestown meeting- \nhouse, in the corner post next Mr. Bradstreet's. Gave an Angel (a gold \ncoin). I sat in the nearest shop and saw them raise the third post \ntowards the Ferry, from the corner post. Gave me a cool tankard.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN 249 \n\nthe question of concurring with the Council. Sewall writes : \n\"Could not tell by lifting up the hands, — were fain to divide the \nHouse. They for Cambridge went to the north side, — they for \nCharlestown to the south. Cambridge had forty-six — Charles- \ntown forty-one.\" \n\n1718. On the decease of a pauper, the following vote was pass- \ned by the selectmen : \" Ordered Nathaniel Dowse, Treasurer, to \nprovide for Joseph Fenton's funeral, a coffin, a grave, eight pairs \nof gloves, six gallons of good wine, and to get a pall, and bells \nringed for his interring by five of the clock the next day.\" \n\nThe sum of three pounds was voted for a school on Mystic side ; \neight pounds for one in the precinct near Reading, and sixty \npounds for the grammar schoolmaster. \n\n1719. At the annual March meeting, a motion was made by \nCol. Gill \" for having the Lecture at Charlestown to begin an hour \nsooner than heretofore : i. e. at eleven o'clock,\" which was passed, \nand the Hon. Jonathan Dowse, Esq., and Col. Michael Gill were \nappointed \" to treat with the ministers, and to signify to them the \ntown's consent \" to have the Lecture begin at this hour. \n\n1720. The project of building a bridge was renewed this year, \nand the town voted to instruct its representatives \" to promote the \nbuilding of a bridge over Charles river at the place where the \nFerry is now kept, viz. : from between Mr. Gees and Hudson's \nPoint to the landing place on this side, where the ferry boats gen- \nerally land their passengers, and at no other place.\" \n\n1721. At a town-meeting, August 14, after hearing the petition \nof \" sundry inhabitants on the north side of Mystic river, who \ndesired to be set off from this town to Maiden,\" it was unanimous- \nly voted that the request \" should not be granted.\" The petition- \ners applied, in 1723, to the General Court, and the town. May 8, \nappointed a committee \" to answer to the petition.\" \n\nAt a meeting, Sept. 27, it was voted that the town should take \nout its proportion of the last ,£50.000, loan, being ,£1135, and \nHenry Phillips, Ebenezer Austin, and John Fowle were appointed \ntrustees to receive it. Of this money, £ 135 were appropriated \nto build a house and barn at Lynn, on the town's farm ; £ 100 \nto supply the necessities of such as should have the small-pox; \n£ 900 to loan to citizens at five per cent, interest, — no person \nto have more than £30, — no one less than £ 10. \n32 \n\n\n250 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, \n\nThe town this year suffered from the ravages of the small-pox, \nand the selectmen, Dec. 25, directed the sexton not \" on any ac- \ncount whatsoever, without order from them, to toll above three \nbells in one day for the burial of any persons. It being represent- \ned to them a discouragement to those persons sick of the small- \npox. Among those who died of it were Rev. Joseph Stevens, one \nof the ministers of the town, and nearly all his family. \n\n1722. The selectmen paid for a pauper who died of the small- \npox, besides watching and attendance, £4. 12. 0; for gloves at \nthe funeral, 28s. ; for one gallon green wine, 6s. 6d., and one gal- \nlon of sweet wine, 6s. 6d. \n\nAt the annual March meeting the following vote was passed : — \n\n\" Voted, that no inhabitant of this town do presume to receive or enter- \ntain in their houses, any person or persons whatsoever in order to receive \nthe small-pox by inoculation, or otherwise, on pain or penally of twenty \nshillings, the one half for the use of the poor of said town, and the other \nhalf to him or them that shall inform and prosecute the same. And like- \nwise the same penalty of twenty shillings to be paid by any person or \npersons intruding themselves into said town, and found under the operation \nas aforesaid, to be recovered and disposed of as aforesaid.\" \n\n1723. The selectmen, Feb. 8, \"gave out a warrant to the con- \nstables of this town to warn a free negro, called Robin, at Daniel \nGreene's, to depart out of town.\" \n\n1724. The town voted to raise thirty pounds to \" buy an en- \ngine,\" — the first one it owned ; to buy a bell for the school-house,^ \nand build a belfry; to appropriate two acres of its farm \" at the \nWood-end,\" for \"a training-field and burying-place; \" to pull \ndown the old watch-house ; to choose a committee to act with the \ncounty committee to locate the new prison on the Town-house Hill. \n\nThis year the first insurance oflice established in America was \nopened in Boston by Joseph Marion, notary public. In 1748 this \nperson advertised that it \" was still held and kept by him at his \noffice, where money upon the bottoms of ships and vessels may be \nobtained for a reasonable premium ; which affair of merchandise, \nas well as other clerkship, the trading part and others, may be by \nhim furnished with fidelity and despatch,\" \" \n\n1725. The amount raised to defray the expenses of the town \nthis year was i€334. The schoolmaster's salary, the largest item, \nwas <£80,' the relief of the poor and the highways, .£70 each. \n\n1 The next year Mr. Daniel Russell presented the free school with a \nnew bell. 2 Boston Weekly News, Nov. 3, 1748. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 251 \n\nCaptain Benjamin Geary and fifty-three others petitioned that \nthey might be set off for a township, (afterwards Stoneham) ; and \nWilliam Paine and seventeen others, that they might be set off to \nMaiden. The town voted not to grant either petition. An agree- \nment, however, was made with the Stoneham petitioners, and the \nGeneral Court, December 1, 1725, passed the following act: \n\n\" In the House of Representatives : Whereas, the town of Charles- \ntown, within the county of Middlesex, is of great extent and length, and \nlies commodiously for two townships, and the northerly part thereof \nbeing competently filled with inhabitants who labor under great difficulties \nby their remoteness from the place of public worship ; and the said north- \nerly part have thereupon made their application to the said tovi-n, and have \nlikewise addressed this Court, that thay may be set off a distinct and sep- \narate town, and the inhabitants of Charlestown, by their agents, having \nconsented to their being set off accordingly, and a committee of this Court \nhaving viewed the northerly part of the said town of Charlestown, and \nreported in favor of the Petitioners : \n\n\" Resolved, That the northerly part of the town of Charlestown be \nerected into a separate and distinct township, by the name of ... . \nAnd that the bounds and limits of the said town of .... be accord- \ning to the agreement made by and between the agents, for and in behalf \nof the said town of Charlestown and the petitioners of the northerly part \nthereof, and that all the lands and meadows within the said town of \n. shall be and remain to such uses and appropriations as are in \nthe said agreement made and no other, and that the petitioners have leave \nto bring in a bill for erecting the lands within the bounds aforementioned \ninto a separate and distinct township by the name of . . . . accord- \ningly.\" \n\n1726. The town leased Joseph Frost the southerly side of \nPenny Ferry for twenty-five years, at five shillings a year, and the \nnortherly side to Samuel Sweetser for the same sum; both agree- \ning to maintain good ways to low water mark, and to keep good \nboats to accommodate the travel over the ferry. \n\nThe project was suggested this year of building a bridge over \nthis ferry (where Maiden bridge is), but the town voted in the \nnegative in relation to it. \n\nThe inhabitants of Medford petitioned the town that the lands \non the north side of Medford river might be added to their town, \nwhich was dismissed. The town also raised a committee to \noppose a petition presented to the General Court, praying that a \nportion of territory might be set off to Maiden ; and another to \nanswer the petition of Medford. The Maiden petitioners were \nsuccessful ; and the General Court, June 7, 1726, passed the fol- \nlowing act : \n\n\" On the petition of Joses Bucknam, Jacob Wilson, and Jonathan Bar- \n\n\n252 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nret on behalf of the town of Maiden, and that part of the town of Charles- \ntown on the north side of Mystic river, praying as entered Dec. 23, 1725. \nIn Council read again, together with the answer of the town of Charles- \ntown, and the same being duly considered, ordered, that the inhabitants \nof Charlestown within the limits described in this petition, witii their \nestates, and the lands belonging to the inhabitants of Maiden within the \nsame limits, be set off' from the said town of Charle.stown and joined to \nthe town of Maiden to all intents and purposes whatsoever ; provided that \nthe ferry called Penny Ferry, with the profits thereof, remain to the said \ntown of Charlestown, and that the way on the north side lately purchased \nby Charlestown lay open for the use of the said ferry.\" \n\nThe taxes of the town this year were : — \n\n\"Town Rate, £431 9 8 \n\nCounty Rate, 18 18 1 \n\nProvince Tax, 340 4 10 \n\n\nTotal, JC790 12 7.\" \n\n1727. The town voted fifty pounds to pave Fish-street, com- \nmencing at the little bridge by the ferry, and to extend until the \nsum be expended. \n\nThis year there were in the town four hundred and twelve rata- \nble polls, and thirty-five not ratable ; of these fifty-two were at sea. \n\nA record was made of the income of the town. This was \nclassed as \" The towns, the free school, and the poor.\" The \ntown's income was : rents of four farms, £ 77 ; five lots of land, \n.£ 2. 7. 6 ; White Island, £ 0. 16. 0 ; horse pasture, £ 0. 15. 0 ; Pen- \nny Ferry, =£10.0; money at interest, (<£ 246), £14.15.2; and \nthree lots of land of which the rent is not stated. The poor's \nincome was : rent of Lynn farm, £ 9 ; house bequeathed by Capt. \nSprague, .£18; money at interest, (£218.10), £13.2.2; the \nfree school's income was: rent of Lovell's island, £ 17: School \nlot, £5; School Marsh, £ 1. 10. 0 ; money at interest, (£357. 10), \n<£2l.9,' and Souhegan farm and two lots, the rent of which is not \ngiven. \n\n1728. In May it was voted to build an almshouse, — the first \none erected in the town. It was located in the square, \" fourteen \nfeet from the county house, lately built,\" and was fifty feet long, \nthirteen feet wide, and thirteen feet stud, with eight fire rooms. \nIt cost .£251, of which £ 108. 4.6 were raised by contributions. \n\nThe town voted \" That no hucksters, or other person whatsoever \nshall, within the town of Charlestown, buy, contract or bargain \nfor any sort of grain, meal, butter, fowl, mutton, veal, pork, \neggs, or any other sort of provision, while it is bringing between \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 253 \n\nCambridge, Medford, and deacon Jonathan Carey's, except per- \nsons that live between said places, for their own family's use, \nbefore two of the clock in the afternoon \" on penalty of 20s. for \neach offence. \n\n1729. The town voted that it would not \" keep the bellman to \ngo in the night the year ensuing.\" In the newspapers the article \nof \" fresh New York flour\" is advertised ; tea, cqffee, and choco- \nlate were common in the stores. \n\n1730. An appropriation, for several years, continued to be \nmade for paving. The only two streets that were partly paved at \nthis time, were Main-street and Joiner's-street. This year .£00 \nwere raised for this purpose. \n\nGovernor Belcher appointed commissioners to examine the \nforts and batteries; who reported, December 21, that on the \n12th they \" went to the battery in Charlestown and found the \nAvorks there entirely laid waste, but are of opinion that the said \nbattery be rebuilt in the same, or in some more convenient place.\" \nThe inventory of the stores was as follows : 6 cannon, 3 eighteen \npounders and 3 eight pounders; 65 eighteen pound shot and 10 \nchain shot; 4 sponges, 2 worms, 2 ladles, 4 rammers, 10 hand- \nspikes, 10 linch stocks ; an old shattered flag. \n\nOn September 17, the General Court granted to Charlestown \n£ 100 it having \" been sorely visited with the small-pox, which \noccasioned great distress \" for \" some months past.\" \n\n1731. A petition, signed by Capt. Joseph Whittemore and \nothers, was presented to the town, praying \" for a spot on the \nCommon to set a meeting-house on,\" This project, however, was \nabandoned. \n\n1732. At the annual town-meeting, in March, voted, \" That \nMr. Stephen Badger, Jr., be desired to read and set the psalms in \nthe meeting-house in the time of public worship,\" and that \"he \nbe excused his poll-tax so long as he officiates in said work.\" \n\n1733- The town built \" a ministerial house\" for the accom- \nmodation of Rev, Hull Abbott, fifty feet long, nineteen feet \nwide, and eighteen feet high, with a gamberell roof, with three \nstacks of chimneys, and a room ten feet square at the back side \nfor a study. \n\n1734. The town, at the annual meeting, March 4, 1733, voted \nto be at one half the expense towards building a new court-house, \n\n\n254 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthe present one standing \"in a very cold and uncomfortable \nplace; \" and appointed \" Richard Foster, Jr., Esq., Capt. William \nWyer, Capt. Ezekiel Cheever, Mr. Isaac Parker, and Capt. \nSamuel Frothingham,\" a committee to communicate this vote to - \nthe next Middlesex \" court of general sessions of the peace.\" \nThe latter agreed to pay one half the expense of building one in \nthe Charlestown market-place, provided that the said half did not \nexceed ^400, and that the town appropriated the land on which it \nwas built to the county's use forever. The town raised, at the May \nmeeting in 1734, £ 400 for this purpose. The committee appointed \nto do this work, reported July 14, 1735, that the whole expense \namounted to £ 939. 17. 4 ; four hundred pounds of which had been \npaid by the county treasurer, and \" twenty pounds by Daniel \nRussell as a gift.\" The court-house was fifty feet long. One \nhundred pounds were raised this year to pave the market-place. \n\nAt a meeting of the selectmen, June 17, voted, \" Whereas it hath \nbeen customary for years past to raise money by contributions to \npresent to our reverend ministers withal, for their fire-wood ; \nOrdered, that the town Clerk be directed to desire the deacons to \ninform the congregation thereof, that so it may be upon the next \nsabbath.\" \n\n1735. The town purchased a new fire-engine — the second \none in town — and raised <£1 17. 25. 9, to pay for it. Daniel Rus- \nsell and Thomas Jenner gave forty pounds, in addition, towards \nthe purchase. \n\n173G. There was a controversy concerning the proceedings of \nthe annual March meeting. Much time was spent in debate re- \nspecting the construction of a recent law relating to the qualifica- \ntion of voters ; and before the moderator was chosen the select- \nmen decided that \" such who had a ratable estate amounting to \nthe value of twenty pounds should be admitted to vote.\" Under \nthis decision, the choice of officers was made. But this was not \nacquiesced in. The selectmen petitioned the General Court to \nconfirm the proceedings of the annual meeting; while the dissatis- \nfied citizens, also, stated their objections. Both parties \" were \nadmitted into the House and fully heard.\" The decision of the \nGeneral Court was, that the meeting was irregular, and that \" the \nproceedings be deemed null and void.\" It ordered the selectmen \nfor 1735, to call a new meeting. One was accordingly held March \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 255 \n\n31, when the same selectmen, that were elected at the first meet- \ning, were re-elected, and most of the other officers. \n\nThe town voted to raise twenty-five pounds to establish a school \nwithout the Neck. It is the first notice of a school in this section \nof the town. \n\nOn June 11, at a town-meeting, a petition was read of William \nDickson and others, of the westerly part of the town, praying \n\" that the town would dismiss them with their lands from any \ncharge for the future to the support of the gospel ministry in this \ntown.\" It was voted \"that the said petition be dismissed, for that \nthe ministers of Charlestown are supported by a free contribution, \nof which the said petitioners pay no part.\" \n\nThe selectmen passed the following vote : — \n\n\" Whereas, complaint being made that some ill-minded persons on the \nevenings of the 20th and 21st inst. last past, a great number of stones and \nbrickbats was thrown into the windows and doors of the dwelling-house^ \nwhich the Rev. Mr. Hull Abbot lives in, which endangered their lives and \nlimbs, and which much damnified the windows, all which being against the \npeace of our Sovereign Lord the King, and against the laws of this prov- \nince, in that case made and provided. Then was a warrant directed to \nthe constables of the town to keep a watch to the number of six men \neach and every night until further order.\" \n\nThere was a great day of rejoicing on account of the marriage \nof the Prince of Wales with the Princes of Saxe-Gotha. The \nBoston Evening Post says of Charlestown : \" The town-house was \nfinely illuminated, as also the dwelling-houses of persons of the \nfirst rank.\" \n\n1737. At the March meeting it was \"put to vote by yea and \nnay, whether Capt. Samuel Henly and Capt. James Flucker may \nhave liberty to purchase a privilege in the meeting-house, on the \nback of the men's seats below, to build a pew for conveniency of \ntheir families.\" Yeas, 28 — nays, 25. \n\n1738. At the May meeting, a petition was presented from a \nnumber of citizens of this town, and of Medford, praying that sev- \neral tracts of land might be added to Medford ; and one from \nStoneham praying that \" the five ranges and half of wood lots \nlying between Stoneham and Medford might be added to Stone- \nham.\" Both petitions were refused by the town. \n\nIn August, a robber was convicted of stealing from a dwelling- \nhouse in this town in the night; and on Friday, Sept. 16, after \nhearing \" in the morning a sermon suitable to his circumstances. \n\n\n256 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nfrom Job, xxxi. 14,\" was executed in the afternoon at Cam- \nbridge. \n\nA project was entertained of establishing a ferry, or of building \na bridge, from \"the copper works\" in the westerly part of Boston, \nto the farm of Hon. Spencer Phipps, in Cambridge. At a special \nmeeting the town voted to oppose both of these plans, and to in- \nstruct a committee if they saw fit, to petition the General Court for \nliberty to \" receive subscriptions \" to build a bridge \" from Charles- \ntown to Boston.\" \n\n1739. At the March meeting the town refused to grant \" a \npiece of land upon the Common just without the Neck, suitable to \nset a meeting-house upon for a number of the inhabitants, who are \ndesirous to have one there.\" The petition for this privilege is in \nthe hand-writing of John Alford. \n\n1740. An elaborate Report, dated May 12, on the finances of \nthe town was put on record. The town's income from land and \nmoney was £ 196. 19. 10. The free school's income was ^71. 4. \nThe poor's income was £97.2.2. Total, £365. 6. There- \nport states that the annual charge for the support of the poor \nand the school was about £800. A large number of citizens pe- \ntitioned for a town-meeting to see whether the town taxes must \nbe paid in land bank, or manufactory bills. \n\nThe Boston Evening Post, of July 7, states that \" Capt. Chee- \n\nver of Charlestown had discovered the villains that broke open his \n\nsugar-house about a fortnight ago, and they prove to be three \n\nnegro fellows of this town, (Boston) who have made a confession \n\nof the whole affair.\" A subsequent number of this newspaper \n\ngives the sequel of this case and of another : — \n\n\" This morning about seven o'clock, John Hayes, a noted thief, re- \nceived twenty stripes at the public whipping-post, for business done in \nthe way of his profession, which were faithfully laid on. And much \nabout the same time, the three negro fellows who broke open Capt. Chee- \nver's and Mr. Gooch's sugar-houses, some time since, were tickled at the \nsaid post in a very easy and genteel manner, to the praise of the polite ex- \necutioner, and encouragement of other negroes to deserve the like honor.\" \n\nA Boston merchant advertised, as just imported, \" A neat assort- \nment of Broad cloths, German : Serges Long Ells • Duroys : Hair & \nWorsted Plush Honey Combs: Shalloons: Tammeys Fustians: \nStriped Hollands : Florettas : Russels : Buttons & Mohair : & Shirt \nButtons.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAKLESTOWN. 257 \n\n1741. Oldmixon, in his History,^ furnishes the following de- \nscription of this town : — \n\n\" Charlestown, the mother of Boston, is much more populous than \nCambridfTC, and exceeds it much in respect of trade, being situated be- \ntween two rivers, Mystic river and Charles river, and parted from Boston \nonly by the latter, over which there is a ferry so well tended, that a bridge \nwould not be much more convenient, except in winter, when the ice will \nneither bear nor suffer a boat to move through it. Though the river is \nmuch broader about the town, it is not wider in the ferry passage than the \nThames between London and Southwark. The profits of this ferry be- \nlong to Harvard College in Cambridge, and are considerable. The town \nis so large as to take up all the space between the two rivers. ' Tis \nbeautified, with a handsome large church, a market-place by the river side, \nand two long streets leading down to it. The inferior court is kept here the \nsecond Tuesday in March and December, and the superior the last Tues- \nday in January. Capt. Uring writes that \" Charlestown is divided from \nBoston by a large navigable river, which runs several miles up the coun- \ntry. It is near half as big, but not so conveniently situated for trade, \nthough capable of being made as strong, it standing also on a peninsula. \n' Tis said one thousand A'essels clear annually from these two towns only, \nmore than from all the European Colonies in America not in English \nhands.\" \n\n1742. The town voted, July 12, to receive two hundred pounds \nappropriated by the General Court towards building a fortification \nin town, and to request the Governor to order it in such place as \nhe shall see fit. A committee reported to the town in favor of a \n\" platform and breastwork, one hundred and twenty feet front.\" \n\nThe selectmen ordered that \" Mr. William Hopping and com- \npany, who have the care of the water engines, be desired to repair \nthe town's engine with iron tire to the wheels, and Mr. Lemmon's \nengine with new cog-wheels ; and also provide a new ladder, two \nfire-hooks and poles, for the town's service.\" \n\nAt a meeting of the selectmen, and Jonathan Dowse and Joseph \nLemmon, Esquires, \" two of his Majesty's justices for the county \nof Middlesex, Mr. Thomas Symmes was granted liberty to erect \na Potter's kiln on his own land near his dwelling-house.\" \n\n1743. Mr. Isaac Royal presented the town one hundred pounds, \nand the latter, iVIay 10, voted to appropriate it towards building a \nnew ministerial house. Mr. Royal was representative, and gave \nfor several years the amount of his pay to the town. He also gave \nin 1 745, £ 80 to the School at the Neck. \n\nThe town paid forty-three shillings for making a pair of stocks. \n\n1 Vol. I. p. 192. \n33 ' \" \n\n\n258 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThe selectmen, September 5, passed the following vote : — \n\n\" Ordered that the town treasurer pay unto the Hon. Ezekiel Cheever, \nEsq., the sum of fifteen pounds, to be by him delivered unto the chiefs of \nthe three fire en^inemen, belonging- to Boston, for their forwardness and \nassistance at the late fire in this town, and that they have the thanks of \nthe selectmen (in behalf of the town) for their seasonable help.\" \n\nA fire society — the Ancient Fire Society — was formed in this \ntown, November 8 ; it is the first notice of an institution of the \nkind in town I have met with. \n\nA tavern was kept near Medford bridge, owned by Isaac Royal, \nhaving the sign of Admiral Vernon. The advertisement read : \n\n\" Any persons before-handed, so as to lay in a good stock of \nliquors and other necessaries for a tavern, may meet with proper \nencouragement from Isaac Royal, Esq.\" The next advertisement \nis that a person \" has a handsome mourning coach, with a pair of \ngood horses, to let out to any funeral at ten shillings, old tenor, \neach funeral.\" ^ \n\n1744. In February the journals note the appearance of a \nComet, which was so large and bright as to be seen in the day- \ntime \" with its lucid train.\" It was a time when the eloquent \nWhitfield and his contemporaries were preaching ; and the Post \nsays : \" It gives much uneasiness to timorous people, especially \nwomen, who will needs have it, that it portends some dreadful \njudgments to this our land.\" The editor was rather disposed to \nregard it, if it made people more just and frugal, as \" the most \nprofitable itinerant preacher and friendly new-light that had yet \nappeared.\" \n\nThe town voted to repair the almshouse, enclose it \" with a \nsuitable fence, to extend from the southwesterly corner of the prison \nfence, as far as the school-house or highway, and so on a square ; \" \nand to use it for a workhouse. \n\nAt a meeting of the selectmen, \" Capt. John Codman (by order \nof the Hon. Col. Spencer Phipps, Esq.) moved, that they provide \na stock of powder for one hundred and eighty-five men, being the \nnumber of listed soldiers under his command.\" \n\n1745. A legal meeting was called, February 14, on a petition \nof forty-seven of the citizens, at the court-house, \" to know what \nencouragement \" the town would give to induce men to enlist, and \n\n1 Boston Evening Post, Nov. 21. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 259 \n\n\" proceed in the intended expedition against Cape Breton, under \nMr. Bartholomew Trow,\" who had orders to raise a company. \nIt was voted to raise, by a tax, twenty shillings as a bounty to each \nman who enlisted ; and Mr. Samuel Dowse offered to advance \" the \nmoney aforesaid for the aforesaid service,\" and \"stay for the same \nuntil the tax be made and collected.\" \n\n1746. The records contain notices of citizens sent this year to \nthe workhouse, and of the purchase of oakum to keep them in \nemployment. John Chamberlain was appointed \" assistant or \nmaster \" of it, and the chief direction was placed under the over- \nseers of the poor. Regulations were drawn up by the selectmen \nfor the government of the workhouse, and accepted at the annual \nmeeting in March, 1747. \n\n1747. Under date of October 12, Joseph Calef, leather-dresser, \nof this town, advertised that his house had been broken open, and \n\" one dozen yellow sheep skins, one dozen cloth colored thin skins \nfor gloves, ten sheep-skins, cloth colored, for breeches, very much \nupon the red,\" and one hundred pounds, had been stolen. \n\nA committee appointed to build and sell pews in the meeting \nhouse, reported that they had received c£716, for the sale of pews. \nThe highest sum any brought was £ 144, — the lowest £ 124. The \nmoney thus obtained, after paying the heir of Rev. Joseph Stevens \nfor a pew for the use of the ministry, was appropriated to repair \nthe meeting-house. \n\nThe town, for several years, endeavored to get \" a machine to \nweigh hay with.\" It raised this year two hundred pounds to pay \n\"Nathaniel Wales of Boston,\" for one to be \" completed every \nway as good \" as one lately erected at Roxbury. James Bradish \nagreed to take care of it for one half of the earnings. \n\n1748. An addition of £ 100 was made to the salary of the \ngrammar school-master, the school-house was repaired, and a com- \nmittee, — Mr. Thaddeus Mason, Capt. Ebenezer Kent, Mr. Samuel \nBradstreet, Capt. Edward Sheafe, and Mr. James Russell, — were \nappointed to visit the school once, at least, a quarter, to examine \nit, and the children that were admitted to it. \n\nNotwithstanding the by-laws made against forestallers they con- \ntinued to increase. The following paragraphs from the Boston \nEvening Post show public feeling on this subject : — \n\n\" It has been computed, that there are above one thousand able bodied \n\n\n260 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nmen in the towns not far from Boston who have wholly left off labor, \nand are turned butchers, and forestallers ; and that their practice is, to \nbuy up, at any rate, cattle, sheep, calves, fowls, &c., (dead or alive) to \nsell out at an exorbitant price in Boston. This is a most pernicious \npractice, and a very growing evil, which it is high time some effectual \nmethods were found out to prevent. \n\n\" Last week, one Mr. Kill-mad-Ox, a Roxbury butcher, having bought \nthirty-five sheep in a neighboring town, was driving 'em home to kill for \nthis market ; but being met by some of the faculty, they offered him forty \nshillings a-head more for the sheep than they cost him (=G70. 6s.,) know- \ning that Boston must pay for all at last ; which he modestly accepted of \nand delivered 'em tlie sheep. Poor Boston ! that lies at the mercy of \nsuch blood-hounds, — these dregs of human nature, — the very sweep- \nings of the creation.\" \n\n1749. The selectmen \" approbated and allowed Mr. Matthew \nGushing to keep a private school in this town to instruct youth in \nreading, writing, and cyphering, and other science, he having been \nrecommended as a person of sober and good conversation.\" \n\nA fire broke out in a building owned by Captain John Codman, \nwhich consumed several shops. The loss was six thousand pounds \nold tenor. \n\nThe Boston Evening Post of October 30, has the following \nadvertisement : — \" To be sold by Samuel Henly, Ezekiel \nCheever, Jr., and Francis Dizer, of Charlestown, a parcel of \nlikely negro boys and girls just imported from Africa.\" \n\n1750. The town voted to maintain two schools within the \nNeck, — a grammar-school to be kept in the old town-house, and \na writing-school in the school-house. Matthew Gushing was \nappointed the grammar-master, and Abijah Hart the writing- \nmaster, — each to have sixty pounds salary. The next year, \nhowever, there was but one school within the Neck, and Seth \nSweetser was the master. \n\nMr. Eleazer Phillips of this town, in a letter to the Boston \nEvening Post, dated December 20, 1750, recommended the culti- \nvation of silk. He stated that he brought eggs from Philadelphia, \nand procured two crops in a summer ; and concluded by saying : \n\" I believe we may easily raise enough to over-balance our trade to \nour mother country, and believe they would encourage it.\" \n\n1751. The county court applied to the town to appropriate a \npart of the lower floor of the court-house, ten feet wide and eighteen \nfeet long, for an office in which to keep the county records. The \ntown gave its consent. \n\nEbenezer Kinnersley, in a long advertisement, proposed to give \n\n\nHISTORy OF CHARLESTOWN, 261 \n\ntwo lectures in Faneuil Hall, Boston, \" On the newly discovered \nelectrical fire.\" Twenty experiments were promised in the first \nlecture, three of which were as follows : — / \n\n\" XVIII. The salute repulsed by the ladies' fire ; or fire darting from a \nlady's lips, so that she may defy any person to salute her. \n\n\" XIX. Eight musical bells rung by an electrified phial of water. \n\n\" XX. A battery of eleven guns discharged by fire issuing out of a \nperson's finger.\" i \n\n1752. The present method of dating commenced. Previous to \nthis time the year was reckoned to begin March 25. Hence, on the \ntown records there is a date of March 14, 1750, and the next one, \nApril 1, 1751, — both 1751. The first date this year is January \n6, 1752. \n\nThe small-pox raged in town this year, A vessel having the \ndisease on board, arrived in November, 1751, and a citizen on the \n9th was sick with it. The selectmen took prompt means to pre- \nvent its increase, by removing the patient to \" Penny Ferry \nHouse,\" on the north side of Mystic river. Others, however, \ncaught the disorder, and \"high fences\" were placed across the \nstreets near the infected houses, and \" a flag hung out according \nto law.\" But the disease baffled all efforts to check it ; and for \nmonths the records are full of notices of what was done for the \npoor, the sick, and the dead. The bells ceased to be tolled at \nfunerals, and in some cases burials were made at midnight. That \nthe people without the Neck might vote, without danger, \" with \ntheir brethren,\" a town-meeting was called, June 9, at the house \nJabez Whittemore, It was adjourned \" to the Common under the \ngreat tree.\" The selectmen, August 20, ordered, \" That no per- \nsons in the town presume to inoculate themselves, or any of their \nfamilies,\" without their consent. In September the disease abated; \nand on the 14th the selectmen allowed the sexton \" to ring and toll \nthe bell as usual.\" A contribution for the poor, during this dis- \ntressing season, of =£43. 11. 7 was received from Watertown. \n\n1753. The selectmen ordered, January 5, \" that it be adver- \ntised in two of the newspapers, that the public may be informed \nthat the inhabitants of this town are all well of the small-pox, and \nthe houses well cleansed.\" \n\nThe Boston Gazette, of January 16, 1753, has the following in- \nteresting communication : — \n\n\n1 Boston Evening Post of October 7. \n\n\n262 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\" Sir — That the public may be acquainted with the state of the case, \nrespecting the late visitation of Providence by the small-pox in (>harles- \ntown, and that a revenue of glory may be given to God, through the \nthanksgivings of many, for the singular gentleness and moderation of that \nmalignant disease among us. You are desired to insert the following ac- \ncount of it in your next paper. \n\n\" It stands thus : 624 persons have been visited with it, from its begin- \nning in May, 1752, to its removal in December following. Of these, 317 \nhave had it in the natural way, and 307 had it by inoculation. In the \nnatural way, 17 have died, which (without descending to fractions) is \nabout 1 in 18, or 5 in 100. In the inoculated way 5 died, which is about \n1 in 61, or 1 and almost two-thirds in 100. And the proportion of all that \ndied, to the whole number visited hi both ways, is about 1 in 28. \nN. 13. Of the above there were 47 negroes and 1 Indian, and not one of \nthem died with it. \n\n\" There were 85 that remained within the Neck, that were not visited \nwith it. And about 355 removed out of the town to escape it, and but \ntwo of them died while absent ; both of which went away under the lan- \nguishments of a consumption. \n\n\" The bill of mortality then amounted to but 65, near to which it com- \nmonly arose in other years ; and when other epidemical sicknesses have \nprevailed among us, it has been augmented much above it. \n\n\" So that the mercies of the Lord herein, have been distinguishingly \ngreat to us, as well as to our neighbor town : may the riches of divine \npatience and goodness lead us all to repentance.\" \nCharlestown, January 15, 1753. \n\nThomas Symmes, in behalf of the deacons of the church, pe- \ntitioned the General Court for liberty to burn about thirty-five \npounds, old tenor, of broken bills of credit collected for the sup- \nport of public worship, \"which by accident had been eaten by \nrats\" so that their exact value could not be ascertained ; and pray- \ned for an allowance of this amount out of the public treasury. \nThe court allowed six pounds for them, and ordered them burnt. \n\nA tax was levied for several years on carriages to support a \nlinen manufactory in Boston. From the returns of this rate, it \nappears there were in this town this year, one chariot, thirteen \nchaises, and seventy-one chairs. There were not so many assessed \nin the four succeeding years. In 1757 there were taxed for this \npurpose, in this Colony, six coaches, eleven chariots, three hun- \ndred and twenty-six chaises, and nine hundred and seventy chairs. \n\n1754. Petitions were read in town-meeting from Cambridge \nand Medford, praying that certain lands belonging to this town \nmight be set off to those towns. The town adopted answers to \nthese petitions, and appointed a committee to present them to the \nGeneral Court. Stoneham also prayed for a portion of this town. \nAn old document, without date, states that Cambridge asked for \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 263 \n\ntwelve hundred acres, and Medford twenty-eight hundred acres. \nThe Medford petitioners were successful. A track lying on the \nnorth and south side of Mystic river was set off to that town ; and \nCharlestown was relieved from the charge of maintaining any part \nof the bridge standing over Mystic river, and the Causeway on the \nnorth side of this river. \n\nThe town, March 4, voted \" that the old town-house be improv- \ned for a spinning-school ; \" and the sum of fifty pounds, old tenor, \nand no more, to repair the same for that purpose.\" At a meeting, \nMay 30, Hon. Daniel Russell, chairman of the committee of the \nspinning-school, stated to the town the progress that it had made, \nand the encouragement to proceed further ; and presented the \ntown \" with the thanks of the society or undertakers \" for what had \nbeen done. \n\nAt a town-meeting, October 14, a proposed \" Excise Bill on \nspirituous liquors, and also his Excellency's speech relative there- \nto,\" were read ; when it was voted, unanimously, to oppose the \nbill, and the representative was instructed \" to use his utmost en- \ndeavor that the same do not pass.\" Governor Shirley, who had \ndenounced the bill as inconsistent with the natural rights of every \nfamily, was thanked \" for his paternal care of his government.\" \nThe object of the proposed law was not to restrict the sale of \nliquors, but to collect a tax on the consumers of it; and one pro- \nvision of it authorized the collector to require every householder \nto return, under oath, the quantity used in his family that had been \npurchased of a licensed dealer. \n\n1755. The town appropriated one hundred pounds for the pur- \npose \"of building fish-market houses on the town's lands on Wil- \nloughby Creek,\" near the old Ferry. \n\nThe selectmen voted, May 19, \"that they would all wait on \nMadam Temple, to return thanks in behalf of the town for her late \nhusband, Robert Temple, Esq., his donation of £ 20, L. M., to \nthe ten poorest widows in this town.\" , \n\nThe selectmen received, November 24, a notification from a \ncommittee, appointed by the General Court, respecting the French \nNeutrals, — inhabitants cruelly removed from their homes in \nNova Scotia, and distributed among the Colonies. The proportion \nof Massachusetts was about one thousand, and of this town, \ntwelve. The selectmen ordered them, \" for the present, put into \n\n\n264 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthe workhouse and supplied with necessaries.\" It was agreed \nthat each selectman should have the care of them a week at a time. \n\nAn extraordinary execution took place this year. Captain John \nCodman, of this town, an active military officer and respected citi- \nzen, had three negro domestics, Mark, Phillis and Phcebe, who \npoisoned him by arsenic. Mark procured the drug and the fe- \nmales administered it. Phosbe, said to have been the most guilty, \nbecame evidence against the others, and was transported to the \nWest Indies. The Boston Evening Post, of September 22, con- \ntains the following account of the execution : — \n\n\" Thursday last, in the afternoon, Mark, a negro man, and Phillis, a \nnegro woman, both servants to the late Captain John Codman of Charles- \ntown, were executed at Cambridge for poisoning their said master, as \nmentioned in this paper some weeks ago. The fellow was hanged, and \nthe woman was burned at a stake about ten yards distant from the gallows. \nThey both confessed themselves guilty of the crime for which they suffer- \ned, acknowledged the justice of their sentence, and died very penitent. \nAfter execution, the body of Mark was brought down to Charlestowu \nCommon, and hanged in chains on a gibbet erected there for that purpose.\"! \n\n1756. Twenty-two citizens petitioned that, in case there was \nhereafter an impress of men ordered, this town would obtain \nits quota by a tax, \" as a more just and equitable way than had \nformerly been used.\" \n\n1757. The town sold the horse-pasture, situated at Moulton's \nPoint, for £ 70 to Captain Samuel Henly. \n\nA town-meeting was held, March 10, relative to enlisting men \nfor \"the intended expedition \" of Lord Loudon, when it was voted \nunanimously, \" at least 123 voters \" being present, to \" allow a \nsum not exceeding ten pounds, lawful money, besides the province \nbounty \" to such persons as enlisted. It was also voted to raise \n£ 44, old tenor, to reimburse Messrs. Codman and Townsend for \nmoney advanced by them \" for the last impress of men in this \ntown.\" The sum of .£825, old tenor, was appropriated for the \nmen enlisted under Lord Loudon. The names of the men that \nenlisted were, Thomas Lord, Thomas Edes, Samuel Baker, Abra- \nham Edes, Benjamin Peirce, Joseph Leathers, Thomas Orgin, \nBarret Rand, John Sherman, Joseph Rand, Jr., William Symmes, \nNathan Bullen. \n\n1 Dr. Bartlett's Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXII. p. 167. He says the \nplace where Mark was suspended was \" on the northerly side of Cam- \nbridge road, about a quarter of a mile above our peninsula, and the gibbet \nremained till a short time before the Revolution.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 265 \n\n1758. The town voted to apply to the General Court for liberty \nfor a lottery to raise money to pave the highway or \" county road,\" \nMain-street, \" from the pavements and upwards to the Causeway,\" \nat the Neck, In their petition, this street was represented to be \nin a bad condition. \n\nEight leather buckets were bought for the town's engine, located \nnear Cape Breton tavern. There were three fire-engines, manned \nby twenty-four men. Governor Pownal excused the latter by a \nspecial order, from doing military duty during the time they be- \nlonged to the engines. \n\nThe town voted, April 17, that eight dollars be paid to each \nman that enlisted in the Canada expedition, — not exceeding the \nnumber called for, forty-eight. \n\n1759. The First Parish of Cambridge, for the third time within \nten years, asked the General Court to annex a portion of this town \nadjoining it to Cambridge to pay minister's taxes. The town op- \nposed this petition by a strong remonstrance, signed by Edward \nSheaffe, Jr., John Foye and Ebenezer Kent. It is too long to in- \nsert entire. In reference to the prospects of the town, it stated : — \n\n\" That the circumstances of this town are growing worse every day by \na decay in trade, occasioned by great and heavy losses at sea, so that the \nnumber of tons of shipping owned in this town is little more than half as \nmany as when we answered Cambridge second petition. Also by an in- \ncrease of many poor widows, ^ occasioned by the death of our seafaring \nmen, many of whom died in a miserable captivity in this war, especially \nthose taken in the service of this government in the Snow Prince of \nWales ; so that the sum raised for the support of the poor this year (though \nhigher than in any former years) will not answer that end by more than \nfifty pounds, L. M. Add to this, that since the second petition aforesaid \nthis Honorable Court set off from this town to the town of Medford, as \nmany acres of land as now remain within our contracted limits. These \ndistressing circumstances prevent our doing what we apprehend equal \nfor our reverend ministers — the sum we pay them being no way equal \nto what is paid by the First Parish in Cambridge to the Rev. Mr. Ap- \npleton. The number of widows, the particular causes of our distressed \ncircumstances, have been so lately laid before this Hon. Court (to which, \nif need be, we refer) we think it needless to say more on this head.\" \n\nThe committee say in reference to the support of public worship : \n\n\" That although the practice in this town, at present, is to pay our rev- \nerend minister's salary by a voluntary contribution, we are very appre- \nhensive that if our circumstances continue to decay, or our reverend minis- \nters should require a competent support, we should be obliged to come to \nthe disagreeable method of taxing our people ; and shall then have occasion \n\n1 In 1753 there were one hundred and thirty-one widows within the Neckt \n34 \n\n\n'^Q6 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nfor every acre of land now within the very contracted limits of this town \nto enable us to support the gospel among ourselves.\" \n\nNear the conclusion the committee remark : — \n\n*' Your respondents are not conscious that we, or our ancestors, have \never done any thing to offend the government, or to induce this Honorable \nCourt to reduce this town in such a manner, that from its being the second \ntown settled in the Old Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, and one of the \nlargest in this county, to be one of the smallest in the whole province.\" \n\nIn a Diary kept in this town there is the following record : — \n\n\" Men that went from Charlestown upon the expedition, 1759 : sailed \nfrom the Castle 24th of April. \n\nCapt. Thomas Cheever, Lieut. John Trumbull, Joseph Rand, Jr., \n\nRichard Kettle, Nath'l Rand, Jr., Joseph Frothingham, \n\nSoloman Phipps, Tho. Brazer, Stephen Sweetser, \n\nRobert Standley, Samuel Ellis, Edmund Peney, \n\nNathaniel Lamson, James Manning, Anderson Linch, \n\nJames Peirce, Jacob Rhodes, John Hollowman, \n\nWm. Gibson, Jr., Wm. Dunlap, Thos. Capon, \n\nIsaiah Tufts, Samuel Trumbull, John Kettle, \n\nRobert Smith, Benjamin Dowse, John Flinn, \n\nJoshua Hooper, Joshua Scottow, Monroe.\" \n\nThe guns at Castle William and the Battery at Boston and \nCharlestown were fired, Sept. 22, upon receiving the news of a \nvictory being gained by Prince Ferdinand. \n\n1760. The subject of the salary of the ministers was often \nbrought before the town. The money was raised by tax (see page \n160) but a few years ; and then down to the present time by vol- \nuntary contribution. This was taken up in the church, and some- \ntimes fell short of the sum the town agreed to give them, when the \nselectmen officially notified the deacons, and they stated the deficien- \ncy to the congregation. This year a new method appears to have \nbeen proposed ; for a committee, of which Richard Gary was chair- \nman, was appointed to wait upon each church-goer, and see what \nhe would \" put into the contribution box each Sabbath ; \" and the \ntown in May, authorized the deacons to give the ministers \" equal- \nly between them \" what money was collected the day previous, and \npresent an account of the collections at the annual meeting. The \nweekly contributions received \" by the box\" from March 22, 1752, \nto May 12, 1760, were ^9059.4.7; from May 12, 1760, to May \n18, 1761, were ^1590.18.4; from May 25, 1761, to May 10, \n1762, were £ 1513. 15. 6 ; and in 1763 were £ 1356. 14. \n\nThe town voted to build an engine-house \" on the Green before \nCape Breton Tavern,\" near the Bunker Hill House. \n\nThe Boston News Letter of July 17, 1760, contains a long ad- \n\n\n1 Prize \n\n1 \" \n\n2 Prizes \n\n15 \" \n\n12 \" \n\n12 \" \n\n10 \" \n\n202 \" \n\n1000 \" \n\n1255 Prizes, \n\n4745 Blanks. \n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 267 \n\nvertisement in relation to the \" Scheme of a Lottery,\" which the \ntown had permission to make to raise money for paving the high- \nway in this town from the Ferry to the Neck. The managers \nwere James Russell, Caleb Call, Isaac Foster, Nathaniel Rand, \nDavid Newall, Samuel Kent and Jabez Whittemore. Jt may be \ncurious to read the plan of \" Charlestown Lottery, No. One,\" It \nwas described as follows : — \n\n*' It consists of 6000 Tickets, at two dollars each, 1255 of which are \nbenefit tickets of the following value, viz. : \n\nof 1000 Dollars, is \n\n\" 500 \" \" \n\n'' 250 \" are \n\n\" 100 \" \" \n\n\" 50 \" \" \n\nit 20 a u \n\n\" 10 \" \" \n\namounting to \n\n6000 Tickets at 2 Dollars each is \n\nTo be paid in Prizes \n\nRemain, \n\nto be applied to the purpose aforesaid.\" \n\nThe managers stated that \" as gold as well as silver will be re- \nceived for tickets, the prizes will be paid off in like manner. \nThey also stated : \n\n\" As this lottery is formed for a public benefit, the way being a consid- \nerable part of the year extremely founderous, miry and bad, the most diffi- \ncult to pass with carriages of any between the Ferry and Portsmouth, and \ncalculated so much in favor of adventurers, the managers doubt not of a \nspeedy sale of the tickets, and that they shall be able to draw in a short \ntime.\" \n\nThere was a great fire in Boston, in the spring, and under date \nof April 4, it is stated that \"the money collected on the pub- \nlic Fast for the suiferers by the late great fire at Boston, was \n^664. 14s.\" \n\n176L At the May meeting the money voted for town expenses \nwas as follows : — \n\nL. M. Old Tenor. \nSchool within the Neck, . . £6Q. 13. 4 500 \nSchool without the Neck, . . 24 . 180 \nTown Treasurer's salary, . . 10 . 75 \n\n\n1000 Dollars. \n\n500 \n\n500 \n\n1500 \n\n600 \n\n480 \n\n200 \n\n2020 \n\n4000 \n\n10,800 Dollars. \n\n12,000 Dollars. \n\n10,800 \n\n(( \n\n1200 Dollars, \n\n10 \n\n. \n\n75 \n\n20 \n\n, \n\n150 \n\n80 \n\n600 \n\n186. \n\n13. 4 \n\n1400 \n\n1. \n\n10 0 \n\n11.5 \n\n13. \n\n6.8 \n\n100 \n\n8. \n\n13. 4 \n\n65 \n\n29. \n\n6. 8 \n\n220 \n\n268 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nTown Clerk's salary, \nHighways, .... \nContingent charges, \nSupply for the Poor, \nLooking after the Clock, \nPublic Buildings and Repairs, \nSexton and Town Messenger, \nSundries, \n\n.£450. 3. 4 <£3376. 5 \n\n1763, The wife of one of the ministers, Rev, Hull Abbott, died \nthis year, and the selectmen voted to bury her at the expense of \nthe town, and to conform to former precedents in this town of the \nlike nature. It was also voted, that if inhabitants of other par- \nishes should think themselves aggrieved by a tax for this purpose, \nthat their proportion should be abated. The sum raised for the \nfuneral was .£414. 4. 10. old tenor : orc£55. 4. 7. lawful money. \n\n1764. The small-pox was in Boston, and the selectmen, March \n19, ordered \" the Crier by crying it through the town, notify the \ninhabitants to have their chimneys swept, as their being on fire, if \nthe small-pox spreads, may be of dangerous consequence.\" At a \nspecial town-meeting it was voted, that the selectmen may give \nliberty to the inhabitants to inoculate, if the small-pox comes into \nthis town.\" At another meeting, April 4, it was voted to permit \n*' the inhabitants to go into inoculation for themselves and fami- \nlies,\" to begin \" next Saturday afternoon ;\" and that \" none, either \ninhabitants or strangers, be inoculated in this town after the 25th \nof this month.\" The distemper did not rage with its usual vio- \nlence, and the town-clerk soon advertised in the Boston journals \nthat the town was free from it. \n\nAn important change was made in the public school this year. \nThe school-house was repaired, and the old town-house fitted suit- \nable for a new school-room ; and instead of an usher, William \nHarris, the father of the late venerable Dr. Thaddeus Mason \nHarris, was appointed \"to instruct in writing and cyphering.\" \nThe town records have the following account : — \n\n\" August 20, 1764. This day the selectmen, accompanied by the \nRev. Mr. Prentice, and some other gentlemen of the town, visited the \nschool, and after good advice given the children, and solemn prayers to \nGod for his blessing, they gave Mr. William Harris the care of the \nwriting-school.\" Seth Sweelser, the town clerk, was the reading-master. \n\n\nI'foy,. ?Z9 \n\n\n/// ' ///('///////(' U///a r/ / ^/-i/zr// / // • ////r/, \n\n\n.Kn graved for Prolliinphani.i Hisloiy \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 269 \n\n\nCHAPTER XX Y. \n\n/ \n\n1764 to 1771. The Revolution and the Towns. — Acts of Trade. — \nStamp Act. — Riots in Boston. — Proceedings of the Town. — Re- \npeal of the Stamp Act. — The Indemnity Question. — Acts of 1767. \n\n— Non-Importation Policy. — Boston Convention. — Day of Fasting, \n\n— Domestic Manufactures. — Ninety-two and Forty-five. — Opposition \nto Bishops. — Renewal of the Non-Importation Agreement. — Pro- \nceedings in relation to Tea. \n\nWe hn.ve reached the most important and interesting period of \nAmerican History, that of the Revolution. The towns acted a \nmemorable part in this great event. They were the nurseries of \nthat independent spirit which so often manifested itself in the \nProvincial Legislature, and which naturally arrayed itself against \ncommercial monopoly and parliamentary supremacy. Their ten- \ndency was early seen by the advocates of royal prerogative. Hence \nroyal instructions opposed their increase, and hence the protest of \nHutchinson (1757) against the incorporation of Danvers.^ Cut \nthe patriots gloried in their existence ; and through their local \ncouncils, their legal meetings, presented dangerous political meas- \nures to the mind of every citizen. In discussions elicited in this \nway, an intelligent public opinion was created, concentrated, im- \nmovably set against oppression, and directed in the incipient \nstages of organized resistance. And it is but bare justice to adinit, \nthat these little councils were equal to this all-important work. \" If \nwithin the Continental Congress, patriotism shone more conspicu- \nously, it did not there exist more truly, nor burn more fervently ; \nit did not render the day more anxious, or the night more sleepless ; \nit sent up no more ardent prayer to God for succor; and it put \nforth, in no greater degree, the fulness of its effort, and the energy \nof its whole soul and spirit, in the common cause, than it did in \nthe small assemblies of the towns.\" \"^ The citizens of Charles- \ntown, whether tested by their individual, or by their corporate \nacts, manifested a patriotism equal to the demands of the time. \n\n1 Hutchinson's Mass., Vol. III. p. 53. 2 Daniel Webster. \n\n35 \n\n\n270 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThey were united to their noble neighbors of Boston by the ties \nof kindred, of politics, of suffering and of a common charity ; and \nthere was not a measure, however bold, devised by the patriots of \nFanueil Hall, that was not cordially supported by those of Bunker \nHill. Surely the moral heroes of these little assemblies deserve no \nless remembrance, than those other heroes who labored so nobly on \nthe battle-field. \n\nThe reader is referred to other works for the general history of \nthe Revolution ; for the notices of it, in these pages, must necessa- \nrily be confined to such statements as may be considered proper to \ngive an intelligible view of the action of the town. \n\nThe resistance to the pretensions of Great Britain commenced \nby opposition to the revenue system. The journals of the year \n17G4, abound with memorials and documents showing its injustice, \nand with notices of the increase of domestic manufactures and of \nfrugality. One of the prevailing evils was the expensive customs \nat funerals; and in September, the Boston Gazette announced that \nreform in this respect had been \" introduced in the town of Charles- \ntown, and that at a recent funeral the relations all attended with- \nout any mourning dress.\" \n\nThe Stamp Act, passed March 22, 17C5, was intended to go \ninto operation November l.^ But popular feeling manifested \nitself against it on the 14th of August, in Boston, by burning in \nefligy the stamp distributor, demolishing the proposed stamp office, \nand in other tumults. In detailing the proceedings of this mem- \norable day, the Boston Gazette of August 19 says: — \n\n\" We are told that the concourse on Wednesday evening was far from \nconsisting wholly of the inhabitants of this metropolis, many having come \nfrom Charlestown, ('ambridge and other adjacent towns. The truth of \nwhich may possibly be hereafter discovered by the vigilance, industry and \nzeal of the Attorney General.\" \n\nOn Monday, August 26, the most alarming outrages were com- \nmitted in Boston. In writing of them, (Sept. 2) the Gazette re- \nmarked : \" Most people seem disposed to discriminate between the \nassembly on the 14th of this month and their transactions, and the \nunbridled licentiousness of this mob, — judging them to proceed \nfrom very different motives, as their conduct was most evidently \n\n1 The selectmen for the year 1765 were, Edward Sheaffe, David Chee- \nver, Richard Devens, John Harris, John Soley, Samuel Kent, Peter \nTufis, Jr. The representative, Edward Slieaife. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 271 \n\ndifferent.\" The anniversary of the former was observed for many \nyears by the sons of liberty ; the proceedings of the latter were \nunsparingly denounced. \n\nA petition to the selectmen, signed by a number of citizens,^ \nstated that some of the inhabitants of this town were threatened, \nand requested them to call a meeting to see \" what method the town \nwould take to prevent any mischief being done them.\" A meeting \nwas held on the 28th of August, and after choosing Capt. Edward \nSheaffe moderator, the following votes were unanimously passed. \n\n\" Voted, That this town has the utmost detestation and abhorrence of \nthe outrage committed at Boston on Monday evening last, in the violent \nassault then made on the dwelling-houses of several of the inhabitants \nthere by a riotous assembly of persons unknown. \n\n\" Voted, That whereas there is reason to fear that the like disorders \nmay be committed in this town, that therefore the magistrates and select- \nmen of the town be and are hereby desired to use their utmost endeavors \nto prevent the same. \n\n\" Voted, That the inhabitants of this town will be aiding and assisting \nthe magistrates, military officers and selectmen in preventing and sup- \npressing any such riotous disorder, and to the utmost of their power op- \npose any attempts that may he made against the persons or properties of \nany of this town. \n\n\" Voted, That such persons as are exempted by law from watching, \nbe desired to take their turn with such as are obliged by law, who being \npresent, promised to take their turn. \n\n\" Voted, That the eight o'clock bell don't ring at present, and that \nwhen the bell jingles, it shall be to notify the inhabitants that it is appre- \nhended there is a mob coming, and that they will directly come to the \ncourt-house, with arins and ammunition, viz. : a good firelock, one-fourth \npound of powder and at least six bullets.\" \n\nBut while the town was ready to repress outrages, it was not \ndisposed to countenance, in any way, the Stamp Act. On the \n11th of September another petition^ was presented to the select- \n\n1 This petition is in the hand-writing of James Russell, and was \nsigned by \n\nJames Russell. Richard Gary. Peter Edes. \n\nJames Miller. Nathan Adams. John Hancock, Jr. \n\nSamuel ('ary. Isaac Hand. Joseph Rand. \n\nSamuel Henly. Isaiah Edes. Timo. Austin. \n\nJames Bradish. William Kettell. Caleb Call. \n\nJoseph Lynde. Thomas Gardner. Nathaniel Rand. \n\nR. Temple. Ezekiel Cheever, Jr. Isaac Foster. \n\n2 This petition was signed by \n\nJ. Miller. Nathan Adams. John Hay. \n\nWilliam Goodwin. John Hancock, Jr. James Fosdick. \n\nJno. Austin, Jr. David Wait. Samuel Conant. \n\nNathaniel Austin. Samuel Larkin. James Brazer. \n\n\n272 HISTORY OF CIIAKLESTOWN. \n\nmen, requesting a meeting to see if the town would give \" instruc- \ntions to their representative for his conduct in the approaching \nsession of the General Court.\" At a meeting on the 17th, Edward \nSheafTe being the moderator, it was voted to instruct the repre- \nsentative ; when \" some of the inhabitants\" offered a document \n\" ready prepared.\" This was not approved of, and Seth Sweetser, \nIsaac Foster, Nathan Adams, Caleb Call and Samuel Conant were \nappointed a committee to draw up another. The meeting then \nadjourned to the 20th, at which time the following instructions \nwere reported to the town : — \n\n\" Tliis being a time when several acts of parliament have a direct ten- \ndency to distress the trade and commerce of this province, and in our \nopinion to deprive us of our rights and privileges granted by royal charter, \nand which we are entitled to, as free-born subjects of Great Britain. And \nin particular the Stamp Act which has thrown the province and the whole \ncontinent into confusion, and which as we apprehend, will lay not only \nan unconstitutional but an insupportable tax on the colonies, and will strip \nlis of our most valuable liberties, as it admits of our properties being tried \nby a court of Admiralty, without a jury, even in such controversies that \narise from internal concerns. \n\n\" Wherefore we think it our duty in this critical conjuncture of our \npublic affiirs to direct you as representative, to be so far from countenanc- \ning or assisting in the execution of the aforesaid act, that you endeavor \nthat such remonstrances may be made to the King and Parliament as may \nbe likely to procure the disannulling thereof as soon as possible ; and \nthat you be assisting in every proper step that may be taken for the re- \nmoval of the heavy burthens on our trade. \n\n\" And as the province is greatly impoverished by the war and decay of \ntrade, we desire you to take special care that ihe public moneys be used \nwith the utmost frugality, and that no money be drawn out of the treasury \nand applied to such uses as may tend rather to destroy the liberties of the \npeople, than to promote their interest. \n\n\" As to any other matters, though of less consequence, that may come \nbefore the House, we doubt not but you will conduct yourself in such a \nmanner that the best interest of the province in general, and the town you \nrepresent, in particular, may be promoted.\" \n\nThis firm document, for the period, was \" read several times \" \nand accepted. It was voted that a copy be given to the represent- \n\n\nIsaac Rand. Joseph Hopkins. Nathaniel Gorham. \n\nJona. Bradish. John Codman. Caleb Symmes. \n\nNathaniel Rand. William Conant. Ezekiel Cheever, Jr. \n\nNicholas Hopping. Isaiah Edes. Nathaniel Dowse. \n\nSamuel Dowse. Nathaniel Frothingham. Thomas Harding. \n\nTimo. Austin. John Larkin. Edward Goodwin. \n\nJohn Goodwin. Benjamin Ilurd. Edward Goodwin, Jr. \n\nNathaniel SheafTe. Bartholomew Trow. John Foye. \nWilliam Wycr. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 273 \n\native, and that the original be kept in the clerk's office.^ It was \nalso voted that \" the committee insert in the public prints what \nthey may think proper relating to the instructions.\" The follow- \ning paragraph was all that was printed : — \n\n*' Charlestown, Sept. 20, 1765. The freeholders and other inhabitants \nmet by adjournment, and ^ave instructions to their representative for his \nconduct iu the Great and General Court of this Province, relative to the \nStamp Act, the burdens on trade, and frugality of the public moneys.\" \n\nThe intelligence, received in September, of a change in the \nBritish Ministry, the Boston Gazette remarks, \" was received with \nextraordinary joy, — far exceeding even that on the conquest of \nCanada.\" The morning after its reception was ushered in with \nthe ringing of bells, and in this town there were, in the evening, \nbonfires and illuminations. \n\nThe prominent question of 1766 ^ was, whether the General \nCourt should grant compensation to the sufferers in the riots of \nAugust, 1765. The subject was pressed upon it at the January \nsession, but the representatives doubted whether they had \"author- \nity to make their constituents chargeable\" with these losses. And \nthe subject was referred to the October session, that the towns \nmight act upon it. \n\nMeantime the intelligence of the repeal of the obnoxious Stamp \nAct caused a delirium of joy in the Colonies. The 19th of May \nwas set apart in this town for public rejoicings. The day was \nushered in by the ringing of bells and a display of colors on board \nthe shipping. \" At noon,\" according to the Boston Gazette, \" the \nIndependent Company belonging to Castle William mustered, and \ndischarged the cannon at the Battery ; and in the afternoon the \nsame company met at the Long Wharf, where a number of the \nprincipal gentlemen of the town assembled, and the following \ntoasts were drank, viz. : \n\n\"The King and British Parliament. \n\n\" Mr. Pitt and all our friends in England, who have exerted \nthemselves in favor of the Colonies. \n\n\" Peace and harmony to this government, and a wi.se improve- \nment of this happy event. \n\n^ This document is not copied into the town records. \n\n2 The selectmen and the representatives were the same as for the \nyear 1765. \n\n\n274 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n\" All the true sons of liberty on this continent, who have wisely \nand nobly distinguished themselves upon this very important oc- \ncasion, \n\n\" At every toast seven cannon were discharged, and in the evening \nthe houses of the town were beautifully illuminated. In short, the \nwhole was conducted with the greatest decency, and every counte- \nnance discovered the sincerest joy upon the reestablishment of our \nhappy privileges.\" \n\nIn this era of good feelings and on the anniversary^ of the me- \nmorable 14th of August, the town passed the following vote : \n\n\" Voted, That the representative for this town use his endeavors in the \nGeneral Court, that the sufferers in the town of Boston in the late trouble- \nsome times, have a consideration made them out of the public treasury \n(upon their applying in a Parliamentary way) for what it sliall appear \nthey have really lost.\" \n\nAnother town-meeting was held on this subject, November 21, \nwhen James Russell was moderator. A Bill then pending in the \nGeneral Court, indemnifying the sufterers and providing for a free \npardon to the rioters, was read. The town-clerk concluded the \nrecord in the following manner : \n\n\" Then it was put to vote by the moderator whetlier the bill was agree- \nable to the town, and voted in the affirmative. \n\n\" Voted, or rather more properly speaking, it was said, that the bill be \nleft to the representative of the town to act upon it as he shall think for \nthe public benefit.\" ^ \n\nThe rejoicings on the repeal of the Stamp Act were soon over. \nParliament, asserting the right of \" binding the Colonies in all cases \nwhatsoever,\" passed the acts of 1767,^ imposing duties on paper, \nglass, painters' colors and teas ; establishing a general civil list ; a \ncustom-house office, and board of commissioners. These meas- \nures were pronounced unconstitutional and aroused resistance ; \nand patriots before the close of the year exulted that \" the trump \n\n1 At the first celebration of this day, the following regular toasts were \ngiven: \" Detestation of the villainous proceedings on the '26lh of August \nlast.\" \" May the everlasting remembrance of the 14th of August serve \nto revive the dying sparks of liberty whenever America shall be in dan- \nger.\"— Boston Gazette. \n\n2 This year, on June 28, the saw, leather and grist-mills in this town \nwere burnt. \n\n3 The selectmen for 1767 were Edward Sheaffe, David Cheever, John \nSoley, Samuel Kent, John Codman, William Conant, Thomas Bobbins. \nThis year Lovell's Island was sold by the town to Ehsha Leavit of Hing- \nham, for jC266 13s. 4d. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 275 \n\nof freedom and independence sounded again throughout this conti- \nnent.\" The policy ado|)ted to meet this new attack on colonial \nrights, was to make the British merchants and manufacturers feel \nit, and thus to enlist them in their favor; and this by discour- \naging foreign importations and promoting domestic manufactures. \n\nIt was at this time that a home herb was found to supply the place \nof tea. The Massachusetts Gazette, of November 5, states that \n\" a certain herb, lately found in this Province,\" begins \"to take \nplace in the room of green and bohea tea, which is said to be of a \nvery salutary nature, as well as a more agreeable flavor ; that it was \ncalled Labrador;\" and that immense quantities of it grew all over \nNew England. \n\nA town-meeting was held, November 17, to take measures \" to \nencourage industry and frugality, and also the manufactures of \nthis province, and thereby do all that in them lies to recover this \npeople from the difficulties they labor under, occasioned by the \ngreat decay of trade and the consumption of sundry superfluous ar- \nticles among us.\" After choosing James Russell the moderator, \nEdward Sheaffe, Isaac Foster, Samuel Kent, John Soley and Ben- \njamin Hurd were appointed a committee to take the subject into \nconsideration, and report at an adjournment of the meeting. On \nFriday, Nov. 20, the day on which the new act was to take effect, \nthe citizens again assembled. The committee reported, that it was \n\" for the advantage of this Province in general, and this town in \nparticular, to do what in them lies to promote industry, economy, \nand manufactures among them, and thereby prevent the fatal con- \nsequences that may follow a contrary conduct ; \" and recommend- \ned the following votes : — \n\n\" Voted, That this town will by all prudent and le^al means encourag's \nthe several manufactories that now are, and the setting up of all others \nthat may be judged useful for the Province and lessen the use of all super- \nfluities among us. And not purchase any of the following articles import- \ned from abroad, viz. : loaf sugar, cordage, anchors, chaises and carriages \nof all sorts, horse furniture, men's and women's hats, apparel ready made, \nespecially leather breeches, household furniture, gloves, men's and wo- \nmen's shoes, sole-leather, sheathing and deck nails, gold and silver and \nthread lace of all sorts, gold and silver buttons, wrought plate of all sorts, \ndiamond, stone and paste ware, snuff, mustard, clocks and watches, silver- \nsmiths' and jewellers' ware, broadcloths that cost more than ten shillings \nper yard, muffs, furs, and tippets and all sorts of millinery ware, starch, \nwomen's and children's stays, fire-engines, china-ware, silk and cotton vel- \nvets, gauze, pewlerers, hollow ware, linseed oil, glue, lawns, cambrics, \nsilks of all sorts for garments, malt hquor and cheese. \n\n\n276 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\" Voted, That this town will strictly adliere to the late regulation with \nrespect to funerals, and will not purchase any gloves, but such as are man- \nufactured here, nor buy any new garments upon such occasion but what \nshall be absolutely necessary.\" \n\nThe committee recommended the following agreement (which \nwas adopted) to be subscribed : — \n\n\" Whereas this Province labors under a heavy load of debt incurred in \nthe course of the late war, and the inhabitants by reason thereof, must be \nfor some time subject to very burdensome taxes, and our trade has for some \nyears been in the decline, and is now under great disadvantages, our me- \ndium very scarce and the balance of trade against us. And we the sub- \nscribers being sensible that it is absolutely necessary, in order to extricate \nourselves out of these distressed circumstances, to promote industry and \neconomy, and manufactures among ourselves, and by these means prevent \nthe unnecessary importation of several articles from abroad, and do what \nin us lies to preserve our country from ruin do therefore promise and en- \ngage to and with each other, that we will encourage the use and consump- \ntion of all articles manufactured in any of the British Colonies in America, \nand more especially in this provmce ; and that we will not, from and after \nthe 3 1st day of December next, during the space of eighteen months next \nensuing, purchase any of the articles, (mentioned in the report of the com- \nmittee) ; and that we will strictly adhere to the late regulations with re- \nspect to funerals (as voted by the town) ; and will not use any gloves but \nwhat are manufactured here, nor purchase any new garments upon any \nsuch occasion but what shall be absolutely necessary.\" i \n\nThe town appointed David Cheever, John Codman, and Timo- \nthy Austin a committee to get this paper '• filled up as soon as \npossible.\" \n\nThe year 1768 ^ was memorable for the arrival of troops in \nBoston ; and the patriots of that town, Sept. 14, sent a circular to \nother towns, signed by the selectmen, proposing that \" A Commit- \ntee of Convention \" should convene, to devise measures suitable \nfor that \" dark and difficult season.\" This proceeding was re- \ngarded by the royalists as an offence of a very high nature, sub- \njecting all who obeyed it to the penalties of the law. This town, \nhowever, promptly responded to the call. At a meeting, Sept. \n19, after the Boston circular had been read, it was unanimously \nvoted to choose a \" Committee,\" and Edward Sheaffe was selected^ \n\n1 This form was transmitted from Boston. The Boston Gazette of May \n4, 1707, has the following paragraph. Thursday last, Richard Hodges, \nJolm Nevvingham Clarke and Magnus Mode, for money-making, stood one \nhour in the pillory at Charlestown, had one of their ears cut oft', and re- \nceived twenty stripes each, pursuant to their sentence the pieceding week. \n\n2 The selectmen for 1768 were Edward Sheaffe, Caleb Call, John \nCodman, William Conant, Thomas Bobbins, John White, Peleg Stearns; \nand Edward Sheaffe was representative. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 277 \n\nIt was then \" voted, unanimously, to have a day of fasting and \nprayer in this town, to implore the Supreme Governor of the world \nfor guidance and direction to the people of this province in such a \ntime as this.\" And three of the selectmen, and the two deacons, \nhaving ascertained that it would be agreeable to the ministers, it \nwas appointed for the next day. On these occasions it was cus- \ntomary to have regular services in the church. In one of the \ntowns this year the text preached from was : \" Is Israel a servant; \nis he a home born slave ? Why is he spoiled ? \" \n\nIn a kw days after this Convention was held, September 28, \ntwo regiments of troops landed in Boston amidst the sullen silence \nof the people. The narrative of the proceedings that followed, \nhowever, does not belong to the history of this town. The Boston \nNews Letter of Oct. G, 1768, states that the inhabitants of Charles- \ntown unanimously agreed not to use any more tea ; and the Mas- \nsachusetts Gazette, November 3, announced, \" on the best author- \nity,\" that most of the inhabitants had totally banished the offensive \ndrug. \n\nThe next notice may require illustration. It was for printing \nthe North Briton, Number 45, that Wilkes was apprehended in \nEngland : and when royal instructions commanded the Massachu- \nsetts legislature to rescind its circular Letter recommending united \naction by the Colonies, ninety-two members voted against comply- \ning with the command. These numbers were considered auspi- \ncious and became watch-words. They were standing toasts and \nwere combined in every imaginable manner.^ Hence the follow- \ning information was printed, November 21, in the Boston Gazette. \n\"On Tuesday, the 8th instant, Forty-five women belonging to \nCharlestown, waited on the Rev. Mr. Abbott, one of the ministers \nthere, and spun for and presented him with Ninety-two skeins of \nthread, which, it is said, will be sufficient to make fine linen for \nhalf a dozen shirts. And on Tuesday last, the same ladies made \nthe same present to Mr. Prentice, the other minister of that town ; \n\n\n1 The following- is one of the instance.? in the Boston Gazette of Jan. \n30, 1769. \" A gentleman of the Presbyterian persuasion, aged just forty- \nfive, was, on Sunday last, married to a Quaker lady of great fortune of \nthe same age ; it is also remarkable that this happy gentleman is her forty- \nfifth suitor. They are determined to name their first son Forty-Five, \nand their first daughter Ninety-Two.\" \n\n36 \n\n\n278 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nat both which places they were agreeably and genteelly entertained \nwith the productions of this country.\" \n\nThe same paper also says, that \"one of the daughters of liberty \nin Charlestovvn after suiting herself in a Boston store to articles \nshe wanted to purchase, inquired whether the shop-keeper sold \ntea ? She was answered in the affirmative, upon which she ordered \nthe articles to be put back, being determined, as the inhabitants \nof that town had universally left off drinking tea, she would pur- \nchase nothing where it was sold.\" \n\nThere was no prominent political measure in 1769 ^ to call for \ncorporate action on the part of the town. But the patriotic fire \nwas not allowed to die away. The policy of discouraging foreign \nimports and of encouraging domestic production,^ was perseveringly \nadhered to. \" We hear,\" the Boston Gazette of April 24, says, \n\" that the inhabitants of the truly patriotic town of Charlestown \nhave unanimously come into an agreement not to eat or even suffer \nany lamb to be dressed in their families, till the first of August \nnext. An example worthy of the imitation of every other town in \nthis His Majesty's Province of Massachusetts Bay.\" In October \na chest of tea, imported contrary to the agreement of the mer- \nchants, was taken to Marblehead and there offered for sale ; but \nwas soon replaced in the store in Boston. The same paper of \nOctober 23, says that the person who carted the tea to Marblehead* \n\" being at a husking frolic at Charlestown last Thursday evening, \nas soon as discovered, was turned out of the company with the \ngreatest marks of contempt.\" \n\nThe Gazette, of November 6, contains the following account of \n\none of the unjustifiable excesses of the time : — \n\n\" Last Thursday afternoon a young- wonnan from the country was decoy- \ned into one of the barracks in town, and most shamefully abused by some \nof the soldiers there. The person that enliced her thither, with promises \nof disposing of all her marketing tliere (who also belonged to the country) \nwas afterwards taken by the populace and several times ducked in the \n\n\n1 The selectmen for 17G0 were Isaac Foster, William Conant, John \nCodman, Nathaniel Gorham, Peleg Stearns and Nehemiah Rand; and \nEdward Sheaffe was representative. When Governor Bernard embarked \nfor England there was a bonfire on the heights of this town. \n\n2 The Weekly News Letter of Nov. 23, 1709, says, \" An elegant \ncoach in the modern taste was finished last week for an honorable gentle- \nman here. It was made by Gaptain Paddock, and the workmanship is \njudged to be as complete and as good as any one ever imported.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 279 \n\nwater at one of the docks in town. But luckily for him, he made his \nescape sooner than was intended. However, we hear that after he had \ncrossed the Ferry to Charlestown, on his return home, the people there \nbeing informed of the base part he had been acting, took him and placed \nhim in a cart, and after tarring and feathering liim (ihe present popular \npunishment for modern delinquents) they carted him about town for two or \nthree hours, as a spectacle of contempt and warning to others from prac- \ntising such vile artifices for the delusion and ruin of the virtuous and inno- \ncent. He was then dismissed.\" i \n\nA jealousy of Episcopacy was early entertained in this Colony, \nand was kept alive by the attempt of the Church of England to ex- \ntend its dominion here. Though its forms were disagreeable to \nthe Congregationalists, it was tlie power that endeavored to impose \nthem, on which their eyes were steadily fixed. Hence, whenever \nthe project of sending a bishop to the Colony was entertained, it \nmet with stern resistance. At this period, from 1760 to 1770, it \nwas seriously proposed. The patriotic Dr. Mahew wrote, in 17GI, \nto Mr. HoIIis in England : \" We are apprehensive, that there is a \nscheme forming for sending a bishop into this part of the country, \nand that our governor, (Bernard) a true churchman, is deeply iu \nthe plot.\" Hollis, in Dec, 1703, remarked in a letter to Dr. Mahew, \n\" You cannot be too much on your guard, in this so very important \nan affair.\" The controversy ran high at this time about it ; and \nthis year (1769) the resolute opposition to it was represented in the \nPolitical Register — an English publication, — by a plate which \nwell exhibits the spirit of the time. This opposition was so efficient, \nthat Dr. Franklin wrote home in February, 1769, that the design \nof sending a bishop over was dropped. \n\n1 There were frequent collisions this year, in Boston, between the citi- \nzens and the troops. The following Epitaph, copied from the stone, in \nthe Granary burial-yard, by Dr. N. B. Shurtlefi', probably relates to an \noccurrence of this kind ; — \n\n\" ELTSHA BROWN \n\nof Boston, \n\nwho in Oct'r 1769, during 17 days, \n\ninspired with \n\na generous Zeal for the LAWS, \n\nbravely and successfully \n\nopposed a whole British Regt. \n\nin their violent attempt \n\nto FORCE him from his \n\nlegal Habitation. \n\nHappy Citizen when called singley \n\nto be a Barrier to the Liberties \n\nof a Continent.\" \n\n\n280 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nIn 1770 1 the political excitement grew more intense. On the \n5th of March the British troops fired on the people of Boston, and \non the next day a large part of the population of this town visited \nKing-street to see the blood of the victims. The British Parlia- \nment removed the duties on all articles except tea. Throughout \nthis year the patriots urged the non-importation policy, which, at \nlength spread through the Colonies. It was their object to make \nit stringent and efficient. \n\nA petition,^ dated February 9, requested the selectmen to call \na meeting to see what measures the town would take to prevent \nthe purchase of\" any goods of such persons as import them con- \ntrary to the agreement of the merchants, or of selling such goods \nas have been so purchased.\" The selectmen added to the warrant, \nto see what method the town would take \" to prevent the use of \nforeign tea in this town for such a term of time as may be agreed \nupon.\" \n\nThe meeting was held on February 12, and Edward Sheaffe \nwas moderator. A committee, namely, Isaac Foster, Edward \nSheaffe, Nathan Adams, Richard Devens, William Conant, Na- \nthaniel Gorham, and John Frothingham, were instructed to inquire \nwhether any inhabitants of the town had \" imported, or bought, or \nsold goods contrary to the agreement of the merchants of Boston ;\" \nto \" prepare such resolves on the above affair as they should judge \nproper \" for the action of the town; and to report at an adjourn- \nment of the meeting. It was also \" voted, that the above commit- \n\n\n1 The selectmen chosen March 5, 1770, when \" Hon. James Russell, \nEsq.,\" was moderator, were Isaac Foster, Samuel Kent, William Conant, \nJohn Codman, Nathaniel Gorham, Peleg Stearns, Nehemiah Rand. Ed- \nward Sheaffe, on May 14, was chosen representative. \n\n2 This petition was signed by the following inhabitants : \nEdward Sheaffe. Josiah Harris. William Calder. \nEdward Goodwin. William Ford. John Harris. \nRichard Devens. John Austin, Jr. Tho's Rand. \nBattry Powers. William Goodwin. David Wood, Jr. \nTimothy Goodwin. Ebenezer Breed. Thomas Wood. \nBenjamin Goodwin. JMathaniel Sheaffe. Abram Snow. \nSeth Sweetser. Joshua Hooper. Samuel Hutchinson. \nBenjamin Hard. Nathaniel Austin. Nathaniel Frothingham. \nJosopii flopkins. Francis Dizer. Caleb Symmcs. \n\nJohn Larkin. William t^apen. Stephen Miller. \n\nSamuel (/onant. Nath'l Phillips. larlho. Trow. \n\nThomas Frothingham. Eliphelet Newell. David Wait. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 281 \n\ntee consult with the selectmen of Boston, or any other persons^ \nwhether there can be no other method gone into, than that which \nhath been already taken, to prevent the use of foreign tea among: \nus.\" And Nehemiah Rand, Nathaniel Frothingham and John \nLarkin, 2d, were chosen a committee to obtain the names of \n\" such inhabitants as had determined to leave off the use of foreign' \ntea in their families ;\" and also such as refused to comply, and\" \n\" lay the same before the town at the adjournment of the meeting.\"' \nThe meeting was continued February 15, when the committee, \nof inquiry reported as follows: — \n\n'' We inquired of all the merchants and traders aforesaid, and have re- \nceived answers from most of them, that they have not directly nor in- \ndirectly imported or purchased any goods contrary to the agreements of \nsaid merchants, and that they are determined they will not. \n\n\" And from others of them, viz. : Mrs Abigail Stevens, who declares \nshe purchased of one of the importers 1o the amount of ahout i7 600, old \ntenor; Joseph Lynde, Esq., about .£200; Mrs. Sarah Bradstreet about \njC 100 ; and Mr. Nathaniel Austin ahout jC 300 ; and Mr. Ebenezer \nBreed about £ 241, (these two last of Capt. William Barber) in the space \nof about eight months past : that all the goods remaining unsold they are \nwilling to deliver up, to be stored till a general importation shall take \nplace, if the town shall require it ; and that they will neither import nor \npurchase any goods contrary to the agreement of the merchants.\" \n\nThe town accepted the report, and voted that the goods were \nof so small quantity it was not necessary to store them ; and that \nno further notice be taken of the affair. The following preamble \nand votes relative to the non-importation agreement were adopted: \n\n\" Whereas, The principal merchants and traders in the town of Boston, \nand other trading towns, within this province and throughout this conti- \nnent, have from principles (as we believe) truly patriotic, entered into ar- \nticles of agreement not to import any British goods (a few articles except- \ned) until the act of Parliament, imposing duties on tea, glass, paper, &c., \nfor the express purpose of raising a revenue in the Colonies, be repealed. \nAnd notwithstanding every lenient and kind method has been used ta \ninduce all the merchants and traders to come into this salutary measure ; \nyet some there are, who being without any feeling for a country, to whom \nthey owe all the importance they may think themselves to be of, and being \nalso destitute of every sentiment of humanity, have not only refused to com- \nply with, but daringly stand out and continue to counteract the benevolent \nand salutary intentions of the merchants and traders aforesaid, in thus stri- \nving to help us out of our present distress, and have thereby done all in \ntheir power to subject millions of truly loyal British subjects, which over- \nspread this wide and extended continent, to bondage and ruin. \n\n\" Therefore, Voted, That we will not, by ourselves or any for or under \nus directly or indirectly, purchase any goods of the persons hereafter men- \ntioned, viz. : John Bernard, James McMasters, Patrick McMasters, John \nMein, Nathaniel Rogers, William Jackson, Theopholis Lillie, John Tay- \nlor, and Ame and Elizabeth Cummings, all of Boston; Israel Williams., \n\n\n282 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nEsq., and Son of Hatfield, and Henry Barnes of Marlboro ; nor will we \nhave any intercourse with them, or with any person whatsoever that shall \npurchase goods of either of them after the date hereof, until a general im- \nportation takes place. \n\n\" Voted, That we will not use any foreign tea ourselves nor suffer it to \nbe used in our respective families. \n\n\" Voted, That we will use our best endeavors to encourage and support \nthe merchants, &c., in their non-importation agreement, to whom this \ntown vote their thanks for their constitutional and spirited measures pur- \nsued by them for the good of this province.\" \n\nMeasures were taken to make the action of the town efficient- \nIsaac Foster, Richard Devens and John Codman were appointed \na \" cotnmittee of inspection\" to take care that the resolves \" be \ncomplied with.\" Having ordered the proceedings to be published \nand transmitted to the committee of inspection of the merchants \nin Boston, the meeting adjourned. \n\nBut neither public resolves, jealous inspection, nor the tempta- \ntions of the patriotic Labrador tea, could banish from the social \ncircle the favorite drug. A son of liberty, of this town, promised \nto the Boston Gazette, (February 5,) \" by next week,\" a list of \nevery person in Charlestown who used the baneful herb. But this \ndid not accomplish the purpose, and more stringent measures were \nadopted. On the lUth, a number of persons requested a meeting \nto see whether the town would \"vote against purchasing any \ngoods whatsoever of any person who sells tea.\" At the meeting, \nMarch 5, James Russell was moderator, and after voting \"that \nthe moderator speak his mind about the article of tea,\" a commit- \ntee was raised to consider \" what was proper to be done in the \naffair, and report before the meeting breaks up.\" Their report \nwas not accepted. It was then \" voted that Deacon Frothingham, \nEdward SheafTe and Nathaniel Frothingham be a committee to \nwait on the sellers of tea, and desire them to leave off selling that \narticle, as it would be a means to promote the public good; and \nalso to wait on any persons they think use tea, and desire them to \ndeny themselves for the sake of the public; and that they acquaint \nthe selectmen of Boston of this vote of the town.\" The meeting \nwas adjourned until the 15th ; but the committee not being then \nready to report, the meeting was again adjourned to the 24th. At \nthat time the committee were directed \" to go to the sellers of tea \nin this town and inquire whether they would sign against selling tea \nuntil the revenue acts are repealed.\" They reported \" that they \nhad been with all the sellers of foreign tea in this town, that they \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 283 \n\nknew of, and that they readily signed against selling it till a general \nimportation or sale takes place.\" Meantime, while this committee \nwere engaged in calling upon the traders, Seth Sweetser, Richard \nDevens and Nathaniel Gorham were appointed \" to draw up some \nsuitable vote for the town to pass.\" Their report was unanimously \naccepted. After a preamble, which states that \"the sellers of \ntea\" have \" engaged under tlieir hands \" not to buy or sell any of \nthat commodity, it was \" voted, that if any persons whether traders \nor otherwise, should counteract the generous and patriotic agree- \nment of the above traders, we will withhold all commercial deal- \nings with them, and look on them as enemies to this much injured \ncountry.\" Isaac Foster, Richard Devens, and John Cod man, \nwere appointed \"a committee of inspection\" to see that \"the \nabove agreement be punctually complied with, and also to inspect \nany importers of goods, &c., contrary to the agreement of the mer- \nchants.\" The proceedings of this meeting closed with the follow- \ning characteristic vote. \" Voted, that Edward Sheaffe, John \nFrothingham, and Nathaniel Frothingham, be a committee to see \nwhether there be any sellers of tea that have been forgotten, and \nget them to sign, and report at the next general meeting ; and that \nthey likewise put the above vote relative to the buyers and sellers \nof tea in the public prints ; and that they give a copy of it to the \nselectmen of Boston.\" ^ \n\nThe opposition to the revenue acts, by enforcing the non-impor- \ntation policy, was so general this year, that, a letter written in May \nstates, with the exception of one colony, \" the spirit of liberty runs \npure, clear, and uncontaminated through the vast continent of \nNorth America.\" The proceedings of this town were so vigorous, \nthat, at a celebration by a number of \" despisers of tyranny,\" in \nBoston, they elicited the following sentiment : \" Charlestown, \nRoxbury, and all the towns who have nobly exerted themselves in \nthe cause of freedom.\" '^ \n\n1 At a town-meeting-, July 5, it was voted to take up a contribution in \nthe church for the poor widows of Marblehead ; £ 175, old tenor, were \ncollected. \n\n2 The Gazette of March 2G, 1770, says : \" Last Tuesday, Henry Lloyd \nEsq., set out on a journey to New York, Philadelphia and the southern \ncolonies. And it was observed that that gentleman's whole apparel and \nhorse furniture were of American manufacture. His clothes, linen, shoes, \nstockings, boots, gloves, hat, even wig and wig call, were all manufactured \nand made up in New England. An example truly worthy of imitation.\" \n\n\n284 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nCHAPTER XXVI. \n\n1771 to 1774. The contest in 1771. — Edward Sheaffe's Letter. —Mili- \ntary Parade. — Boston Letter. — Instructions to Representative. — \nReply to Boston. — The Tea and East India Company. — Town Meet- \ning.— Resolves. — Destruction of the Tea. — Petition for a Town \nMeeting. — Agreement of Tea Dealers. — Resolves. — Burning of Tea. \n\nThe journals of 1770, the life-like mirrors of the times, abound \nwith evidences of high political excitement, while those of 1771 ^ \nindicate a calm in the public mind. The non-importation policy \nhad become void ; few praised the virtues of Labrador tea, while \n\"choice bohea and souchong\" were peaceably advertised and sold \nand used ; and even the talismanic numbers ninety-two and forty- \nfive ceased to stir the popular heart. Hutchinson remarked of \n\" this calm interval,\" that \" commerce was never in a more flour- \nishing state : \" that the public debt was nominal and taxes were \nlight; in a word, that \" in no independent state in the world could \nthe people have been more happy than they were in the govern- \nment of the Massachusetts Bay.\"^ He assured the ministry that \nevery thing was quiet. It was however an ominous quiet. \nPatriots had firmly resolved to contend unto death for an abstraction ; \nand, in a year, the machinery of the American Revolution was in \nfull operation, only to cease its motion when it had worked out its \nsublime result. \n\nIn the spring Hutchinson became governor of Massachusetts, \n\non, which occasion Edward Sheaffe, of this town, a prominent \n\npatriot, whose name is often found on the Journals of the General \n\nCourt, associated on the most important committees with Samuel \n\nAdams, Otis, and Hancock, addressed to him the following letter : \n\n. Sir : The pnhlic office T hold in the government, but more especially \nthe great regard I have for your Excellency's person and merit, would \n\n1 In 1771 the selectmen were Samuel Kent, William Conant, Nathan- \niel Gorham, Nehemiah Rand, David Wood, Natlianiel Frolhingham, and \nPeter Tufts, Jr. Edward Sheaffe and Nathaniel Uorham were represent- \natives. \n\n2 Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., Yd. III. p. 351. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 285 \n\nhave made rae (had health permitted) very gladly to have embraced the \njoyous oocasion which olfared yesterday, and personally to have paid my \nduty to your Excellency on your being proclaimed chief Governor of\" this \nProvince. T th;;refore beg leave in this way, heartily to congratulate you, \nupon the honor done by our most gracious Sovereign by this appointment. \nAnd as vou abound in every qualification, necessary for the discharge of so \nimportant a trust, I am confident you will make use of them, not only for \nthe honor of your Royal Master, but also for the good and happiness of \nthe people over whom he has placed you : and that you will use your \ninterest, and influence, to restore and preserve to them their truly constitu- \ntional rights and liberties, which certainly must be as dear to you as to any \nin the province. And may this be the happy time, and your excellency the \nhappy instrument, in bringing about that union and confidence between the \nmother Slate, and this as well as the other Colonies, which is so absolute- \nly necessary for tlie well-being and prosperity of both countries. \n\" I am, sir, your Excellency's most dutiful \n\n\" and most obedient humble servant. \n\n\"Edw'd Sheaffe. 1 \n\" Charlestown, March, 16, 1771.\" \n\nIn 1772 2 spirited appeals were made to arouse attention to mili- \ntary discipline, because, it was said, there were such vast warlike \npreparations making among the nations of Europe ! The call was \npromptly responded to by this town. The Boston Gazette of \nOctober 19, says: \" We cannot but mention the performances of \nthe militia of Charlestown the last Thursday, which were regular, \nspirited, and highly entertaining to a great concourse of people of \nall ranks from this and the neighboring towns. A fort was erected \non an eminence in the common, defended by cannon, and mortars \nwith mock bombs. Part of the militia representing an enemy's \narmy, commanded by Lieut. Harris, was driven from the town by \nthe English army, under the command of Capt. William Conant ; \nand after various engagements and skirmishes, driven to the redoubt \nor out-work of their fort, which being soon taken and their cannon \nturned against them, they were obliged at length to take shelter \nin tiie fort, which was also regularly attacked ; and after a long \nand vigorous defence, stormed and taken, the enemy first blowing \nup their magazine. There were a number dressed in the true In- \ndian taste, who exhibited the Indian art of war with great activity, \nand to the great diversion of the spectators. After taking the fort \n\n1 Mass. Archives. Mr. Sheaffe, then representative, died soon after, \nmuch lamented. \n\n2 [n 1772 the selectmen were, Nathaniel Gorham, David Wood, Na- \nthaniel Frothingham, Peter Tufts, Jr., Stephen Miller, John Stanton, and \nJames Gardner. Nathaniel Gorham was representative. \n\n37 \n\n\n286 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwith great activity the Indians were brought to the town. The \nmanual exercise, evolutions, marches, siege of the fort, &c., were \nperformed to as great acceptance, perhaps, as any tiling of the kind \nby our common militia, and were greatly to the honor both of \nofficers and privates. There were more than one hundred and \ntwenty men under arms and not the least accident happened, \nthough between two and three barrels of powder were expended.\" \n\nA duty of three-pence a pound was continued on tea; and a \nnew subject of discussion arose in the provision made for the pay- \nment of the salaries of the governor and the judges, which were \nmade dependent on the crown. Boston was the first town to \nsound the alarm, and its proceedings, at a meeting held November \n22, 1772, were of the highest moment. On motion of Samuel \nAdams, a committee of correspondence was created ; an elaborate \nreport on the rights of the colonists as men, as christians, and as \nsubjects, and on their violations, was accepted; and \" a letter of \ncorrespondence to the other towns \" was adopted. This letter \ncalled upon the towns to \" stand firm as one man,\" to open \" a free \ncommunication \" of sentiment with Boston, and expressed a con- \nfidence, that regard to themselves, and the rising generation, would \nnot suffer them \"to doze, or sit supinely indifferent, on the brink \nof destruction, while the iron hand of oppression was daily tearing \nthe choicest fruit from the fair tree of liberty.\" This was the be- \nginning of that internal organization, by committees of correspond- \nence, that spread through the towns and the colonies, and consti- \ntuted the first stage of the American Revolution.' \n\nA town-meeting, to respond to the action of Boston, was held \non December 7, 1772. Richard Gary was moderator; and Isaac \nFoster, Seth Sweetser, Richard Gary, Richard Devens, and Isaac \nFoster, Jr., were appointed a committee to prepare instructions to \nthe representative, and to consider the Boston Letter. At the ad- \njournment, December 28, the following document, after being \n\" read again and again,\" was adopted : — \n\n\" To Mr. Nathaniel Gorham, one of the Honorable House of Repre- \nsentatives in this Province : \n\n\" S[R — iieinff chosen l)y us, the freeholders and other inhabitants of \nthe town of Charlestown, to the important trust of a Representative, we \n\n\n1 The Boston Proceedings on this memorable oocasion make a pamphlet \nof forty-three pages. It is worthy of remark that the meeting was lliinly \nattended . \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 287 \n\n\nrely on your paying- proper attention to our advice and instructions, when- \never we ihiiik fit to offer such, as we judge conducive to the public good, \nwhich we now do, not from any diffidence of your abihty or distrust of \nyour integrity, but that at this critical time, your hands may be strength- \nened and your mind eased, by knowing the sentiments of your constituents. \n\" It being reported, and we fear not without foundation, tliat salaries \nare annexed, by order of the Crown, to the officers of the Honorable Jus- \ntices of the Superior Court in this Province, whereby they are made en- \ntirely independent of any grant from our great and General C'ourt. This \nstep (if really taken) requires the attention of every person subject to their \njurisdiction, who hath life or property depending, and is an innovation of \nmost dangerous consequence. As nothing can be of more im]'ortai:ce to \nthe happiness of any people, than the absolute independence of those who \nare to pass finally on their lives and projerties, so nothing can mal \n\n\n\\ \n\n\nr^J^ \n\n\n>* \n\n\nu \n\n\n^ \n\n\nf^-^M \n\n\nr: ^^^. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n291 \n\n\nlowing were elected \" by written votes ; \" Isaac Foster, Peter Edes, \nJohn Frothingham, Richard Devens, David Cheever, Nathaniel \nFrothingham, John Codinan, Isaac Foster, Jr., and William Wyar ; \nwho were instructed to report the proper measures to be adopted \nat an adjournment of the meeting.' On the first of December the \ntown again met, but the committee were not prepared to report. \nOn the 4th, twelve days before the tea was destroyed, the commit- \ntee presented to the town, the following preamble and resolves, \n\" which were read over and over again, and unanimously accept- \ned,\" and ordered to be made public. \n\n\" When we, His Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the inhabit- \nants of this town, reflect on the glorious attachment of our ancestors to \nliberty ; an attachment so strong- as to induce them (during the tyranny of \nthe Stuarts) to quit their nntive homes and seek for freedom in the howling \nwilderness of America. When we consider that this once inhospitable \ndesert, has by their labor and at the expense of their blood and treasure \nbeen brought to its present flourishing situation. When we contemplate \nour strong attachment to the person and family of our most gracious Sov- \nereign, and recollect that harmony and mutual affection which lately sub- \nsisted between our parent State and the (Jolonies, tlie restoration of which \nwe most ardently wish ; we cannot but have our minds most deeply \naffected, and our fears greatly alarmed at the encroachments on our rights \nand privileges, by the British administration's raising a revenue from \nAmericans without their consent ; and it adds to our mortification to see \nthe money thus raised under the specious pretence of supporting government, \napplied not only in supporting pensioners and placemen in independency, \nwhose talents are from mercenary views employed by false representations \nin making the most unhappy difference between the mother country and \nher Colonies, but also in maintaining in idleness and luxury an infamous set \nof spies, pimps, informers, &c., with many of whom the sole qualification is \na total unfitness for any honest calling. Our alarms are increased by the F]ast \nIndia Company in Great Britain, sending their tea for sale here while sub- \n\n\n1 The following \nIsaac Foster. \nSamuel Henley. \nJohn Austin. \nEleazer Dovvs. \nNathan Adams. \nDavid Wait. \nNathaniel Austin. \nRichard Gary. \nJohn Codman. \nIsaac Foster, Jr. \nCaleb Call. \nRichard Devens. \nJohn Larkin. \nBattry Powers. \nEben'r Breed. \n\n\nwere the petitioners for this \nJonathan Bradish. \nDavid Wood, Jr. \nStephen Gorham. \nSamuel Austin. \nThomas Larkin. \nWilliam Goodwin. \nEleazer Larkin. \nJohn Frothingham. \nPeter Edes. \nJohn Austin, Jr. \nNehemiah Norcross. \nThomas Rand, 2d. \nBenjamin Wood. \nIsaiah Edes. \nRichard Boylston. \n\n\nmeeting: \n\nHenry P. Sweetser. \nJoseph Austin. \nSamuel Swan. \nWilliam Ford. \nThomas Wood. \nJosiah Harris. \nJosiah Harris, Jr. \nJoseph Hopkins. \nSamuel Conant. \nSamuel Larkin. \nBenj. Bunker. \nJohn Larkin. \nJohn Stevens. \nJohn Harris. \n\n\n292 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nject to a duty — a measure evidently tending to facilitate the destructive \ndesigns of administration upon us : and two ships with said tea being \narrived, we think it our duty, to take every proper step to prevent the ioi- \npending ruin, and do therefore pass the following resolves. \n\n\" 1. Resolved, That it is one of ihe natural rights of man to dispose \nof the fruits of his honest industry himself. \n\n\"2. Resolved, That every British subject in special in whatever part \nof the extensive British Empire he is settled, has eminently by our happy \nconstitution, as well as by nature, the sole right to dispose of his property \neither by himself or his representative. \n\n\"3. Resolved, That some violent attacks have been made by adminis- \ntration on the rights and privileges of British subjects in the Colonies. \nThat the retaining the duty on the tea for the express purpose of raising \na revenue in America, and empowering the East India (Company to send \ntheir tea here for sale whilst subject to said duty, is a striking instance of \ntheir determination to persevere in these attacks, and thereby reduce us to \nthe most abject state of wretchedness and slavery. \n\n\" 4. Resolved, That whoever shall be directly or indirectly concerned \nin landing, receiving, buying or selling said tea, or importing any tea from \nGreat Britain while subject to duty, is an enemy to America and ought to \nbe treated accordingly. \n\n\" 5. Resolved, That we highly approve the vi^ise, vigilant, and steady \nconduct of our brethren, the inhabitants of Buston, at this alarming crisis, \nand beg their acceptance of our most cordial thanks for the same. \n\n\" 6. Resolved, That we will be ready on all proper occasions, in con- \njunction with our oppressed American brethren, to risk our lives and for- \ntunes in support of those rights, liberties, and privileges, with which God, \nnature, and our happy constitution have made us free.\" \n\nThe adjournments of the meeting, the solemn character of the \nresolves, indicate that the citizens felt the importance of the occa- \nsion. The committees of correspondence could not succeed in \nsending the tea back, and were determined that it should not be \nlanded; a party disguised as Indians, on December 10, emptied it \ninto the dock, — three hundred and forty-two chests. \"This,\" \nHutchinson, then the governor, remarked in his History, \" was the \nboldest stroke which had yet been struck in America.\" The \npatriots, far and near, received the news with every demonstration \nof joy. ^ Tea imported by private persons afterwards shared the \nsame fate. The Boston Gazette of March 14, relates in the follow- \ning manner the clearance of a quantity : — \n\n\" His Majesty, Oknookortunkogog, King of the Narragansett tribe of \nIndians, on receiving information of the arrival of another cargo of that \n\n1 A letter, dated Philadelphia, Dec. 28, 1773, says: \"The news of \ndestroying the tea at Boston was received here on Tuesday last with the \nringing of bells, and every sign of joy and universal approbation; and at \nour meeting yesterday, it was proposed for the sentiments of our people, \nwho voted it the most perfect approbation, with universal claps and \nhuzzas.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 293 \n\ncursed weed tea, immediately summoned his council at the Great Swamp \nby the river Jordan, who did advise and consent to the immediate destruc- \ntion thereof, afier resolvingf that the importation of this herb, by any \npersons whatever, was attended with pernicious and dangerous consequen- \nces to the lives and properties of all his subjects throughout America. \nOrders were then issued to the seizer and destroyeirgeneral, and their \ndeputies, to assemble the executive body under their command, to proceed \ndirectly to the place where this noxious herb was. They arrived last \nMonday evening- in town, and finding the vessel, they emptied every chest \ninto the great Pacific ocean, and effectually destroyed the whole (twenty \neight chests and an half.) They are now returning to Narragansett to \nmake report of their doings to his Majesty, who we hear is determined to \nhonor them with commissions for the peace.\" \n\nIt was while these great events were transpiring, on the 22d of \nDecember, that the following petition was presented to the select- \nmen : — \n\n\" Charlestown, Dec. 22, 1773. \n\n\" To the selectmen of the town of Charlestown. \n\n\" Gentlemen : The truly respectable body assembled in Boston last \nweek, having resolved that the use of tea is improper and pernicious: \nand recommended to every town in this province, the appointment of \ncommittees of inspection, to prevent this detested tea from coming into \nany of our towns. We the subscribers, duly attentive to their advice, \nand not willing to be the last in this glorious struggle for American Liberty, \nbeg you would call the town together as soon as possible, that some mea- \nsures may be taken, effectually to prevent the consumption of an article, \nequall}' destructive to our natural and political constitutions. \n\nJosiah Harris. Samuel Larkin. Caleb Call. \n\nPeter Edes. John Harris. John Laikin. \n\nJames Bradish. Joseph Hopkins. U'illiam Leathers, Jr. \n\nJohn CodiTian. John Austin. Nathan Adams. \n\nJohn Frothingham. Ebenezer Breed. Benjamin Hurd. \n\nDavid Cheever. Richard Devens. David Wait. \n\nLouis Foyes. Jno. Stevens. William Wyer.\" \n\nBattry Powers. Nathaniel Austin. \n\nIsaac Foster, Jr. Isaac Foster. \n\nThree days afterwards, December 25, the dealers in tea entered \ninto the following agreement : — \n\nCharlestown, Dec. 25, 1773. \n\n\" We, the dealers in and sellers of tea in this town, taking into our con- \nsideration the present alarming designs and attacks upon our rights and \nprivileges, and considering how essentially the said designs may be car- \nried into execution by the sale of tea, while subject as it now is to an \nAmerican duty by the authority of the British Parliament : Have, upon \nmature deliberation, unanimously resolved and agreed, that we will not \nafter this day, directly or indirectly, by ourselves or any for or under us, \nbuy or sell or suffer to be used in our families any tea, until the duty is \nrepealed. \n\n\" And whereas some of us may have more tea on hand than others, in \norder that the loss may fall equally, voted. That the same be bought at \nthe joint expense of this Company and destroyed. \n38 \n\n\n294 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\" Also voted, That three of the gentlemen present he a comtnittee to \ninform some of the principal lea sellers in Boston and Medford of these \nrasoliitions, and desire their influence, that similar measures may be taken \nby the dealers in this article in their respective towns.\"! \n\nA town meeting was held on the 28th of December, Captain \nIsaac Foster, moderator. The Records state that the meeting was \nvery full, and that the following resolves were unanimously passed : \n\n\" 1. Cnnsiderinn; the advantages that will result to this community (in \nevery point of light) from the disuse of India tea, we will not by ourselves, \nor any from or under us, buy or sell, or suffer to be used in our families, \nany such tea till tiie British act of Parliament, imposing a duty on the \nsame, shall be repealed. \n\n\" 2. That a committee be chosen to collect from all the inhabitants of \nthis town, all the tea they mav have by them, and that such persons as \nshall deliver up the same to said committee be paid by the town the price \nit cost them. And that the tea so collected, be destroyed by fire on Fri- \nday next, at noon-day in the market- place. \n\n\" 3. That Messrs. Isaiah F,des, Samuel Conant, Caleb Call, Benjamin \nHurd, Samuel Wait, Battry Powers, and David Wood, Jr. be the com- \nmittee for the purpose above mentioned. \n\n\" 4. That the above named persons be a committee of inspection to see \nthat all the foregoing votes he fully complied with. \n\n\" 5. That if any of the inhabitants of this town shall do any thing to \ncounteract or render ineffectual the foregoing votes, they are not only in- \nimical to the liberty of America in general, but also show a daring disre- \nspect to this town in particular. \n\n'•fi. That the committee of correspondence for this town confer with \nthe committee of correspondence for the town of Boston, and desire their \ninfluence, thatsimihir measures may be taken in their town. \n\n\" 7. That the above proceedings be published in the newspapers.\" \n\nThe resolves of the town were carried into effect. The Boston \nGazette of January 3, 1774, stated, that \"The inhabitants of \nCharlestown, agreeably to an unanimous vote of said town the \nTuesday preceding, on Friday last voluntarily brought all their \ntea into the public market-square, where it was committed to the \nflames, at high noon-day, an example well worthy of imitation.\" \nOn the 20th the Committee presented the following report of \ntheir doings to the selectmen : — \n\n\" Charlestown, Jan. 20, 1774. \n\" Gevtlemcn : — This is to signify to you that the committee chosen \nby the town to collect the tea, have received from the several persons under- \nnamed the several quantities, and at the several prices set against their \nrespective names, and have burnt the same agreeable to the vote of the \ntown, viz. : from \n\nAbigail Stevens, 1 1-2 a 4s. per lb. £0. 6. 0. \n\nJohn Stevens, 1 3-4 a 4s. 4d. \" 0. 7. 7. \n\n! Boston Gazette, Dec. 27. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, \n\n\n295 \n\n\nSamuel Rand, \nJames Bradish, Jr., \nWilliam Conant, \n.Toliii Odin, \nMrs. Paine, \nJames Hill, \nJohn Smith, \nDavid Wait, \nDaniel Manning, \nIsaiah Edes, \n\n\n1-4 a 5s. 4d. per lb. \n\n6 oz. a 6s. \" \n4 1-2 a 5s. 2d. \" \n3 3-4 a 5s. 4d. \" \n\n3-4 a 5s. 4d. \" \n\n1 3-4 a 5s. 4d. \" \n\n7 3-4 a 5s. 4d. \" \n2-4 a 5s. 4d. \" \n1-4 a 6s. \n\n3 a5s. 4d. \" \n\n\nTo paying the crier, \n\" Tn behalf of the committee. \n\n\n0. 1. 4. \n\n0. 2. 3. \n\n1. 3. 3. \n0. 17. 4. \n0. 9. 4. \n0. 9. 4. \n\n2. i.4. \n0. 2. 8. \n0. 1. 6. \n0. 16. 0. \n\n£ 6. 12. 7. \n0 2. 0. \n\n\n£ 6. 14. 7. \nIsaiah Edes. \n\n\n\" To the selectmen of the town of Charlestown.\" \n\nTea was burned, this month, in other towns with parade. In \nNewburyport a party of both sexes, assembled on town-hill for this \npurpose, at which, the journals stated, the ladies took as much \npleasure in feeding the patriotic bonfire \" as they would in sipping \nso baneful a commodity ; \" and some was burned in King-street, \nBoston, \" amidst the loud acclamations of a vast concourse of \npeople.\" The patriotic Paul Revere, in one of his engravings, \nhere slightly altered, exhibited the spirit of the times. \n\n\n296 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nCHAPTER XXVII. \n\n1774 to 1775. The Contest in 1774. — Boston Port Bill, — its effect on \nCharlestown. — Resolve of the General Court. — Donations. — Com- \nmittee of Correspondence. — Letter to Falmouth. — Town Meeting-. — \nLetter to Boston. — Removal of the Powder. — The People at Cam- \nbridtje. — Alarm of the Country. — Submi.ssions. — Reinoving the \nGuns. — Letter to Sharon and Salisbury. — Resolves of Provincial \nCongress. — Reading Contribution. — (Jommiltee on Donations. — \nTown Meetings. — Close of Corporate Action. \n\nIn 1774 the contest came to a crisis. The British ministry, \nexasperated by the failure of their plans, levelled severe measures \nagainst Boston and Massachusetts. But their cause became a \ncommon cause, and the journals were filled with the patriotic re- \nsolves of the towns, and after town-meetings were prohibited, of \nthe counties, in support of Boston. A General Congress convened \non the 4th of September ; a Provincial Congress on the 7th of \nOctober. Before the close of this memorable year the authority \nof the established officers and of the courts, ceased ; public opinion \nbecame the governing law ; and under an organization ordained \nby the people, the necessary work commenced of securing arnmu- \nnition, collecting stores and regulating the militia. \" Our hemis- \nphere threatens a hurricane;\" wrote a royal governor. \n\nThe Boston Port Bill, the punishment parliamentary wisdom \ndevised for the destruction of the tea, went into operation on the \nfirst day of June, at twelve o'clock, though vessels in port were \nallowed fourteen days to depart. This measure, enforced by a \nfleet and an army, not only cut off the foreign trade of Boston, but \nprohibited all water carriage to it. No goods could be taken over \nthe Ferry without liability to seizure. In the regulating acts of \nthis period, was a clause prohibiting town-meetings, after the first \nday of August, without permission obtained from the Governor or \nLieutenant Governor, except the annual ones for the choice of \nofficers. \n\nCharlestown, then of great commercial importance, was inti- \nmately connected, in business, with Boston ; and hence this high- \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 297 \n\nhanded measure bore with equal severity upon the two towns. Here \nrents declined ; the stores were closed ; trade was suspended ; the \nlaborer was deprived of employment and the poor of bread; gloom \nand distress pervaded the community. \n\nThe ministers expected this measure would intimidate and di- \nvide the Colonists, — it called forth the widest sympathy and pro- \nduced a closer union. The day the Bill took effect was observed \nas one of mourning; public buildings were hung with emblems of \ndistress ; muffled bells tolled from morning to night ; and there \nwere fasting and prayer. ^ Then poured into Boston, from all parts \nof the country, tokens of sympathy, assurances of support, and \nexhortations to firmness. The General Court, convened at Salem, \npublished severe resolutions against the Governor in the journals \nof June 13; and on the 17th the Governor sent by his secretary, \na proclamation to dissolve it. The door of the chamber of the \nHouse of Representatives was found shut. While the galleries \nwere cleared and the door locked, and the secretary, perhaps, was \npronouncing on the stairs, the legal dissolution of royal govern- \nment in Massachusetts, the following preamble and resolve were \npassed : — \n\n\" Whereas the towns of Boston and Charlestown are at this time suffer- \ning under the hand of power, by the shutting up the Harbor by an armed \nforce, which in the opinion of this House is an invasion of the said towns, \nevidently designed to compel the inhabitants thereof to a submission to \ntaxes imposed upon them without their consent : and whereas it appears \nto this House that this attack upon the said towns for the purpose afore- \nsaid, is an attack made upon this whole Province and Continent, which \nthreatens the total destruction of the liberties of all British America: \n\n\" It is therefore resolved, as the clear opinion of this House, that the \ninhabitants of the said towns ought to be relieved; and this House do \nrecommend to all, and more especially the inhabitants of this Province, to \nafford them speedy and constant relief in such way and nnanner as sliall be \nmost suitable to their circumstances, till the sense and advice of our sister \nColonies shall be known : In full confidence that they will exhibit exam- \nples of patience, fortitude and perseverance, while they are thus called to \nendure this oppression, for the preservation of the liberties of their \ncountry.\" \n\nThe response to this call was noble. The flood-gates of a \npatriotic charity were wide opened. The most generous dona- \n\n\n1 In Hartford, June 1, \" The bells began to toll early in the morning \nand continued until evening; the town-house was hung with black, and \nthe edict affixed thereto ; the shops were all shut, and their windows cov- \nered with black and other ensigns of distress.\" — Boston Gazette. \n\n\n298 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nlions, consisting of supplies of every description, poured into Bos- \nton, coming even from Canada, from Carolina and beyond tlie \nmountains of Virginia. They were accompanied with letters and \nresolves speaking the firmest language. \" Unanimity must be the \ngreat leading star;\" one said from Carolina. So prompt was the \naction, that the Boston Gazette, July 18, 1774, stated, that \"A \nwhole continent is now awake and active; one spirit animates the \nwhole; and all unite in prayers to the Supreme Disposer of events \nthat the liberties of America may yet be preserved.\" \n\nAt this period the Committee of Correspondence of this town \nwere in frequent consultation with other similar committees in the \nneighborhood, and in correspondence with other towns. There \nare extant letters to and from Woburn, Lincoln, Sharon and Salis- \nbury, Falmouth, Boston and Cambridge. Some of these letters \nexhibit, in so marked a degree, the firmness of the town and the \nspirit of the times, as to demand insertion. \n\nA letter from Falmouth, dated July 1, 1774, stated that its citi- \nzens proposed to adopt tliere \" the non-importation covenant form- \ned at Worcester;\" that the town had a meeting, and \"after \nserious consideration and debate, voted to write to the towns \nof \" Boston, Charlestown, Nevvburyport, Marblehead, Gloucester \nand Salem,\" \" to know their minds\" about it; and that \" they \nvery generally approved of the Worcester Plan,\" yet think they \n\" should be too forward if they should adopt it before hearing from \nthe above named towns.\" It was signed \" Samuel Freeman, \nClerk.\" \n\nThe committee, in replying to this letter, stated, that all their \ndependence, under God, was upon a firm union of the Colo- \nnies, and recommended a suspension of action until the result of \na Continental Congress was known. This letter is as follows : \n\n\"Charlestown, July 9, 1774. \n\n\" Gentlemen : — Your favor of the first instant has been received and \nduly attended to by us. In order to furnish you with the best information \nin our power that the time would admit of, respecting- the disposition of \nthe inhabitants of this town upon the present alarming situation of our \npublic allairs, we desired and obtained an immediate interview with the \nselectmen upon the subject matter of your letter, and have the pleasure to \ninform you, that our opitiion is confirmed by theirs, that the people of this \ntown have a firm attacliment to their rig-hts and liberties, and with indifr- \nnation and abhorrence view the many infringements made and making upon \nthem, and are disposed to take every measure in their power for the re- \ncovery of tliose which have been wrested from us, and for the support \n\n\nHISTORY\" OF CHARLESTOWN. 299 \n\nand preservation of those we still enjoy. The covenant you refer to in \nyour letter, we have also received; and in ansv\\er to your request we \nwould inform you, that it is, in the opinion of the selectmen and ourselves, \nthe general sense of this town, that all our dependence under God is upon a \nfirm union of the colonies ; and viewing themselves as they haveheen viewed \nby the late honorable House of Representatives, in the same situation \nwith the town of Boston, it has been thought that patient, silent suffering \non their part, while they relied on tiie divine blessing, and the active zeal \nof their pitying brethren in all the other towns, was most for the public \ngood. They therefore think it expedient for them to suspend any mea- \nsure respeciing the covenant, until the result of the general continental \ncongress shall be known, which result, we have no doubt, will be very \ngenerally adopted here. It is with pleasure we embrace this opportunity \nof corresponding with you. And wishing the constant attendance of the \ndivine blessing upon your and all our endeavors for the public safety, \n\" We are with much respect, \n\nyour must obedient humble servants. \n\" In the name and by the order of the Committee of Correspondence. \n\nIsaac Foster, junior Clerk.\" \n\" To the Committee of Correspondence for the town of Falmouth.\" \n\nAt a town-meeting, July 30, it was voted that the selectmen, \nthe overseers of the poor, and the committee of correspondence, \nbe a committee to confer with the town of Boston relative to this \ntown's proportion of the donations: or as the warrant expresses it, \n\"to receive the proportion of the generous and charitable dona- \ntions that have been or may be made, by our compassionate neigh- \nbors in this and the other American Governments, to relieve the \npoor in Boston and this town under their distressing circumstan- \nces.\" The same committee were instructed to report \" upon the \nproper ways and means\" to dispose of the donations. A letter \nfrom the town of Boston was read and ordered to be recorded ; \nand the committee of correspondence were instructed to confer \nwith the same committee of Boston respecting the subject matter \nof it, and report at the adjournment. \n\nThis circular letter, of the inhabitants of Boston, was dated \nJuly 2G. Jt alluded to their previous efforts to warn their \nbrethren \" of approaching danger;\" to the recent parliamentary \nmeasures; to their situation while suffering \" a double weight of \noppression,\" and concluded in the following words: \"to you we \nlook for that wisdom, advice, and example, which giving strength \nto our understanding and vigor to our actions, shall with the \nblessing of God, save us from destruction. Looking up to Heaven, \nand under Divine direction, to our brethren in the country and \non the continent for aid and support, and with earnest prayer for a \nhappy issue out of our great troubles, we are your friends and \n\n\n300 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nbrethren.\" This is a remarkable letter, full of solemn eloquence, \nand well suited to the time. At an adjournment of the town \nmeeting, August 8, Nathaniel Gorham, Seth Sweetser, and Isaac \nFoster, Jr. were appointed a committee to prepare an answer to it. \nThis committee, on the 12th, reported the following draft, which \nwas read \" three several times\" and adopted : — \n\n\" Friends, Brethren, and Fellow-Sufferers : — Your letter of the \n26th of July past, has been received and read in a legal town-meeting, \nand ordered to be recorded. \n\n\" We are sensibly affected by the increase of our public calamities, and \ncondole with you that those persons who are attempting to sacrifice the \nrights and liberties of America, to the gratification of their own pride, \navarice and malice, have had art and weight enough to turn the course of \nministerial vengeance, more immediately upon you : but at the same time \nwe think it happy for America, that you are placed in the front rank of \nthe conflict, and with gratitude acknowledge your vigilance, activity and \nfirmness in the common cause ; which will be admired by generations yet \nunborn. \n\n\" The acts of parliainent you refer to, now arrived, and the baneful effects \nof which begin to appear, we view with the utmost indignation and ab- \nhorrence, to prevent the operation of which, we think, ought to be the care \nof every honest and good man. \n\n\" The conduct of our late worthy and honorable House of Represen- \ntatives relative to our Superior Court Judges, their impeachment of the \nHon. Peter Oliver, Esq., for his accepting a salary from the crown, as \nchief justice of this province, and the uniform spirited conduct of the \nseveral grand jurors through the province on this occasion, we highly ap- \nplaud. \n\n\" A most alarming crisis in our public affairs is at hand, and most ear- \nnestly we pray the Author and Giver of every good and perfect gift, to \nendue you with that wisdom which is profitable to direct to such measures \nas may be most for His glory and the lasting happiness of us and our \nposterity. \n\n\" The military forces encamped in your town we conceive to be most \ndangerous to all our rights and liberties, but rely much on your cool, mod- \nerate, and undaunted behaviour in this difficult situation. Be prudent, \nbut determined, resolute, asserters of the rights of mankind in general, \nand of the charter-rights of this province in particular. Persevere in the \nglorious cause of liberty yon are engaged in. You may be sure of all \nllie assistance we can give you. Let us all, as is our duty, unite in constant, \nfervent prayers to Almighty God, our father's God, who is wonderful in \ncouncil and mighty in working, for bis direction to take, and assistance \nin prosecuting such measures as have a tendency to extricate us out \nof our difficulties, and then we may humbly hope our endeavors will be \ncrowned with success. \n\n\" We are your friends and brethren, \n\nthe inhabitants of the town of Charlestown. \n\" By order of the town. Seth Sweetser, Town Clerk.\" \n\nAt this meeting the committee laid before the town the proceed- \nings of Boston relative to apportioning the donations. That town \nvoted unanimously, that the poor of the \" sister town of Charles- \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 301 \n\ntown,\" who were suflferincr under the operation of the Port Bill, \nwas \" equitably entitled to sliare in the donations,\" and further \nvoted that the committee be directed to apply seven per cent, of \nthe amount received, for this town. \n\nIn July and August the political excitement rapidly increased, \nand the breach between the patriots and the loyalists, the whigs and \nthe tories, daily became wider. The newspapers chronicle faith- \nfully the rising spirit. Multitudes, of both sexes, sign a solemn \nleague and covenant against the use of British goods; the country \npours forth its patriotic donations ; straw for the troops is burnt — \nboat loads of brick for Gage are sunk — mechanics refuse to build \nbarracks; one, for years, had mowed his royalist neighbor's hay,— \nnow \"the honest man's scythe would not cut tory grass,\" and \nanother's \" oxen would not plough tory ground ;\" able essays demon- \nstrate that the King's authority has ceased, that the people are in a \nstate of nature, and at liberty to incorporate themselves into an in- \ndependent State; ^ good men in the metropolis \" pant for the field \nin which the fate of their country is to be decided ; \"^ and \"the \ncountry people are firm, looking to the last extremity with spirit.\" ^ \n\nGovernor Gage, while the public mind was in this state of ex- \ncitement, ordered his grenadiers to disperse a town-meeting at \nSalem, and the civil officers to arrest the committee who called \nit. On the first day of September His Excellency unconsciously \nsummoned a public meeting which he did not think expedient \nto order his troops to dissolve. \n\nIt was customary to store in the powder-house on Quarry Hill, \nin this town, (now Somerville) the powder belonging to the towns \nand the Province. On the 23d of July the selectmen of this \ntown authorized two of its board, Nathaniel Frothingham and \nNehemiah Rand, to receive, and receipt for, this town's stock. \nOther towns did the same ; the last town which withdrew its stock, \nwas Medford, on the 27th of Aug. This fact was communicated to \n\n1 Essex Gazette, and Boston Gazette of August 15. \n\n~ This language is uttered in a letter, signed by Joseph Warren, Sep- \ntember 1, in behalf of the Boston Committee of Donations. \" There was \na time when some good men among us were insensible of their danger, \nand seemed to prefer obscurity to action ; but the late manoeuvres of \ntyranny have roused them from their lethargy, and they now pant for the \nfield in which the fate of our country is to be decided.\" — MS. Letter. \n\n2 Boston Gazette, Aug. 15. \n\n39 \n\n\n302 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nGovernor Gage, when he immediately resolved to transfer the \nbalance of the powder, \" the King's powder,\" to Castle William. \n\nOn the 31st of August he ordered General Brattle, the military \nofficer of this district, to deliver to Sheriff Phipps the powder and \ntwo field-pieces recently procured for the Cambridge regiment. \nThis order was complied with. On Thursday morning, Sept. 1, \nabout half past four, two hundred and sixty troops under the com- \nmand of Lieutenant Colonel Maddison, embarked at Long Wharf, \nBoston, in thirteen boats, sailed up Mystic river, landed at Tem- \nple's farm (the Ten Hills), marched to the powder-house, and re- \nmoved all the powder in it, two hundred and fifty half barrels, to \nCastle William. Meantime, a detachment from this corps went \nto Cambriilge and carried away the two field-pieces. \n\nIntelligence of this transaction spread like wild-fire through \nMiddlesex county ; and in the evening the people gathered in great \nnumbers, provided with arms, ammunition and provisions, deter- \nmined to check, in some way, the power that was thus clandestinely \ndepriving them of their defence, and openly menacing them with \ndestruction. They took one night for deliberation. A few, how- \never, \" mostly boys and negroes,\" went to Cambridge in the eve- \nning, surrounded the Attorney General's house, and the Gazette \nstated, \" being provoked by the firing of a gun from a window, \nthey broke some glass, but did no more mischief\" \n\nEarly on Friday morning, a body of thousands of substantial \ncitizens, leaving behind their arms and ammunition, and provided \nonly with sticks, went to Cambridge Common. On seeing the con- \ncourse, the Cambridge Committee sent an express to the Committee \n(jf Charlestown, who notified that of Boston ; and the two Commit- \ntees promptly proceeded to Cambridge. When they arrived at the \nscene of action, Judge Danforth, who had accepted oflice under \nthe Regulating Act, was addressing the body from the steps of \nthe court-house. He expressed his great mortification to find a step \ntaken by him, at his advanced age, so disagreeable to his county, \nand assured them that he had resigned his seat at the Council \nBoard, and never again would accept any office inconsistent with \nthe Charter rights of his country. He then delivered a written \ncertificate to this effect. Judge Lee made similar statements \nand gave a similar resignation. These proceedings were voted \nsatisfactory; and \"The Body\" then declared, on motion, their \nabhorrence of mobs, and of the destruction of private property. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 303 \n\nCol. David Pljipps, high sheriff of the county, then appeared \nbefore the Committee, and complained that people had spoken \nhardly of him for the part which he had acted in delivering the \npowder to the troops. The committee candidly considered his \ncase, and reported to the people that he was excusable, as he had \nacted in conformity to orders from the Commander-in-chief. Col. \nPhipps then delivered to \" The Honorable Body \" a declaration \nthat he would issue no more precepts under the Regulating Act, \nand would recall the Venires which he had sent out under it. \nThis was also accepted as satisfactory to \" The Body.\" \n\nHon. Thomas Oliver, Lieutenant Governor and President of the \nCouncil, hesitated. He had been apprized, early in the morning, \nby Charlestown men, that a large body of people were on their \nway to Cambridge ; and when they came by his house he address- \ned them and gave them advice. He was thanked for it, and \nassured that the Body were \" no mob, but sober, orderly people.\" \nHe next, by request, about eight o'clock, when there was a report \nthat troops were marching to disperse the meeting, rode to Boston \nand held a conference with Governor Gage, — informing the latter \nthat \"the vast concourse was not a mad mob, but the freeholders \nof the county.\" He was assured by General Gage that no troops \nwould be ordered out. On his return, he repeated what he had \nbefore stated, namely, \" that as the commissions of Lieut. Govern- \nor and President of the Council, seemed tacked together, he should \nundoubtedly incur his Majesty's displeasure if he resigned the \nlatter and pretended to hold the former.\" While he begged that \nhe might not be pressed to incur that displeasure at the instance \nof a single county, he assured the committee, that in case the mind \nof the whole Province, expressed by a Congress or otherwise, ap- \npeared to be in favor of his resignation, he would by no means act \nin opposition to it. \n\nThese assurances seemed satisfactory to the committee, who \nwere preparing a report to this effect to deliver to the Body, when \nCommissioner Hallowell rode through the town on his way to Bos- \nton. The sight of so obnoxious a person \" so inflamed the people, \nthat in a few minutes above one hundred and sixty horsemen v ere \ndrawn up and proceeding in pursuit of him on the full gallop.\" \nMembers of the committees as promptly followed the horsemen. \n\" Captain Gardner of Cambridge first began a parley with one of \n\n\n304 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthe foremost, which caused them to halt till he delivered his mind \nvery fully in dissuasion of the pursuit, and was seconded by Mr, \nDevens of Charlestown, and Dr. Young of Boston.\" Their argu- \nment was, that the object of the Body's attention that day seemed \nto be the resignation of unconstitutional counsellors, and it might \nintroduce confusion if other matters were \" brought upon the \ncarpet.\" \"In a little time the gentlemen dismounted their horses \nand returned to the Body.\" Commissioner Hallowell, still pursued \nby one person, drove with all speed to Boston, went to the \ncamp, and reported what he had seen. The camp was soon in \nmotion. It was hence inferred, by patriots, that the troops were \npreparing to march to Cambridge. The alarm was given to Dr. \nRoberts, at Charlestown Ferry, who carried an express to Cam- \nbridge. The intelligence was instantly diffused ; the people col- \nlected their arms ; horsemen were despatched for more certain \nadvice ; \" a greater fervor or resolution probably never appeared \namong any troops.\" The report was soon contradicted, the Body \nbecame calm, and resumed with spirit the business of the day. ^ \n\nAt this stage, in the after part of the day, an eye-witness has \nminutely described the scene. Two thousand persons were formed \nregularly in lines before Lieut. Gov. Oliver's house, and there were \nas many more bystanders. \" There was no tumult but an awful \nstillness\" among the people. The business was done by the com- \nmittee in the presence of the Body. Governor Oliver had with \nhim a few friends and his family ; and still declined to accede \nto the demands of the committee. \" But a weighty spirit began \nto show itself by some gentlemen and officers nearest, pressing \nthrough the gate, into the Governor's yard with (the not as yet \nviolence yet with) marks of earnestness and importunity, which \nthe Governor and his friends saw was at length become irresist- \nible.\" He delivered his resignation, — signed, he stated, in \" com- \npliance with the commands of about four thousand people,\" \nwhich was read along the lines, at proper distances, till all \nheard it; and, about sunset, the solemn silence was changed to \ngeneral expressions of satisfaction, and the Body dissolved. ^ \n\nBut the alarm, occasioned by the removal of the powder, spread \n\n1 Boston Gazette Sept. 5, 1774, where this meeting is termed \"the Body.\" \n\n2 Stiles's MSS., kindly loaned by Henry Stevens, Esq. The papers \nin Force's Tracts, of this date, liave been consulted. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 305 \n\nthrough the country. The bells were rung and beacon fires were \nkindled on the hills. It was reported to Col. Putnam, at Pom- \nfret, Connecticut, on the 3d of September, that when the powder \nwas taken, six men were killed and many wounded ; that Boston \nwas cannonaded, and the people were universally rallying to their \nrelief. The Colonel sent a letter with such intelligence, by ex- \npress, to Philadelphia, and it had the effect to alarm nearly the \nwhole Colony of Connecticut on Sunday. The letter was read \nin two-thirds of the congregations ; services were suspended ; men \nleft the church for the camp;' and on that day, it was estimated \ntwenty thousand men, from that one Colony were on their march \nto relieve Boston. \"^ The roads were alive with \" armed men \nrushing forward, some on foot, some on horseback ; at every \nhouse women and children were making cartridges, running \nbullets, making wallets, baking biscuit, crying and bemoaning, \nand at the same time animating their husbands and sons to \nfight for their liberties.\" 3 Six thousand men were on their way \nfrom the single county of Worcester ^ in this State ; and Dr. \nStiles records in his Diary that, had not the report been con- \ntradicted, on the succeeding morning, thirty thousand men under \narms, would have congregated at the point of danger. \n\nThe Regulating Act at this period, was broken into fragments \nthat could not be gathered up. Not an officer, from the Governor \nto a Justice, was allowed to act under it. Hon. Thaddeus Mason, \nof this town, a firm patriot, had been clerk of the county court \nthirty-eight years, and under the act, issued warrants to the con- \nstables to return jurors. On the 2d of September, he stated to \nthe public the circumstances under which he issued them, and ac- \nknowledged his error \" with much higher pleasure and satisfac- \ntion\" than he felt \" in signing the unconstitutional warrants;\" and \nhe called upon his friends to bear witness that he had been \" steady, \nuniform, and persevering \" in his opposition to parliamentary su- \npremacy, and \"utterly abjured, abhorred, and detested\" the late \ncruel Acts. John White also, of this town, had signed the Address \nto Hutchinson on his departure, and in a document dated Sep- \n\n1 Stiles's Diary. 2 History of Norwich. \n\n3 Stiles's Diary — from a person who passed through the towns to Boston. \n\n4 Lincoln's Worcester, p. 96. Governor Gage wrote to Lord Dartmouth \nSept. 25, \" The whole country was in arms and in motion.\" \n\n\n306 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ntember 3, asked forgiveness for his conduct. The journals con- \ntain many such documents at this period. ^ \n\nThe removal of the powder by Governor Gage, suggested to the \npatriots of this tow^n, the removal of the guns of the old battery \nto a place of safety. But this work was difficult of execution. A \nship of war was lying off the fort, and the Lively in the ferry; and \nnoise at the battery could be heard on board the vessel. The en- \nterprise was attempted by citizens of the town, and successfully \nexecuted in the night — those engaged in it, hearing on ship-board \nthe cry of all's well, as they silently took away the guns. Some \nof them were secreted on school-house hill, under stable dirt. The \nBritish officers searched for them closely, an inhabitant stated \nin a petition — \" peeping everywhere to find them out.\" \" The \ngunner of the Lively \" asked him if \" he knew what were done \nwith them?\" \" I told him I thought he knew me better than to ask \nsuch a question, and begged from that time he never would come \nto my house.\" The search proved ineffectual, and the guns were \nused in the ensuing contest. General Gage asked, Sept. 12, the \ndelegates of Suffolk county, \" why were the guns removed privately \nin the night from the battery in Charlestown 1\" The delegates, in \nreply, referred significantly to the seizure of the powder and the \nfield-pieces, the orders for additional troops, and the disposition of \nthe ships of war.^ \n\nAt this time, about September 20, General Gage purchased \nof a Mr. Scott, a quantity of warlike stores; and wrote to the \nministry, (Sept. 25,) that \"Boston artificers had undertaken his \nwork ;\" namely, building barracks. The people were so incensed \nagainst Scott, that he was glad to escape with his life. Other omi- \nnous signs appeared, and on the 27th of September, the Boston \nCommittee of Correspondence, Dr. Joseph Warren, President, sent \nto this town the following summons : — \n\n\" Gentlemen : — Our enemies proceed with such rapidity, and execute \ntheir measures so successfully by the assistance of enemies in this and the \n\n1 The Boston Gazette of Sept. 5, states, \" on Saturday afternoon the \nLively frigate of 20 guns, came to her moorings in the ferry way between \nBoston and Charlestown. \n\n~ After diligent inquiry, I have been able to ascertain the names of \nonly three of the party who were engaged in this work — Timoliiy \nThompson, William ('alder, and William Lane. The latter, of Boston, \nstates in a petition, that lie had been helpl'ul, \" from the demolition of the \nStamp Office, to the bringing off the cannon from Charlestown.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 307 \n\nneighboring towns, that we are constrained to request your presence and \nadvice immediately. Matters of such extreme importance now claim \nyour attention, that the least delr.y may prove fatal. We therefore en- \ntreat your company at Fanueil Hall, at five o'clock this afternoon, with \nsuch committees in your neighborhood, as you can influence to attend on \nso short a notice. \n\n\" We are your friends and fellow countrymen, \n\n\"Nath'l Appleton, \n\" per order of the Committee of Correspondence. \n\"Boston, Tuesday, September 27, 1774. \n\"The Committee of Correspondence of Charlestown.\" \n\nAmong the proceedings of this session, consisting of the com- \nmittees of several of the towns, was a resolve against furnishing \nsupplies to the troops. After a preamble, commencing, \" whereas \nthe inhabitants of the towns of Boston and Charlestown, by the ope- \nration of the detested and oppressive Port Bill, are now suffering un- \nspeakable distresses, arising from the entire prohibition of com- \nmerce,\" the resolve declared all to be enemies to the country, who \nshould furnish the troops \" with labor, lumber, joist, spars, pickets, \nstraw, bricks, or any materials whatsoever,\" which might furnish aid \nto annoy the inhabitants. It was also resolved to appoint com- \nmittees of observation in this and the neighboring towns. \n\nThe towns of Sharon and Salisbury, Connecticut, in a joint let- \nter of condolence and inquiry, addressed to Charlestown, and \ndated 22d September, 1774, asked, Whether the present necessi- \nties of the town \" were pressing, or whether their donations would \nnot be more agreeable next spring;\" invited \" a frequent correspon- \ndence relative \" to public matters, and concluded as follows : \" while \nwe deeply commiserate your sufferings in the common calamity, we \nequally applaud and revere your virtuous obstinacy in a great cause, \nalike involving every individual in an extensive and populous con- \ntinent.\" \n\nThe Committee in reply, assured their distant friends, that they \nwould sooner abandon all their temporal interests, than by treach- \nery or cowardice, betray the rights of all America ! The follow- \ning is its letter : — \n\n\" Charlestown, Oct. 5, 1774. \n\n\" Gentlemen : Your kind favor of the 22d ult. was received by us with \nthe most grateful sensations. Suffering as we are with our worthy breth- \nren at Boston under the accumulated load of ministerial vengeance, noth- \ning but the humane, the tender, sympathising pity and generous assistance \nof all the friends to American Liberty throughout this extensive continent \ncould have supported us. Placed as we are by Providence in the front \nrank of this glorious contest we do not repine. Even when uncertain of \n\n\n308 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthe liberal aid we have met with, we had no thought of submitting ; much \nsooner would we have abandoned our houses, our estates, and all our tem- \nporal interest, than by our treachery, or cowardice, have betrayed the \nrights of all America. We thank you for your generous intentions \ntoward us, and would inform you, that whatever donations are sent, \neither to Boston or Charlestown, they are put into common stock \nand shared in a proportion agreed on by the two towns. Our present \nnecessities are very pressing, as we have a tedious winter before us, and \nhave as yet received but a small part of what our generous friends intend \nfor us. It is with the greatest pleasure we accept your invitation to a fre- \nquent correspondence, and shall always gladly communicate to you every \nthing of a public nature that we think worth your notice. We have now \nenclosed you a printed copy of the resolves of this county at a meeting of \ndelegates from every town and district in it, which, with very little varia- \ntion, appears to be the sense of the Province in general. We cannot \nlearn that many poor people have removed from Boston or Charlestown. \nThe propriety of sending the women and children out of said towns is now \nunder consideration, and will, we suppose, be determined by the Provincial \nCongress, which meets on the 11th of this month. As soon as we are \npossessed of their determination, we will communicate it to you. Relying \non the benevolence of our countrymen, if we are reduced to the dire neces- \nsity of taking such a step, that they will receive our helpless women and \nchildren into their kind protection. \n\n\" We are your friends and \n\n\" fellow sufferers in the common cause. \n\" In the name of and by order of the Committee of Correspondence. \n\n\"Isaac Fostek, Jr., Clerk, i \n\" To the towns of Sharon and Salisbury.\" \n\nMeantime the provisions of the Port Bill were rigidly executed. \nA severe winter was before the inhabitants, but this prospect did \nnot repress their patriotic spirit. The Boston Gazette stated that \non pursuing, on the 4th of November, a person who had been \nguilty of breaking the peace, in this town, \" a barrel and bag of tea \nwere stumbled upon, which were immediately carried to the train- \ning field and committed to the flames.\" Further search was made \nand enough tea found to fill a large hogshead, \" This was con- \nveyed to a place called the Green, before Cape Breton Tavern, and \na quantity of fagots laid round it, they were set on fire and the \nwhole were consumed. Every thing was conducted with such \nstillness and order, that many people there knew nothing of it until \nthe next morning.\" The quantity destroyed was between four \nand five hundred pounds. ^ \n\n' This letter, and other letters from the Committee, are copied from \nMSS. in the Cabinet of Mass. Hist. Society. \n\n2 The selectmen for 1773, 1771 and 1775 were, Nathaniel Gorham, Na- \nthaniel Frothingham, Nehemiah Rand, Peter Tufts, Jr., John Stanton, \nJames Gardner, Stephen Miller. Nathaniel Gorham was representative. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 309 \n\nThe Provincial Congress, on the 30th of November, passed a \nvote of thanks to the other Colonies for their \"free and generous \ncontributions\" to Boston and Charlestown ; and declared them to \nbe convincing proofs \" of the firm attachment of all the Colonies \nto the glorious cause of American Liberty.\" And, on the 6th of \nDecember, it adopted the following preamble and resolve : — \n\n\" The operation of the cruel and iniquitous Boston Port Bill, that in- \nstrument of ministerial vengeance, having reduced our once happy capital \nand the neighboring town of Charlestown, from affluence and ease to ex- \ntreme distress ; many of their inhabitants bemg deprived of even the means \nof procuring the necessaries of life ; from all which they have most nobly \nrefused to purchase an exemption by surrendering the rights of Americans ; \nand although the charitable donations from the other Colonies and several \ntowns in this Province, have, in a good measure, relieved their immediate \nnecessities while their approbation has animated them to persevere in patient \nsuffering for the public good, yet as the severity of winter is now approach- \ning, which must greatly add to their misery ; and there has been no general \ncollection for them in this Colony, we hold ourselves obliged, in justice, to \ncontribute to their support ; while they, under such a weight of oppression, \nare supporting our rights and privileges. \n\n\" It is therefore Resolved, That it be I'ecommended to our constituents, \nthe inhabitants of the other towns, districts and parishes, within this Prov- \nince, that they further contribute liberally to alleviate the burden of those \npersons, who are the more immediate objects of ministerial resentment, \nand are suffering in the common cause of their country ; seriously con- \nsidering how much the liberty, and consequently the happiness, of our- \nselves and posterity, depend, under God, on the firmness and resolution of \nthose worthy patriots.\" \n\nDoctor Isaac Foster, Richard Devens and David Cheever, were \nappointed a committee to transmit this \" Brief\" to the ministers \nin the Province to be read in the churches. This action gave \nfresh impulse to the donations. In some instances the supplies \nwere received with much parade. A letter, dated Charlestown, \nJanuary 14, 1775, relates, in the following manner, the arrival of \ncontributions from two towns : \" While servile placemen, pension- \ners and expectants, are employing their venal pens in support of a \nsystem of tyranny, the honest yeomanry of this Province are join- \ning our compassionate brethren of the other Colonies in giving \nsubstantial proofs of their attachment to the common cause of \nAmerica. The week past has afforded several instances of their \nreadiness to relieve their distressed friends at this severe season. \nI will mention only two, as they happened to arrive in this town. \nOn Tuesday last the inhabitants of Lexington sent sixty-one loads \nof wood and some money, as a present to the poor sufferers by the \nBoston Port Bill ; and on Thursday last the first and third Parishes \n40 \n\n\n310 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nin Reading sent twenty-seven loads of wood, some money, and some \ngrain, for the same purpose. On one of the sleds was hoisted the \nUnion Flag, with the following inscription in its centre : — \n\n\" TO THE WORTHY INHABITANTS OF BOSTON AND CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\" Ye noble patriots ! constant, firm and true, \n\nYour country's safety much depends on you ; \n\nIn patient suffering greatly persevere, \n\nFrom cold, from famine, you have nought to fear ; \n\nWith tender eye the country views your wo — \n\nWith your distress will her assistance grow ; \n\nOr if (which Heaven avert) some fatal hour \n\nShould force you from your homes, by tyrant power — \n\nTo her retire — with open generous heart \n\nAll needful aid and comfort she'll impart: \n\nGladly she'll share the wealth by Heaven bestown \n\nWith those, for her, who've sacrificed their own.\" \n\nThere are living witnesses of these scenes. The trains of sleds \nwere gaily decorated with flags and emblems ; the citizens lined \nthe streets and received them with hearty and repeated huzzas. \nNor were the committees allowed to depart without being enter- \ntained at one of the patriotic taverns — on this occasion at Captain \nNathan Adams's — at the expense of the town. \n\nThe committee on donations consisted of Nathaniel Gorham, \nNathaniel Frothingham, Nehemiah Rand, Peter Tufts, Jun., John \nStanton, Stephen Miller, James Gardner, Edward Goodwin, John \nLarkin, 2d, David Wait, Thomas Wood, Isaac Codman, Isaac \nFoster, Peter Edes, John Frothingham, Richard Devens, David \nCheever, John Codman, Isaac Foster, Jr., William Wyer. It \nmet at the house of Capt. Nathan Adams, on the 1st of August, \nand organized by the choice of Isaac Foster, chairman, and Seth \nSweetser, clerk. \n\nI have the journal ^ of this committee, containing full details of \nits action until its last adjournment, April 5, 1775. It at first met \nonce a week at Capt. Adams's tavern, and among other arrange- \nments, made provision to give employment to the poor. It de- \ntermined to carry on the nail business, to lay out brick-yards, to \nbuy wool, and employ people \" in carding, knitting, and spinning ;'' \nto buy leather, and to hire shoemakers ; to buy old junk, and em- \nploy persons to pick oakum, and to build a vessel. The wages \nwere 18s. old tenor a day — one half in provision, the other half in \n\n1 I am indebted to Mrs. Boylston for this interesting manuscript. \n\n\nHTSTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 311 \n\ncash, and an allowance of \"half a pint of rum each day, and sugar \nin proportion.\" The products, and such portions of provisions as \nwere not wanted were sold, and the money distributed to the most \nnecessitous. No meal was allowed to be sold for \" horses or hogs ;\" \nthe price of flour was \" seven pounds for Os. ; 3 1-2 pounds for \n4s. 6d., and a single pound three coppers;\" butter at 5s., and no \nfamily was allowed to have over three pounds. The annual \nThanksgiving was duly noticed, but not more than 8s. L. M., was \ngiven to any one family. No glove makers were relieved, as they \nwere not sufferers by the Port Bill ; and January 4, it was voted \nto make no grant \" to any person that consumed foreign tea in his \nfamily,\" and that every suspected person who applied should be \ncritically examined. In March and April, 1775, the applications \nwere numerous. At a sitting, April 5, forty-three were relieved ; \nwhen it was voted to adjourn for a fortnight, to meet at 5 o'clock, \nP. M. This is the last record ; the hour fixed for the adjournment, \nwas the time the troops were returning from Concord, on the \nmemorable nineteenth of April. \n\nIt will be recollected that town meetings, after August 1, were \nprohibited. Governor Gage, early in the month, summoned the \nBoston selectmen to the Province House, and announced his inten- \ntion to enforce the law. In Salem he ordered his troops to dis- \nperse a meeting. Yet the citizens of this town, for the eight suc- \nceeding months, held meetings and carried on their patriotic action \nas usual ; the Regulating Act prohibited the calling of meetings, \nbut was silent as to adjournments ! And hence the citizens contin- \nued their legal meeting of July 30, until the ensuing March. This \nmeeting, it has been stated, was adjourned to August 8, and again \nto August 12. The proceedings have been detailed. It was \nnext adjourned to August 2G. At this adjournment the donation \ncommittee were authorized to commence the nail business, and to \nmake brick ; when John Harris offered sufficient clay in his pasture \nat Moulton's Point, free of charge, to make twenty thousand brick. \nAfter presenting the thanks of the town to Mr. Harris for his gen- \nerous donation, the moderator adjourned the meeting to Sept. 9. \nAt this meeting of Sept. 9, the patriotic proceedings of the coun- \nty convention at Concord, August 30 and 31, were acted upon \nand ordered to be spread upon the records. They fill four pages, \nbut relate rather to the history of the county than to the town. \n\n\n312 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN; \n\nThe meeting was then adjourned to Sept. 26. At this time a le- \ngal meeting was called to choose representatives, and alter elect- \ning Nathaniel Gorham and Richard Devens, it was dissolved. \nThen the adjourned meeting of July 30, elected David Cheever \nand Isaac Foster, Jr., delegates to act in the Provincial Congress \nto be holden at Concord in October, and also authorized the two \nrepresentatives to act in conjunction with them. The meeting \nwas again adjourned to October 24, and then to November 21. \nAt this adjournment \"not being a full meeting,\" the clerk was \ndirected to post up notifications desiring a general attendance — \n\" there being matters of great importance to be laid before the \ntown by the committees.\" The meeting was adjourned to the \n26th. On this day, the following votes were passed : — \n\n\" Voted, That a committee be chosen to see the resolutions and deter- \nminations of the Grand American Congress, also such resolutions and de- \nterminations of the Provincial Congress as are already made public, be \nduly executed so far as relates to this town. \n\n\" Voted, That the committee consist of eleven persons, and that they be \nchosen by hand vote, — namely : Nathan Adams, Benjamin Hurd, Wil- \nliam Ford, Caleb Call, Samuel Conant, John Harris, Nathaniel Austin, \nLouis Foye, Isaiah Edes, James Fosdick, Samuel Wait. \n\n\" Voted, That the Committee of Correspondence of this town be directed \nto use their influence with the Committees of Correspondence in the neigh- \nbor towns, that the prohibitions that withholds straw from the troops may \nbe taken off. \n\n\" Voted, That such of the collectors of this town as are indebted to the \nProvince pay the sums due from them respectively into the hands of \nHenry Gardner, Esq., of Stowe, agreeable to the directions of the \nProvincial Congress, and the town engage to indemnify them in case any \nloss or damage arise to them thereby.\" \n\nAfter these important proceedings, this meeting was adjourned \nto December 10; when it was adjourned to December 22, and \nagain to Thursday, December 29. The \" committees having \nnothing to offer,\" the meeting was further adjourned to the first \nMonday in February. Another town-meeting was held on the 29th \nwhen the Address of the Provincial Congress was read and ordered \nto be recorded, and Nathaniel Gorham and Richard Devens were \nchosen delegates to the Provincial Congress in February. The \nJuly meeting was held by adjournment, on Feb. 6, and adjourned \nto the first Monday in March. Only one more town-meeting was \nheld before the destruction of the town, which was on March 21, \nwhen David Cheever was chosen another delegate to the Provin- \ncial Congress. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 313 \n\n\nCHAPTER XXVIIL \n\n1775. Military Preparations. — The Alarm Lists. — Marches of Troopa \ninto the Country. — Massachusetts declared to be in Rebellion. — \nGeneral Gage resolves to destroy the Stores. — The British Officers. — \nRichard Deven's relation. — Expedition to Concord. — Firing near \nProspect Hill. — Events in Charlestown. — Entrance by the Troops. — \nDistress of the Inhabitants. — Jacob Roger's Petition. — Assembling \nof an Army. — Charlestown threatened, and distress of the Inhabi- \ntants. — Their Removal. — Fortifications. — Exchange of prisoners. — \nResolve to occupy Bunker Hill. — Description of Charlestown. \n\nThe period has been reached when the events that occurred \nin Charlestown are so intimately connected with general history, \nthat it is difficult to select that which is merely local. A narra- \ntive, however, will be expected of the military transactions that \noccurred within its limits.' \n\nThe British administration determined to enforce, at all \nhazards, complete submission to the Act altering the charter \nof Massachusetts passed in May, 1774, while the people resolved \nto resist its execution. Hence General Gage concentrated a \nstrong force in Boston, and the patriots made efficient prepara- \ntions for their defense. In the councils of this period, consisting \nof meetings of the committees of correspondence, of the com- \nmittees of safety, of the county convention, and of the Provincial \nCongress, delegates of Charlestown bore an active part. The \n\n1 A narrative of the military transactions that took place within the \nlimits of Charlestown, was prepared for this work from the printed \nauthorities, on the supposition that the researches of others had \nexhausted the subject. On further reflection, however, it seemed more \nin accordance with the character of the preceding portion of the \nvolume, to construct an account, as much as possible, from original \nauthorities. On collecting them, the quantity of matter became \nembarrassing, and could not properly be put into a work of so local a \ncharacter. Hence it has been prepared into an octavo volume of over \nfour hundred pages, entitled, \" History of the Siege of Boston and \nof the Battles of Lexington, Concord and Bunker Hill. Also, an \naccount of the Bunker Hill Monument. With Illustrative Documents.\" \nThe reader is referred to this work for a fuller detail of the military \ntransactions of 1775 and 1776, and for a fuller reference to the \nauthorities. \n\n41 \n\n\n814 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nfirm support given by the Town to the patriot cause continued \neven after such support became hazardous. There is no allusion \nhowever on the records to any military preparation. Its early \nattention to this subject (see page 285) elicited praise from the \nleading patriots, and the absence of votes relative to \" alarm \nlists \" and military discipline, must be ascribed to its peculiar \nsituation. The following record shows that its citizens did not \nneglect the call of the Provincial Congress, and shows who com- \nposed its \" Minute men \" : — \n\nCharlestown, December 2, 1774. \nAt a meeting of the Engine Men of the Town, at Captain Adam's, \nVoted, that the three companies be united in one body as exempts. \n\n2. That the officers of said company where chosen to it, Captain \nJoseph Hopkins, Lieut. Nathaniel Frothingham, and John Austin, \nEnsign. \n\n3. The three companies meet separately to learn to exercise. \n\n4. That every man be provided with a good gun and bayonet, with a \niron ramrod, in one month, on forfeiture of three shillings. \n\n5. That Captain Joseph Hopkins and Lieutenant Frothingham, En- \nsign Austin, and Mr. Isaiah Edes, and Mr. David Wood, Jr., be a com- \nmittee to wait upon the following gentlemen, to see whether they will \njoin the body of the Engine Men, viz. \n\nMr. Richard Devens, Capt. Nath'l Adams, \n\nMr. Nathaniel Gorham, Mr. Nath'l Rand, \n\nMr. Benjamin Hurd, Mr. John Stanton, \n\nMr. John Hay, Mr. Samuel Conant, \n\nMr. Isaac Foster, Jr., Mr. David Wait, \n\nMr. Isaac Codman, Mr. John Larkin, \n\nMr. Benj. Swetser, Mr. Samuel Rand, \n\nMr. Thomas Goodwin, Mr. Thomas Welsh, \n\nMr. Wm. Harris, Mr. John Beckham, \n\nMr. John Austin, 3d., Mr. Lewis Foye. \n\nNo military event of importance occurred in the winter of \n1774-5. Small detachments of the British army came out, \noccasionally, over the Ferry, marched into the country, and \nreturned to Boston, and British officers were often seen in the \nstreets. The patriots used every exertion to prevent collisions \nbetween the \" alarm lists \" and the Regulars, and a plan had \nbeen agreed upon to avoid hostilities as long as possible. This \npolicy was put to a severe test by expeditions sent (January 23, \n1775) to Marshfield, and (February 26) to Salem. The Com- \nmittee of Safety, of whom Richard Devens of this town was a \nprominent member, and the Committee of Supplies, of whom \nDavid Chcever of this town was an active member, were busy in \ncollecting stores at Concord for the support of an army, while \nreports were current that General Gage intended to destroy them. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 315 \n\nAs early as March fourteenth, couriers were engaged by the \n\nCommittee of Safety to alarm the country in case this was \n\nattempted. The movements of the troops were narrowly watched. \n\nWhen a brigade (March 30) marched out in the direction of \n\nJamaica Plain, the Charlestown committee received the following \n\nsummons : — \n\nBoston, March 30, 1775. \nGentlemen, — The alarming mancEUvre of a large detachment of the \narmy is the reason of our desiring your attendance at our chamber in \nFaneuil Hall to-morrow, at ten o'clock, a. m., in order to determine \nupon measures of safety. The wisdom of the joint committees has \nbeen very conspicuous. The fullest exertion of the same wisdom is \nabsolutely necessary at this excited time. We therefore desire your \npunctual attendance. \n\nWe are, gentlemen. \n\nYour friends and countrymen. \n\nSigned, by order of the committee \nof correspondence of Boston, \n\nWilliam Cooper, Clerk. \nTo Committee of Correspondence for Charlestown. \n\nIn the early part of April it became more and more evident \nthat the time for the last appeal was at hand. It was proclaimed \nin England that Massachusetts was in a state of rebellion ; and \nthe King gave assurances to Parliament that speedy measures \nshould be taken to put the rebellion down. This was published \n(April 4) in the Boston Journals. The Provincial Congress took \ndecisive measures, and among other acts, it sent (April 7) a \ncircular to the local committees of correspondence, \" most \nearnestly recommending \" them to see to it that \" the militia and \nminute men \" be found in the best posture of defense whenever \nany exigence might require their aid, but at whatever expense \nof patience or forbearance to act on the defensive. \n\nThis warning was needed. General Gage having about four \nthousand troops in Boston, determined to destroy the stores \ncollected at Concord. To prevent intelligence from reaching the \ncountry of the march of his troops, he ordered officers (April 18) \nto station themselves on the roads leading out of Boston. The \nfollowing relation, by Richard Devens, shows what occurred in \nCharlestown during the evening. Messrs. Gerry, Orne, Lee and \nWatson, were members of the Committee of Safety or Supplies : — \n\n\" On the 18th of April, '75, Tuesday, the committee of safety, of \nwhich I was then a member, and the committee of supplies, sat at \nNewell's tavern, (the records of the committee of safety say Wether- \nby's,) at Menotomy. A great number of British officers dined at \nCambridge. After we had finished the business of the day, we \n\n\n316 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nadjourned to meet at Woburn on the morrow, — left to lodge at Newell's, \nGerry, Orne, and Lee. Mr. Watson and myself came off in my chaise \nat sunset. On the road we met a great number of B. O. (British \nofficers) and their servants on horseback, who had dined that day at \nCambridge. We rode some way after we met them, and then turned \nback and rode through them, went and informed our friends at \nNewell's. We stopped there till they came up and rode by. We \nthen left our friends, and I came home, after leaving Mr. Watson at his \nhouse. I soon received intelligence from Boston, that the enemy were \nall in motion, and were certainly preparing to come out into the \ncountry. Soon afterward, the signal agreed upon was given ; this was \na lanthorn hung out in the upper window of the tower of the N. Ch,, \n(North Cliurch) towards Charlestown. I then sent off an express to \ninform Messrs. Gerry, &c., and Messrs. Hancock and A. (Adams) who \n\nI knew were at the Rev. Mr. (Clark's) at Lexington, that the \n\nenemy were certainly coming out. I kept watch at the Ferry to \nwatch for the boats till about eleven o'clock, when Paul Revere came \nover and informed that the T. (Troops) were actually in their boats. I \nthen took a horse from Mr. Larkin's barn and sent off P. Revere to give \nthe intelligence at Menotomy and Lexington. He was taken by the \nBritish officers before mentioned before he got to Lexington, and \ndetained till near day.\" i \n\nColonel Snnith, at the head of about eight hundred troops, \nlanded this evening (18th) at Lechmere's Point between ten and \neleven, reached Lexington about half past four on the morning \nof the memorable nineteenth of April, and after a skirmish with \nthe minute men, pursued his march tovv^ards Concord. He \nreached that tovi'n about seven in the morning. After partially \ndestroying the stores collected there, a skirmish, about ten, \noccurred at the North Bridge. At twelve he commenced his \nreturn to Boston. He was so severely attacked by the minute \nmen that, had not Lord Percy met the harrassed and dispirited \ntroops with a reinforcement about two o'clock in Lexington, the \nwhole detachment must have been cut off. After a short halt the \ntroops recommenced their march. There was sharp firing on \nWest Cambridge Plain. From this place the British troops took \nthe road that winds round Prospect Hill. When they entered \nthis part of Charlestown their situation was critical. The large \nnumber of the wounded proved a distressing obstruction to their \nprogress, while they had but few rounds of ammunition left. Their \nfield-pieces had lost their terror. The main body of the pro- \nvincials hung closely on their rear ; a strong force was advancing \n\n' Paul Revere was not taken until after he arrived at Lexington. He nar- \nrowly escaped being captarert just outside of Charlestown Neck. See his \nNarrative. The relation in the text was found among the papers of Richard \nDevens,f'ov a liberal use of which I am indebted to David Dcvens, Esq. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 317 \n\nupon them from Roxbury, Dorchester, and Milton ; while Colonel \nPickering, with the Essex militia, seven hundred strong, threat- \nened to cut off their retreat to Charlestown.' Near Prospect Hill \nthe fire again became sharp, and the British again had recourse \nto their field-pieces. James Miller, of this town, was killed \nhere. Along its base, Lord Percy, it is stated, received the \nhottest fire he had during his retreat. General Gage, about \nsunset, might have beheld his harrassed troops, almost on the \nrun, coming down the old Cambridge road to Charlestown Neck, \nanxious to get under the protection of the guns of the ships of \nwar. The minute-men closely followed them, but when they \nreached the Charlestown Common, General Heath ordered them \nto stop the pursuit. \n\nCharlestown, throughout the day, presented a scene of intense \nexcitement and great confusion. It was known early in the \nmorning that the regulars were out. Rumors soon arrived of the \nevents that had occurred at Lexington. The schools were dis- \nmissed, and citizens gathered in groups in the streets.- About \nten o'clock, Dr. Warren, just out of Boston, rode on horseback \nthrough the town. He had received intelligence of the events \nof the morning, and told the citizens that the news of the firing \n\n1 Dr. Welsh, who was on Prospect Hill when the British went by, \nsaw Colonel Pickering's regiment on the top of Winter Hill, near the \nfront of Mr. Adams' house, the enemy being very near in Charlestown \nroad. Washington writes, May 31, 1775: \" If the retreat had not been \nas precipitate as it was, — and God knows it could not well have been \nmore so, — the ministerial troops must have surrendered, or been \ntotally cut off. For they had not arrived in Charlestown, (under cover \nof their ships,) half an hour, before a powerful body of men from Mar- \nblehead and Salem was at their heels, and must, if they had happened \nto be up one hour sooner, inevitably have intercepted their retreat to \nCharlestown.\" — Sparks' Washington, vol. ii., p. 407. \n\nDr. Welsh said that cannon fired occasionally. The troops kept up \na steady fire. A MS. letter of Mr. W. B. Shedd states that in a house \nnow in Somerville, at the foot of Prospect Hill, a regular was found, on \nthe return of the inmates, laying across the draw of a secretary, dead, \nhaving been shot through the window as he was pilfering. \n\n2 The late Dr. Prince, of Salem, used to relate, that as he was stand- \ning with a party of armed men at Charlestown Neck, a person enveloped \nin a cloak rode up on horseback, inquired the news, and passed on; but \nhe immediately put spur to his horse, and the animal started forward so \nsuddenly as to cause the rider to raise his arms, throw up the cloak, and \nthus reveal a uniform. The men instantly levelled their guns to fire, \nwhen Dr. Prince struck them up, exclaiming, \" Don't fire at him — he \nis my friend Small, a fine fellow.\" It was Major Small, an express \nfrom the army, who got safe into Boston. \n\n\n318 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\nwas true. Among others he met Dr. Welsh, who said, \" Well, \nthey are gone out.\" \" Yes,\" replied the Dr., \" and we'll be up \nwith them before night.\" A large number seized their guns and \nwent out to meet the British, and the greater part who remained \nwere women and children. Early in the afternoon, Hon. James \nRussell received a note from General Gage, to the effect, that he \nhad been informed that citizens had gone out armed to oppose his \nmajesty's troops, and that if a single man more went out armed, \nthe most disagreeable consequences might be expected. Judge \nRussell stood in front of his mansion house, in the present \nsquare, and read this letter to a crowd of anxious inhabitants. \nA spirited patriot exclaimed, with an oath, \" I'll go out and fight \nthe regulars, if Gage does burn the town.\" It was next reported, \nand correctly, that Cambridge Bridge had been taken up, and \nthat hence the regulars would be obliged to return to Boston \nthrough the town. Many then prepared to leave, and every \nvehicle was employed to carry away their most valuable effects. \nOthers, however, still believing the troops would return the way \nthey went out, determined to remain, and in either event to abide \nthe worst. Just before sunset the noise of distant firing was \nheard, and soon the British troops were seen in the Cambridge \nroad. The inhabitants then rushed towards the Neck. Some \ncrossed Mystic River, at Penny Ferry. Some ran along the \nmai'sh, towards Medford. The troops, however, soon approached \nthe town, firing as they came along, — a lad, Edward Barber, \nbeing killed on the Neck, as he was standing at a window in a \nhouse at the corner of the road leading to Maiden Bridge. The \ninhabitants then turned back into the town, panic-struck. Word \nran through the crowd that \" The Britons were massacring the \nwomen and children ! \" Some remained in the streets, speech- \nless with terror ; some ran to the clay-pits, back of Breed's Hill, \nwhere they passed the night. The troops, however, offered no \ninjury to the inhabitants. Their officers directed the women and \nchildren, half-distracted with fright, to go into their houses, and \nthey would be safe, but requested them to hand out drink to the \ntroops. The main body occupied Bunker Hill, and formed a \nline opposite the Neck. Additional troops also were sent over \nfrom Boston. The officers flocked to the tavern in the square, \nwhere the cry was for drink. Guards were stationed in various \nparts of the town. One was placed at the Neck, with orders to \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 319 \n\npermit no one to go out. Every thing, during the night, was \nquiet. Some of the wounded were carried over immediately, in \nthe boats of the Somerset, to Boston. General Pigot had the \ncommand in Charlestown the next day, when the troops all \nreturned to their quarters. \n\nThere are many accounts of the arrival of the British troops \nin Charlestown. The Salem Gazette, April 25, says : \" The \nconsternation of the people of Charlestown, when our enemies \nwere entering the town, is inexpressible ; the troops, however, \nbehaved tolerably civil, and the people have since nearly all left \nthe town.\" Stiles, in his diary, April 24, 1775, writes : \" In the \nafternoon of the same day, by order of General Gage, a procla- \nmation was read to the inhabitants of Charlestown, purporting \nthat he would lay that town in ashes if they obstructed the king's \ntroops.\" Clark says : The firing continued, \" with but little \nintermission, to the close of the day, when the troops entered \nCharlestown, where the provincials could not follow them, \nwithout exposing the worthy inhabitants of that truly patriotic \ntown to their rage and revenge.\" Governor Trumbull, in his \nLetter, says : — \" The heights of Charlestown afforded the \nastonished, dispirited fugitives, an asylum for the night ; though \neven when so advantageously posted, their courage was not so \nmuch their protection as their cruelty, in threatening the destruc- \ntion of the Town, in revenge of a new attack.\" De Bernicre \n(British) writes : \" At about seven o'clock in the evening we \narrived at Charlestown. They kept up a scattering fire at us all \nthe way. At Charlestown we took possession of a hill that com- \nmanded the town, the selectmen of which sent to Lord Percy to \nlet him know that if he would not attack the town, they would \ntake care that the troops should not be molested, and also they \nwould do all in their power for to get us across the Ferry. The \nSomerset man of war lay there at that time, and all her boats \nwere employed first in getting over the wounded and after them \nthe rest of the troops. The pickets of 10th regiment, and some \nmore troops, were sent over to Charlestown that night to keep \nevery thing quiet, and returned next day.\" \n\nA petition of one of the citizens, Jacob Rogers, presented to \nthe Provincial Congress in October, 1775, presents so minute a \ndetail of the events of the evening, that an extract from it is \ngiven. It was his brother-in-law, who was killed on the Neck. \n\n\n320 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nCaptain Rogers had been charged with supplying the British \ntroops with refreshment : — \n\n\"As to my conduct the 19th of April: We were alarmed with vari- \nous reports concerning the king's troops, which put everybody in \nconfusion. About ten in the morning I met Doctor Warren riding \nhastily out of town, and asked him if the news was true of the men's \nbeing killed at Lexington ; he assured me it was. I replied I was \nvery glad our people had not fired first, as it would have given the \nking's troops a handle to execute their project of desolation. He \nrode on. \n\n\" In the afternoon Mr. James Russell received a letter from General \nGage, importing that he was informed the people of Charlestown had \ngone out armed to oppose his majesty's troops, and that if one single \nman more went out armed, we might expect the most disagreeable \nconsequences. \n\n\" A line-of-battle ship lying before the town ; a report that Cam- \nbridge bridge was taken up ; no other retreat but through Charles- \ntown ; numbers of men, women, and children, in this confusion, \ngetting out of town. Among the rest, I got my chaise, took my wife \nand children ; and as I live near the school-house, in a back street, \ndrove into the main street, put my children in a cart with others then \ndriving out of town, who were fired at several times on the common, \nand followed after. Just abreast of Captain Fenton's, on the neck \nof land, Mr. David Waitt, leather-dresser, of Charlestown, came riding \nin full speed from Cambridge, took hold of my reins, and assisted me \nto turn up on Bunker's Hill, as he said the troops were then entering \nthe common. I had just reached the summit of the hill, dismounted \nfrom the chaise, and tied it fast in my father-in-law's pasture, when we \nsaw the troops within about forty rods of us, on the hill. One Hayley, \na tailor, now of Cambridge, with his wife, and a gun on his shoulder, \ngoing towards them, drew a whole volley of shot on himself and us, \nthat 1 expected my wife, or one of her sisters, who were with us, to \ndrop every moment. \n\n\" It being now a little dark, we proceeded with many others to the \nPest House, till we arrived at Mr. Townsend's, pump-maker, in the \ntraining-field ; on hearing women's voices, we went in, and found him, \nCaptain Adams, tavern-keeper, Mr. Samuel Cary, now clerk to Colonel \nMitHin, quartermaster-general, and some others, and a house full \nof women and children, in the greatest terror, afraid to go to their own \nhabitations. After refreshing ourselves, it being then dark, Mr. Cary, \nmyself, and one or two more, went into town, to see if we might, with \nsafely, proceed to our own houses. On our way met a Mr. Hutchinson, \nwho informed us all was then pretty quiet ; that when the soldiers \ncame through the street the officers desired the women and children \nto keep in doors for their safety ; that they begged for drink, which the \npeople were glad to bring them, for fear of their being ill-treated. Mr. \nCary and I proceeded to the tavern by the Town House, where the \nofficers were; all was tumult and confusion; nothing but drink called \nfor everywhere. I stayed a few minutes, and proceeded to my own \nhouse, and finding things pretty quiet, went in search of my wife and \nsisters, and found them coming up the street with Captain Adams. On \nour arrival at home, we found that her brother, a youth of fourteen, \nwas shot dead on the Neck of land by the soldiers, as he was looking \nout of a window. I stayed a little while to console them, and went \ninto the Main Street to see if all was quiet, and found an officer and \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n321 \n\n\nguard under arms by Mr. David Wood's, baker, who continued, it \nseems, all night ; from thence, seeing every thing quiet, came home and \nwent to bed, and never gave assistance or refreshment of any kind \nwhatever. Neither was any officer or soldier near my house that day \nor night. The next morning, with difficulty, I obtained to send for my \nhorse and chaise from off the hill, where it had been all night, and \nfound my cushion stole, and many other things I had in the box. Went \nto wait on Gen. Pigot, the commanding officer, for leave to go in search \nof my children ; found Doctor Rand, Captain Cordis, and others, there \nfor the same purpose, but could not obtain it till he had sent to Boston \nfor orders, and could not find them till next night, having travelled in \nfear from house to house, till they got to Captain Waters', in Maiden.\" \n\nAs intelligence of the events of this memorable day spread \nthrough the country, the minute-men and individual volunteers, \nfrom every quarter, rushed to the neighborhood of Boston. In \ntwo days twenty thousand armed men had assembled. Charles- \ntown, as well as Boston, became in a state of siege. Though \nthe British troops (April 20) returned to their quarters, yet the \npeculiar situation of the town, added to the threats of the British \ncommander, created the belief that it would be destroyed in case \nit was occupied by the Americans. At this time the British \ngeneral and the Tories feared that the exasperated multitude \nwould make an attack on Boston, while threats to this effect were \npassing from mouth to mouth, in the American camp. On the \n21st General Gage sent to the selectmen a message, to the effect \nthat if the American forces were allowed to occupy the town, or \nto throw up works on the heights, the ships would be ordered \nto fire on it. A midshipman on board the Nautilus, then lying in \nthe river, about this time wrote as follows : — \n\n\" My situation here is not very pleasant, for I am stationed in an \nopen boat, at the mouth of Charles River, to watch the Americans, who \nare busily employed in making fire-stages, to send down the stream to \nburn our ships. I have command of six men, and a six-pounder is \nfixed to the bow of our boat, which we are to fire to alarm the camp \nand fleet, as soon as we observe the fire-stages. The inhabitants of \nBoston are delivering up their arms, and leaving the town. The \nSomerset, of 74 guns, lays between Boston and Charlestown, which are \nonly separated by a channel about a mile broad, and our ship lays about \nhalf a mile above her; and if she sees a particular signal hung out, she \nis to fire on Charlestown.\" \n\nAt a subsequent period, when an American detachment ap- \npeared on the heights, the British general renewed his threat. \nThere is among the papers of Richard Devens the following \nmemorandum : — \n\n\" This town was given up. Upon the appearance of some American \ntroops on B. Hill, Gen. G. (Gage) sent over from B. (Boston) and threat- \n42 \n\n\n322 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nened the town that if (the) men were not removed from the hill he \nwould burn the town. A committee from the T. (town) waited on the \nC. in chief, G. W., (commander-in-chief, General Ward,) informed him \nof the threat they had received from G. G., (General Gage,) and at the \nsame time informed him that if it was for (the) good of the whole they \nwould not object.\" \n\nIn consequence of these threats the town became nearly \ndeserted. They who were able, removed much of their furniture \ninto the country. The Provincial Congress had made provision \nfor the poor of Boston who were unable to leave that town or to \nsupport themselves, and hence the following petition was pre- \nsented relative to Charlestown. It bears no date, but was acted \non in May. It gives a better idea of the condition of the town \nthan any long description : — \n\nTo the Hon. the Provincial Congress now sitting at Watertown : \n\nThe Committee of the Town of Charlestown, appointed by the \nCongress to convey the Poor of Boston to the Towns in the country \nwhich^are to receive them, beg leave humbly represent to this Congress, \nthat tiie inhabitants of the Town of Charlestown who are able to \nget into the country, have generally left the Town, and there now \nremains a few people, who, by reason of their extreme poverty, are \nwholly unable to do any thing towards removing themselves from the \nextreme hazardous situation that they are now in ; and as the inhabi- \ntants who were able to render them any assistance, to make their lives \nmore comfortable, have left the Town, their situation is truly deplorable. \nThe Committee beg leave further to represent, that the distress under \nwhich the inhabitants of Charlestown now labor, flows from the same \nsource with our brethren of Boston — and we have heretofore, in all the \ngenerous donations, been in proportion to our numbers so considered. \nThe Committee therefore pray that they may be empowered by the \nHon. Congress to provide for such poor as now remain in Charlestown \nby sending them to some Towns in the country to be provided for in \nthe same manner as those of Boston. \n\nNathaniel Gorham, \"^ \n\nEdward Goodwin f ^ „•.. „ , \nT 17 > Committee.! \n\nJohn I'ROTHINGHAM, ( \n\nJames Bradish, Jr. y \n\nThe prayer of this petition was granted. The same provision \nwas made for the poor of Charlestown that was made for the \npoor of Boston. The towns in the interior were ordered to \nsupport them. \n\nThe American commanders endeavored to cut off all inter- \ncourse with Boston. Hence all travel into it through Charlestown \nwas forbidden. A general order (May 6) prohibited the granting \nof permits to any persons even for the purpose of carrying in \nprovisions. Another order, however, (13th) permitted Captain \n\n1 Mass. Archives. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 323 \n\nIsaac Foster to carry in articles for the inhabitants. No one \nwithout a pass was allowed to go in. A few citizens went in to \nlook after their effects, or to plant their gardens, or to mow their \ngrass. But so hazardous was living in it considered, that on the \n17th of June only one or two hundred remained out of a popula- \ntion of between two and three thousand. \n\nUntil after the Battle of Bunker Hill no fortifications were \nerected on Winter Hill or on Prospect Hill. A guard only \nappears to have been stationed on the latter, which was ordered \nthere as early as April twenty-first. A breastwork was thrown \nup on the Cambridge road near the base of Prospect Hill. A \njoint committee (May 12) consisting of members of the Commit- \ntee of Safety and of the Council of War, recommended the \nconstruction of strong works on Prospect Hill, Winter Hill and \nBunker Hill, the object of them being to prevent sallies of the \nenemy out of Boston. A number of \" fire boats \" and other \nboats were built in this town at this period. Richard Devens was \ndirected to secure them. The selectmen of Medford were also \nordered to take a party of men to Charlestown Neck to launch \nthem and carry them up Mystic River. \n\nOn the 13th of May, in the afternoon, all the troops stationed \nin Cambridge, except those on guard, marched under General \nPutnam, into Charlestown. They were twenty-two hundred in \nnumber, and their line of March was made to extend a mile and \na half. They went over Bunker Hill, and also over Breed's Hill, \ncame out by Captain Henly's still-house, and passed into the \nmain street by the fish-market, near the old ferry, where Charles \nRiver Bridge is. They then returned to Cambridge. It was \ndone to inspire the army with confidence. Though they went \nwithin reach of the guns of the enemy, both from Boston and \nthe shipping, no attempt was made to molest them. \n\nOn the 6th of June an exchange of prisoners took place in this \ntown, under the direction of Dr. Warren and Gen. Putnam. \nThe procession was escorted by the Wethersfield company, com- \nmanded by Captain Chester. The American prisoners, captured \non the 19th of April, were delivered by Major Moncrief, who \nlanded from the Lively. An entertainment was provided at the \nhouse of Dr. Foster, where the British officers and the American \nofficers spent several hours most agreeably. The Wethersfield \ncompany acquired much credit for their bearing on this occasion. \n\n\n324 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nIt had been reported that General Gage intended to move into \nthe country, and the Council of War considered the expediency \nof anticipating his movements. The report of the committee \nrelative to erecting works on the heights of Charlestown, was \neai'nestly debated. On the most important measure, that of \noccupying Bunker Hill, there was much difference of opinion. \nGeneral Putnam, Colonel Prescott, and other veteran officers, \nwere strongly in favor of it, and chiefly to draw the enemy out \nof Boston on ground where he might be met on equal terms. \nThey urged that the army wished to be employed, and that the \ncountry was growing dissatisfied with its inactivity. They felt \ngreat confidence in the militia. \" The Americans,\" Putnam \nsaid, \" were not afraid of their heads, though very much afraid \nof their legs ; if you cover these, they will fight forever.\" \nGenerals Ward and Warren were among those who opposed it, \nand chiefly because the army was not in a condition, as it \nrespected cannon and powder, to maintain so exposed a post ; and \nbecause it might bring on a general engagement, which it was \nneither politic nor safe to risk. It was determined to take \npossession of Bunker Hill, and also of Dorchester Heights, but \nnot until the army should be better organized, more abundantly \nsupplied with powder, and better able to defend posts so exposed. \n\nThe contemplated operations of General Gage, however, \nbrought matters to a crisis. He fixed upon the night of June 18, \nto take possession of Dorchester Heights. Authentic advice \nof this was communicated — June 13 — to the American com- \nmanders. The committee of safety, on the same day, ordered \nthe general to procure an immediate return of the state and \nequipments of the several regiments. On the 15th, it resolved to \nrecommend to the Provincial Congress to provide for an imme- \ndiate augmentation of the army, and to order that the militia \nof the colony hold themselves ready to march on the shortest \nnotice. Also, that it issue a general recommendation to the \npeople to go to meeting armed, on the Lord's day, in order to \nprevent being thrown into confusion. The committee of safety \nthen passed, on the same day, the following resolve : — \n\nWhereas, it appears of importance to the safety of this colony, \nthat possession of the hill called Bunker's Hill, in Charlestown, \nbe securely kept and defended ; and also, some one hill or hills \non Dorchester Neck be likewise secured : therefore, resolved, \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, 325 \n\nunanimously, that it be recommended to the council of war, that \nthe above mentioned Bunker's Hill be maintained, by sufficient \nforces being posted there ; and as the particular situation of \nDorchester Neck is unknown to this committee, they desire that \nthe council of war take and pursue such steps, respecting the \nsame, as to them shall appear to be for the security of this colony. \n\nThe committee then appointed Colonel Palmer and Captain \nWhite to join with a committee from the council of war, and pro- \nceed to the Roxbury camp for consultation. Also to communicate \nthe above resolve to the council. To secure secresy, this impor- \ntant resolve was not recorded until the nineteenth of June. \n\nCharlestown in 1775 contained about four hundred buildings \nand a population of between two and three thousand. The \nnatural features of the Peninsula have been somewhat altered by \nthe inroads of improvement. It is about a mile in length from \nnorth to south, and its greatest breadth, next to Boston, is about \nhalf a mile, whence it gradually becomes narrower until it makes \nan isthmus, called the Neck, connecting it with the main land. \nThe Mystic River, about half a mile wide, is on the east side ; \nand on the west side is Charles River, which here forms a large \nbay, — a part of which, by a dam stretching in the direction \nof Cobble Hill, is a mill-pond. In 1775 the Neck, an artificial \ncauseway, was so low as to be frequently overflowed by the \ntides. The communication with Boston was by a ferry, where \nCharles River Bridge is, and with Maiden by another, called \nPenny Ferry, where Maiden Bridge is. Near the Neck, on the \nmain land, there was a large green, known as The Common. \nTwo roads ran by it, — one in a westerly direction, as now, by \nCobble Hill, (McLean Asylum,) Prospect Hill, Inman's Woods, \nto Cambridge Common ; the other in a northerly direction, by \nPloughed Hill, (Mount Benedict,) Winter Hill, to Medford, — the \ndirect road to West Cambridge not having been laid out in 1775. \nBunker Hill begins at the isthmus, and rises gradually for about \nthree hundred yards, forming a round, smooth hill, sloping on two \nsides towards the water, and connected by a ridge of ground on \nthe south with the heights now known as Breed's Hill. This was \na well known public place, — the name \" Bunker Hill \" being \nfound in the town records, and in deeds, from an early period. \nNot so with \" Breed's Hill,\" for it is not named in any descrip- \ntion of streets previous to 1775, and appears to have been called \n\n\n326 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nafter the owners of the pastures into which it was divided, rather \nthan by the common name of Breed's Hill. Thus, Monument- \nsquare was called Russell's Pasture ; Breed's Pasture lay further \nsouth ; Green's Pasture was at the head of Green street.' The \neasterly and westerly sides of this height were steep ; on the \neast side, at its base, were brick-kilns, clay-pits, and much \nsloughy land ; on the west side, at the base, was the most settled \npart of the town, Moulton's Point, a name coeval with the \nsettlement of the town, constituted the south-east corner of the \npeninsula. A part of this tract formed what is called, in all the \naccounts of the battle of Bunker Hill, \" Morton's Hill.\" Bunker \nHill was one hundred and ten feet high. Breed's Hill sixty-two \nfeet, and Morton's Hill thirty-five feet. The principal street \nof the peninsula was Main-street, which extended from the neck \nto the ferry. A highway from sixteen feet to thirty feet wide ran \nover Bunker Hill to Moulton's Point, and one connecting with it \nwound round Breed's Hill. The easterly portions of these hills \nwere used chiefly for hay ground and pasturing ; the westerly \nportions contained fine orchards and gardens. \n\n1 This hill is called Green's Hill in a British description of the town \nin 1775. It has been often remarked that Breed's Hill has been robbed \nof the glory that justly belongs to it. It should be remembered, how- \never, that the rail fence was at the base of Bunker Hill, and if not the \ngreat post of the day, here a large part of the battle was fought. \nBesides, the name Breed's Hill will not do near so well for patriotic \npurposes. Thus, in the \" Declaration of Independence,\" a poem, the \nauthor writes : — \n\nDun clouds of smoke ! avaunt ! — Mount Breed, all hail ! \nThere glory circled patriot Warren's head. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHAKLESTOWN. \n\n\n327 \n\n\nCHAPTER XXIX. \n\n1775. Breed's Hill occupied. — Cannonade of the British. — They land \nat Moulton's Point. — American defences. — Bunker Hill Battle. \n\nOn Friday, the sixteenth of June, the commanders of the \narmy, in accordance with the recommendations of the committee \nof safety, took measures to fortify Bunker Hill.^ Orders were \nissued for Prescott's, Fry's, and Bridge's regiments, and a fatigue \nparty of two hundred Connecticut troops, to parade at 6 o'clock \nin the evening, with all the intrenching tools in the Cambridge \n\n1 The account of the Battle of Bunker Hill, including documents \nrelating to it, fills about an hundred and thirty pages of the \" Siege \nOF Boston.\" The greater part of the notes, some of the text, and all \nof the documents, have been here omitted. A chronological notice of \nthe authorities will be found in the appendix of that work. \n\nThe plan of the battle is by a British officer, Lieutenant Page, a \nnotice of whom will be found in the subsequent pages. The ground- \nwork of it is from an actual survey by the celebrated British engineer, \nCapt. Montresor. It is the only plan of Charlestown of so early a date. \nIt is on the same scale as that,published by Felton and Parker, in 1848, \nand the plans will be found to agree as to Main street, Bunker Hill \nstreet and other streets. The engraving for this work is the first Amer- \nican engraving. It is of the same size as the British engraving, and as \nto the outlines — streets, houses, trees, fences, line of fire and letter- \ning— is an exact copy. It will be observed that the hills are not named \ncorrectly — Bunker Hill should be Breed's Hill. This plan was first \npublished in 1776 or 1777, and the plate of it, with a few alterations in \nthe lettering, was used by Stedman, in 1794, — without, however, any \ncredit being given either to Montresor or to Page. Another plan of \nthe battle was drawn by another British officer, Henry D' Bernicre. \nThe groundwork is certainly not so correct as that of Page. I have \nseen an old MS. copy of this plan, slightly varying in the streets from \nthe engraved copies. This plan was first engraved in this country, in \n1818, for the Analectic Magazine ; and also for the Port Folio, with \ncorrections by General Dearborn, in red lines. This plan forms the \nbasis of Colonel Swett's sketch of the battle. \n\nThe view of the Town is engraved from an original MS. of 1775, \nfound among a collection of MS. British plans of the battles of the rev- \nolution. I am indebted to Henry Stevens, Esq., for the use of it. \n\nThere are, in publications issued during the revolution, several pic- \ntures of the Battle, representing the attack on the Redoubt and the \nburning of the town. They are, however, so crude as to be of little \nvalue. The same remark may be made of the plans of the town to be \nseen on some of the maps of 1775. They are more curious than \nreliable. \n\n\n328 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ncamp. They were also ordered to furnish themselves with packs \nand blankets, and with provisions for twenty-four hours. Also, \nCaptain Samuel Gridley's company of artillery, of forty-nine men \nand two field-pieces, was ordered to parade. The Connecticut \nmen, draughted from several companies, were put under the gal- \nlant Thomas Knowlton, a captain in General Putnam's regiment. \n\nThe detachment was placed under the command of Colonel \nWilliam Prescott, of Pepperell, who had orders in writing, from \nGeneral Ward, to proceed that evening to Bunker Hill, build \nfortifications to be planned by Col. Richard Gridley, the chief \nengineer, and defend them until he should be relieved, — the order \nnot to be communicated until the detachment had passed Charles- \ntown Neck. The regiments and fatigue party ordered to parade \nwould have constituted a force of at least fourteen hundred : but \nonly three hundred of Prescott's regiment, a part of Bridge's, \nand a part of Frye's under Lieutenant Colonel Bricket, the artil- \nlery, and two hundred Connecticut troops, were ordered to march. \nHence the number may be fairly estimated at twelve hundred. \nIt was understood that reinforcements and refreshments should be \nsent to Colonel Prescott on the following morning. \n\nThis detachment paraded on Cambridge Common at the time ap- \npointed ; and after a fervent and impressive prayer by President \nLangdon, of Harvard College, it commenced, about nine o'clock, \nits memorable march for Charlestown. Colonel Prescott was at \nits head, arrayed in a simple and appropriate uniform, with a blue \ncoat and a three-cornered hat. Two sergeants, carrying dark \nlanterns, were a few paces in front of him, and the intrenching \ntools followed in the rear. Col. Gridley accompanied the troops. \nThey were enjoined to maintain the strictest silence, and were \nnot aware of the object of the expedition until they halted at \nCharlestown Neck. Here Major Brooks joined them, and prob- \nably General Putnam and another general. Here Captain Nut- \nting, with his company and ten of the Connecticut troops, was \nordered to proceed to the lower part of the town as a guard. \nThe main body then marched over Bunker Hill, and again halted \nfor some time. Here Colonel Prescott called the field officers \naround him, and communicated his orders. A long consultation \ntook place in relation to the place to be fortified. The veteran \nColonel Gridley, and two generals, one of whom was General \nPutnam, took part in it. The order was explicit as to Bunker Hill, \n\n\nf \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 329 \n\nand yet a position nearer Boston, now known as Breed's Hill, \nseemed better adapted to the objects of the expedition, and better \nsuited the daring spirit of the officers. It was contended, how- \never, that works ought not to be commenced at this place until \nBunker Hill had been fortified, in order to cover, in case of ne- \ncessity, a retreat. The moments were precious, and the engi- \nneer strongly urged the importance of a speedy decision. On \nthe pressing importunity of one of the generals, it was concluded \nto proceed to Breed's Hill.^ At the same time it was determined \nthat works should be erected on Bunker Hill. When the detach- \nment reached Breed's Hill, the packs were thrown off, the guns \nwere stacked. Colonel Grid ley marked out the plan of a fortifi- \ncation, tools were distributed, and about twelve o'clock the men \nbegan to work. Colonel Prescott immediately detached Captain \nMaxwell, of his own regiment, and a party, with orders to patrol \nthe shore in the lower part of the town, near the old ferry, and \nwatch the motions of the enemy during the night. General Put- \nnam, after the men were at labor, returned to Cambridge. \n\nAnxious to the patriot laborers were the watches of that star- \nlight night. The shore in Boston, opposite to them, was belted \nby a chain of sentinels, while nearer still, British men-of-war \nwere moored in the waters around them, and commanded the \npeninsula. The Falcon was off\" Moulton's Point ; the Lively lay \nopposite the present navy yard ; the Somerset was at the ferry ; \nthe Glasgow was near Cragie's Bridge ; and the Cerberus, and \nseveral floating batteries, were within gunshot. This proximity \nto an enemy required great caution ; and a thousand men, accus- \n\n\n^ The order was explicit as to Bunker Hill, and the Committee of \nSafety's account says, \" by some mistake,\" Breed's Hill was marked out \nfor the intrenchment. In Gray's letter, July 12, 1775, it is stated, \" that \nthe engineer and two generals went on to the hill at night, and recon- \nnoitred the ground ; that one general and the engineer were of opinion \nwe ought not to intrench on Charlestown Hill (Breed's Hill) till we had \nthrown up some works on the north and south ends of Bunker Hill, to \ncover our men in their retreat, if that should happen ; but on the pres- \nsing importunity of the other general officer, it was consented to begin \nas was done.\" That the best position was Breed's Hill, Judge Prescott \nsays, was \" Colonel Gridley's opinion, and the other field officers who \nwere consulted, — they thought it came within his (Prescott's) orders. \nThere was not then the distinction between Bunker Hdl and Breed's \nthat has since been made.\" Colonel Swett remarks there could be \nno mistake, and that the account meant to say, delicately, the order to \nfortify Bunker Hill was not complied with. \n43 \n\n\n330 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\ntomed to handling the spade, worked with great diligence and \nsilence on the intrenchments ; while the cry of \" All's well,\" \nheard at intervals through the night by the patrols, gave the \nassurance that they were not discovered. Colonel Prescott, ap- \nprehensive of an attack before the works were in such a condition \nas to cover the men, went down twice to the margin of the river \nwith Major Brooks to reconnoitre, and was delighted to hear the \nwatch on board the ships drowsily repeat the usual cry. The \nlast time, a little before daylight, finding every thing quiet, he \nrecalled the party under Maxwell to the hill. \n\nThe intrenchments, by the well-directed labor of the night, \nwere raised about six feet high, and were first seen at early \ndawn, on the seventeenth of June, by the sailors on board the \nmen-of-war. The captain of the Lively, without waiting for \norders, put a spring on her cable and opened a fire on the \nAmerican works ; and the sound of the guns, breaking the calm- \nness of a fine summer's morning, alarmed the British camp, \nand summoned the population of Boston and vicinity to gaze \nupon the novel spectacle. Admiral Graves almost immediately \nordered the firing to cease ; but in a short time, it was re- \nnewed, by authority, from a battery of six guns and howitzers, \nfrom Copp's Hill, in Boston, and from the shipping.^ The Ameri- \ncans, protected by their works, were not at first injured by the \nballs, and they kept steadily at labor, strengthening the intrench- \nments, and making inside of them platforms of wood and earth, \nto stand upon when they should be called upon to fire. \n\nEarly in the day, a private was killed by a cannon ball, when \nsome of the men left the hill. To inspire confidence. Colonel \nPrescott mounted the parapet and walked leisurely around it, \ninspecting the works, giving directions to the officers, and en- \ncouraging the men by approbation, or amusing them with humor. \nOne of his captains, understanding his motive, followed his ex- \nample while superintending the labors of his company. This \n\n\n1 The following are the vessels that took part in the cannonade dur- \ning the day : — \n\nSomerset, 68 guns, 520 men. Captain Edward Le Cras. \nCerberus, 86 \" \" Chads. \n\nGlasgow, 24 \" 130 \" \" William Maltby. \n\nLively, 20 \" 130 \" \" Thomas Bishop. \n\nFalcon, \" Linzee. \n\nSymmetry, 20 \" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 331 \n\nhad the intended effect. The men becanme indifferent to the \ncannonade, or received the balls with repeated cheers. The tall, \ncommanding form of Prescott was observed by General Gage, as \nhe was reconnoitring the Americans through his glass, who in- \nquired of Councillor Willard, near him, \" Who the person was \nwho appeared to command?\" Willard recognized his brother- \nin-law. \" Will he fight?\" again inquired Gage. \"Yes, sir ; he \nis an old soldier, and will fight as long as a drop of blood remains \nin his veins !\" \" The works must be carried,\" was the reply. \n\nAs the day advanced, the heat became oppressive. Many of \nthe men, inexperienced in war, had neglected to comply with the \norder respecting provisions, while no refreshments had arrived. \nHence there was much suffering from want of food and drink, as \nwell as from heat and fatigue ; and this produced discontent and \nmurmurs. The officers urged Colonel Prescott to send a request \nto General Ward for them to be relieved by other troops. The \ncolonel promptly told them, in reply, that he never would con- \nsent to their being relieved. \" The enemy,\" he said, \" would \nnot dare to attack them ; and if they did, would be defeated ; the \nmen who had raised the works were the best able to defend them ; \nalready they had learned to despise the fire of the enemy ; they \nhad the merit of the labor, and should have the honor of the \nvictory.\" \n\nSoon after this, the enemy were observed to be in motion in \nBoston. General Gage had called a council of war early in the \nmorning. As it was clear that the Americans were gaining \nstrength every hour, it was the unanimous opinion that it was ne- \ncessary to change the plan of operations that had been agreed \nupon, and drive them from their newly erected works, though \ndifferent views prevailed as to the manner in which it should be \nattempted. Generals Clinton and Grant, and a majority of the \ncouncil, were in favor of embarking a force at the common, in \nBoston, and under the protection of their batteries, landing in the \nrear of the Americans, at Charlestown Neck, to cut off their re- \ntreat. General Gage opposed this plan as un military and hazard- \nous. It would place his troops between two armies, — one strongly \nfortified, and the other superior in numbers, — and thus expose it \nto destruction. It was decided to make the attack in front, and or- \nders were immediately issued for the troops to parade. It was the \nconsequent preparation, — dragoons galloping from their places of \n\n\n332 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\nencampment, and the rattling of artillery carriages, — that was \nobserved at the American lines. Colonel Prescott, about nine \no'clock, called a council of war. The officers represented that \nthe men, worn down by the labors of the night, in want even of \nnecessary refreshments, were dissatisfied, and in no condition for \naction, and again urged that they should be relieved, or, at least, \nthat Colonel Prescott should send for reinforcements and pro- \nvisions. The colonel, though decided against the proposition to \nrelieve them, agreed to send a special messenger to General Ward \nfor additional troops and supplies. The officers were satisfied, \nand Major John Brooks, afterwards Governor Brooks, was dis- \npatched for this purpose to head quarters, where he arrived about \nten o'clock. \n\nGeneral Ward, early in the morning, had been urged by Gen- \neral Putnam to send reinforcements to Colonel Prescott, but was \nso doubtful of its expediency that he ordered only one-third of \nStark's regiment to march to Charlestown ; and after receiving \nthe message by Major Brooks, he refused to weaken further the \nmain army at Cambridge, until the enemy had more definitely \nrevealed his intentions. He judged that General Gage would \nmake his principal attack at Cambridge, to destroy the stores. \nThe committee of safety, then in session, was consulted. One \nof its most active members, Richard Devens, strongly urged that \naid should be sent, and his opinion partially prevailed. With its \nadvice. General Ward, about eleven o'clock, ordered the whole \nof the regiments of Colonels Stark and Read, of New Hamp- \nshire, to reinforce Colonel Prescott. Orders, also, were issued \nfor the recall of the companies stationed at Chelsea. \n\nDuring the forenoon a flood tide enabled the British to bring \nthree or four floating batteries to play on the intrenchments, when \nthe fire became more severe. The men-of-war at intervals dis- \ncharged their guns, — the Glasgow, one account states, continued \nto fire all the morning. The only return made to this terrific \ncannonade was a few ineffectual shot from a cannon in the corner \nof the redoubt. About eleven o'clock the men had mostly ceased \nlabor on the works ; the intrenching tools had been piled in the \nrear, and all were anxiously awaiting the arrival of refreshments \nand reinforcements. No works, however, had been commenced \non Bunker Hill, regarded as of great importance in case of a \nretreat. General Putnam, who was on his way to the heights \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 333 \n\nwhen Major Brooks was going to Cambridge, rode on horseback \nto the redoubt, \" and told Colonel Prescott,\" — as General Heath \nfirst relates the circumstance — \" that the intrenching tools must \nbe sent off, or they would be lost : the colonel replied, that if he \nsent any of the men away with the tools, not one of them would \nreturn : to this the general answered, they shall every man re- \nturn. A large party was then sent off with the tools, and not \none of them returned : in this instance the colonel was the best \njudge of human nature.\" A large part of the tools were carried \nno further than Bunker Hill, where, by General Putnam's order, \nthe men began to throw up a breastwork. Most of them fell into \nthe hands of the enemy. \n\nIn the mean time General Gage had completed his prepara- \ntions to attack the intrenchments. He ordered the ten oldest \ncompanies of grenadiers and light-infantry, (exclusive of two \nregiments, the 35th and 49th, just arrived,) and the 5th and 38th \nregiments, to parade at half-past eleven o'clock, with ammunition, \nblankets, and provisions, and march by files to the Long Wharf. \nThe 52d and 43d regiments, with the remaining companies of \ngrenadiers and light-infantry, received similar orders to parade \nand march to the North Battery. At the same time the 47th \nregiment and 1st battalion of marines were directed to proceed \nto the battery after the former should embark, and there await \norders. The remainder of the troops were directed to hold them- \nselves in readiness to march at a moment's warning. The \nstrictest attention to discipline was enjoined. Whoever should \nquit the ranks, or engage in plunder, was threatened with exe- \ncution without mercy.i This force was put under the command \nof General Howe, who had under him Brigadier-general Pigot, \nand some of the most distinguished officers in Boston. He was \nordered to drive the Americans from their works. ^ \n\nAbout twelve o'clock the several regiments marched through \nthe streets of Boston to their places of embarkation, and two \nships of war moved up Charles River to join the others in firing \non the works. Suddenly the redoubled roar of the cannon an- \n\n\n1 This account is taken from Adjutant Waller's (British) Orderly \nBook. A British letter, June 25, states that the troops embarked \" at \nthe Long Wharf, and at the North Battery.\" 2 Stedman's History, vol. \nI, p. 126. 1 prefer the authority of the orderly book, and of contempo- \nraries, in relation to the embarkation, to others. \n\n\n334 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nnounced that the crisis was at hand. The Falcon and the Lively- \nswept the low grounds in front of Breed's Hill, to dislodge any \nparties of troops that might be posted there to oppose a landing ; \nthe Somerset and two floating batteries at the ferry, and the bat- \ntery on Copp's Hill, poured shot upon the American works ; the \nGlasgow frigate, and the Symmetry transport, moored further up \nCharles River, raked the Neck.^ The troops embarked at the \nLong Wharf and at the North Battery ; and when a blue flag \nwas displayed as a signal, the fleet, with field-pieces in the lead- \ning barges, moved towards Charlestown. The sun was shining \nin meridian splendor ; and the scarlet uniforms, the glistening \narmor, the brazen artillery, the regular movement of the boats, \nthe flashes of fire, and the belchings of smoke, formed a spectacle \nbrilliant and imposing. The army landed in good order at Moul- \nton's Point, about one o'clock, without the slightest molestation, \nand immediately formed in three lines. General Howe, after \nreconnoitring the American works, applied to General Gage for \na reinforcement ; and, while waiting for it to arrive, many of his \ntroops quietly dined. It proved to many a brave man his last \nmeal. \n\nWhen the intelligence of the landing of the British troops \nreached Cambridge, there was suddenly great noise and confusion. \nThe bells were rung, the drums beat to arms, and adjutants rode \nhurriedly from point to point, with orders for troops to march and \noppose the enemy. General Ward reserved his own regiment, \nPatterson's, Gardner's, and part of Bridge's regiments, to be pre- \npared for any attack on Cambridge, but ordered the remainder of \nthe Massachusetts forces to Charlestown. General Putnam or- \ndered on the remainder of the Connecticut troops. Colonel \nGardner's regiment was directed to march to Patterson's station, \nopposite Prospect Hill. A large part of these forces, owing to \nvarious causes, failed to reach the lines. \n\n1 Joseph Pearce stated : \" It was the heaviest cannonade previous to \nthe landing-.\" A Boston letter, June 25, says : The landing- was cov- \nered by a heavy fire from the Lively and another man-of-war stationed \noff the North Battery, a large sloop and two floating batteries at \nCharlestown Ferry, the battery from Copp's Hill, a transport mounting \ntwenty guns, lying a little higlier up, and the Glasgow man-of-war.\" \nA British letter, June 23, states : \" At the landing several attempted \nto run away, and five actually took to their heels to join the Americans, \nbut were presently brought back, and two of them were hung up in \nterrorem to the rest.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n335 \n\n\nAbout two o'clock in the afternoon intense anxiety prevailed at \nthe intrenchments on Breed's Hill. The patriot band who raised \nthem had witnessed the brilliant landing of the British veterans, \nand the return of the barges to Boston. They saw troops again \nfilling the boats, and felt not without apprehension that a battle \nwas inevitable. They knew the contest would be an unequal \none, — that of raw militia against the far-famed regulars, — and \nthey grew impatient for the promised reinforcements. But no \nsigns appeared that additional troops were on the way to support \nthem, and even the supply of refreshments that reached them \nwas so scanty that it served only to tantalize their wants.' It is \nnot strange, therefore, the idea was entertained that they had \nbeen rashly, if not treacherously, led into danger, and that they \nwere to be left to their own resources for their defence. This \nidea, however, must have been dispelled, as characters who had \nlong been identified with the patriot cause, who were widely \nknown and widely beloved, appeared on the field, and assured \nthem that aid was at hand. Such, among others, were Generals \nWarren and Pomeroy, who took stations in the ranks as volun- \nteers. The enthusiastic cheers with which they were greeted \nindicated how much their presence was valued. General Putnam \nalso, who had the confidence of the whole army, again rode on \nabout this time, with the intention of remaining to share their \nlabors and peril. He continued in Charlestown through the after- \nnoon, giving orders to reinforcements as they arrived on the field, \ncheering and animating the men, and rendering valuable service. \nThe movements of the British, along the margin of Mystic \nRiver, indicated an intention of flanking the Americans, and of \nsurrounding the redoubt. To prevent this, Colonel Prescott \nordered the artillery with two field-pieces, and Captain Knowlton \nwith the Connecticut troops, to leave the intrenchments, march \n\n1 Some of the depositions state that barrels of beer arrived. MS. \npetitions of 1775 state that teams were impressed to carry on provis- \nions, Peter Brown, a private, June 25, 1775, wrote to his mother : \n\" The danger we were in made us think there was treachery, and that \nwe were brought here to be all slain. And I must and will venture to \nsay there was treachery, oversight, or presumption, in the conduct of \nour officers.\" \n\nWarren said that 2000 reinforcements would be down in twenty \nminutes — he came by them. Said he came to promote or encourage a \ngood cause. — J. Pearce. \n\n\n336 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ndown the hill, and oppose the enemy's right wing. Captain \nKnowlton took a position near the base of Bunker Hill, six hun- \ndred feet in the rear of the redoubt, behind a fence, one half of \nwhich was stone, with two rails of wood. He then made, a little \ndistance in front of this, another parallel line of fence, and filled \nthe space between them with the newly cut grass lying in the \nfields. While Captain Knowlton's party was doing this, between \ntwo and three o'clock, Colonel John Stark, with his regiment, \narrived at the Neck, which was then enfiladed by a galling fire \nfi'om the enemy's ships and batteries. Captain Dearborn, who \nwas by the side of the colonel, suggested to him the expediency \nof quickening his step across ; but Stark replied, \" One fresh \nman in action is worth ten fatigued ones,\" and marched steadily \nover. General Putnam ordered part of these troops to labor on \nthe works begun on Bunker Hill, while Colonel Stark, after an \nanimated address to his men, led the remainder to the position \nCaptain Knowlton had taken, and they aided in extending the line \nof the fence breastwork. Colonel Read's regiment, about the \nsame time, left its quarters at Charlestown Neck, marched over \nBunker Hill, and took position near Colonel Stark, at the rail \nfence. \n\nThe defences of the Americans, at three in the afternoon, \nwere still in a rude, unfinished state. The redoubt on the spot \nwhere the monument stands was about eight rods square. Its \nstrongest side, the front, facing the settled part of the town, was \nmade with projecting angles, and protected the south side of the \nhill. The eastern side commanded an extensive field. The \nnorth side had an open passage-way. A breastwork, beginning \na short distance from the redoubt, and on a line with its eastern \nside, extended about one hundred yards north to a slough ; and a \nsally-port, between the south end of the breastwork and the re- \ndoubt, was protected by a blind. These works were raised about \nsix feet from the level of the ground, and had platforms of wood, \nor steps made of earth, for the men to stand on when they should \nfire. The rail fence has been already described. Its south \ncorner was about two hundred yards, on a diagonal line, in the \nrear of the north corner of the breastwork. This line was slightly \nprotected; a part of it, however — about one hundred yards — \nbetween the slough and the rail fence, was open to the approach \nof infantry. It was the weakest part of the defences. On the \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n337 \n\n\nright of the redoubt, along a cartway, a fence was made similar \nto the one on the left. The redoubt and breastwork constituted \na good defence against cannon and musketry, but the fences were \nhardly more than the shadow of protection.^ \n\nThese defences were lined nearly in the following manner. \nThe original detachment, under Colonel Prescott, except the \nConnecticut troops, were at the redoubt and breastwork. They \nwere joined, just previous to the action, by portions of Massachu- \nsetts regiments, under Colonels Brewer, Nixon, Woodbridge, \nLittle, and Major Moore, and one company of artillery — Callen- \nder's. General Warren took post in the redoubt. Captain Grid- \nley's artillery company, after discharging a few ineffectual shot \nfrom a corner of the redoubt towards Copp's Hill,^ moved to the \nexposed position between the breastwork and rail fence, where it \nwas joined by the other artillery company, under Captain Callen- \nder. Perkins' company, of Little's regiment, and a few other \ntroops, Captain Nutting's company — recalled from Charlestown \nafter the British landed — and part of Warner's company, lined \nthe cartway on the right of the redoubt. The Connecticut ti'oops, \nunder Captain Knowlton, the New Hampshire forces, under Col- \nonels Stark and Reed, and a few Massachusetts troops, were at \nthe rail fence. General Putnam was here when the action com- \nmenced, and General Pomeroy, armed with a musket, served \nhere as a volunteer. Three companies — Captain Wheeler's, of \nDoolittle's regiment, Captain Crosby's, of Reed's regiment, and \na company from Woodbridge's regiment — were stationed in \nMain-street, at the base of Breed's Hill, and constituted the ex- \ntreme right of the Americans. Though this statement may be \n\n1 Page's and Bemier's Plans ; Committee of Safety's Account ; Depo- \nsitions ; Swett's History, pp. 20, 27 ; Dearborn's Account. Some who \nwere in the battle state that the diagonal line between the breastwork \nand rail fence was entirely without protection, — others state that it was \nslightly protected. Page represents the same defence as at the rail \nfence ; Bernier has here three angular figures, which, though not ex- \nplained on the plan, indicate defences. Chester's letter confirms the \nstatement in the text, and the British plans. \n\nIn a report in Mass. Archives, Captain Aaron Brown is named as \nhaving \" behaved very gallantly,\" — erected the platforms, and behaved \nwith courage and good conduct in the whole affair.\" \n\n2 Seven or eight shot, — one went through an old house, another \nthrough a fence, and the rest stuck in the face of Copp's Hill. — Letter, \nJuly 5. \n\n44 \n\n\n338 HISTOKY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nin the main correct, yet, such is the lack of precision in the \nauthorities, that accuracy cannot be arrived at.^ The Massachu- \nsetts reinforcements, as they came on to the field, appear to have \nmarched to the redoubt, and w^ere directed to take the most ad- \nvantageous positions. In doing this, parts of regiments, and even \ncompanies, that came on together, broke their ranks, divided, and \nsubsequently fought, in various parts of the field, in platoons or \nas individuals, rather than under regular commands. \n\nMeantime the main body of the British troops, formed in bril- \nliant array at Moulton's Point, continued to wait quietly for the \narrival of the reinforcements. It was nearly three o'clock when \nthe barges returned. They landed at the Old Battery, and at \nMardlin's ship-yard, near the entrance to the navy-yard, the 47th \nregiment, the 1st battalion of marines, and several companies of \ngrenadiers and light-infantry .^ They, or the most of them, did \nnot join the troops at Moulton's Point, but marched directly \ntowards the redoubt. There had now landed above three thou- \nsand troops.^ \n\nGeneral Howe, just previous to the action, addressed his army \nin the following manner : — \n\n\" Gentlemen, — I am very happy in having the honor of com- \nmanding so fine a body of men ; I do not in the least doubt but \nthat you will behave like Englishmen, and as becometh good \nsoldiers. \n\n\" If the enemy will not come from their intrenchments, we \n\n1 It is not possible to ascertain, from the known authorities, precisely \nthe number of reinforcements that arrived on the field either before the \naction commenced, or in season to encrage the enemy. Colonel Swett \nstates, that previous to the action, Colonels Brewer, Nixon, Wood- \nbridge, and Major Moore, \" brought on their troops, each about 300 \nmen ;\" also, that \" Colonel Little arrived with his troops,\" and that \nCallender's artillery and Ford's company, of Bridge's regiment, arrived. \nThe accounts of Little's regiment will serve to show the want of pre- \ncision on this point. It consisted, (MS, returns,) June 15, of 456 men ; \none company was in Gloucester, one in Ipswich, one at Lechmere's \nPoint, and some at West Cambridge. Three companies — Perkins', \nWade's, and Warner's — probably marched on, under their colonel. \nThey scattered, and part went to the redoubt, part to the cartway south \nof it, part to the breastwork, and some to the rail fence, (MS. depo- \nsitions.) One company, Lunt's, (MS. depositions, and Swett, p. 46,) did \nnot arrive until near the close of the battle. Similar confusion exists \nin the accounts of other regiments. \n\n2 Stedman's History ; Gage's Account ; Letter, June 25, 1775. \n\n3 Gordon says \" near 3000 ;\" contemporary MSS. say 3300. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 339 \n\nmust drive them out, at all events, otherwise the town of Boston \nwill be set on fire by them. \n\n\"I shall not desire one of you to go a step further than where \nI go myself at your head, \n\n\" Remember, gentlemen, we have no recourse to any resources \nif we lose Boston, but to go on board our ships, which will be \nvery disagreeable to us all.\"i \n\nBefore General Howe moved from his first position, he sent \nout strong flank guards, and directed his field-pieces to play on \nthe American lines. The fire from Copp's Hill, from the ships, \nand from the batteries, now centred on the intrenchments ; while \na furious cannonade and bombardment from Boston occupied the \nattention of the right wing of the American army, at Roxbury. \nThe fire upon the lines was but feebly returned from Gridley's \nand Callender's field-pieces. Gridley's guns were soon disabled, \nand he drew them to the rear ; while Callender, alleging that his \ncartridges were two large for his pieces, withdrew to Bunker \nHill. Here he met General Putnam, who ordered him to return \nto the lines. Callender did not obey the general, and was soon \ndeserted by his men. About this time Captain Ford's company, \nof Bridge's regiment, came on to the field, and, at the pressing \nrequest of General Putnam, drew the deserted pieces to the rail \nfence. Mean time. Colonel Prescott detached Lieutenant Colonel \nRobinson and Major Wood, each with a party, to flank the \nenemy. Both behaved with courage and prudence. No details \nare given, however, of their service. Captain Benjamin Walker, \nwith a few men, probably of one of these parties, met with the \nBritish near the navy-yard, and fired upon them from the cover \nof buildings and fences. On being driven in, he passed with a \nfew of the party to their right flank, along the margin of Mystic \nRiver, where he was wounded and taken prisoner. The greater \npart of his men, under a heavy fire, succeeded in regaining the \nredoubt. \n\nThe general discharge of artillery was intended to cover the \nadvance of the British columns. They moved forward in two \n\n\n1 Clark's Narrative. Clark was a lieutenant in the marines. He \neays, after giving this address: \"We then began to proceed to action, \nby marching with a quick step up the precipice that led to the pro- \nvincial army.\" \n\n\n340 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ndivisions, — General Howe with the right wing, to penetrate the \nAmerican line at the rail fence, and cut off a retreat from the \nredoubt, — General Pigot with the left wing, to storm the breast- \nwork and redoubt. The artillery, after playing a short time, \n\n\nceased, and General Howe was told that twelve pound balls had \nbeen sent with which to load six-pounders, when he ordered the \npieces to be charged with grape. In advancing, however, the \nartillery was soon impeded by the miry ground at the base of the \nhill, and took post near the brick-kilns, whence its balls produced \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 341 \n\nbut little effect. The troops moved forward slowly, for they were \nburdened with knapsacks full of provisions, obstructed by the tall \ngrass and the fences, and heated by a burning sun ; but they felt \nunbounded confidence in their strength, regarded their antagonists \nwith scorn, and expected an easy victory. The Americans \ncoolly waited their approach. Their officers ordered them to re- \nserve their fire until the British were within ten or twelve rods, \nand then to wait until the word was given. \" Powder was scarce, \nand must not be wasted,\" they said ; \" Fire low ;\" \" Aim at the \nwaistbands ;\" \" Wait until you see the white of their eyes ;\" \n\" Aim at the handsome coats ;\" \" Pick off the commanders.\" \n\nGeneral Pigot's division consisted of the 5th, 38th, 43d, 47th, \n52d regiments, and the marines, under Major Pitcairn. The 38th \nfirst took a position behind a stone wall, and being joined by the \n5th, marched up the hill. The 47th and the marines moved from \nthe battery where they landed directly towards the redoubt. The \n43d and 52d advanced in front of the breastwork. The troops \nkept firing as they approached the lines. When Colonel Prescott \nsaw the enemy in motion, he went round the works to encourage \nthe men, and assured them that the red coats would never reach \nthe redoubt if they would observe his directions. The advancing \ncolumns, however, having got within gunshot, a (ew of the Amer- \nicans could not resist the temptation to return their fire without \nwaiting for orders. Prescott indignantly remonstrated at this \ndisobedience, and appealed to their often expressed confidence in \nhim as their leader ; while his officers seconded his exertions, \nand some of them ran round the top of the parapet and kicked \nup the guns. At length the British troops reached the prescribed \ndistance, and the order was given to fire ; when there was a \nsimultaneous discharge from the redoubt and breastwork, that did \nterrible execution on the British ranks. But it was received with \nveteran firmness, and for a few minutes was sharply returned. \nThe Americans, being protected by their works, suffered but \nlittle ; but their murderous balls literally strewed the ground with \nthe dead and wounded of the enemy. General Pigot was obliged \nto order a retreat, when the exulting shout of victory rose from \nthe American lines. \n\nGeneral Howe, in the mean time, led the right wing against \nthe rail fence. The light-infantry moved along the shore of \nMystic River, to turn the extreme left of the American line, \n\n\n342 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwhile the grenadiers advanced directly in front. The Americans \nfirst opened on them with their field-pieces (Callender's) with \ngreat effect, some of the discharges being directed by Putnam ; \nand when the advancing troops deployed into line, a few, as at \nthe redoubt, fired without waiting for the word, when Putnam \nhastened to the spot, and threatened to cut down the next man \nwho disobeyed. This drew the enemy's fire, which they con- \ntinued with the regularity of troops on parade ; but their balls \npassed over the heads of the Americans. At length the officers \ngave the word, when the fire from the American line was given \nwith great effect. Many were marksmen, intent on cutting down \nthe British officers; and when one was in sight, they exclaimed, \n\" There ! See that officer !\" \" Let us have a shot at him !\" — \nwhen two or three would fire at the same moment. They used \nthe fence as a rest for their pieces, and the bullets were true to \ntheir message. The companies were cut up with terrible sever- \nity, and so great was the carnage, that the columns, a few mo- \nments before so proud and firm in their array, were disconcerted, \npartly broke, and then retreated. Many of the Americans were \nin favor of pursuing them, and some, with exulting huzzas, \njumped over the fence for this purpose, but were prevented by \nthe prudence of their officers.' \n\nAnd now moments of joy succeeded the long hours of toil, \nanxiety, and peril. The American volunteer saw the veterans of \nEngland ffy before his fire, and felt a new confidence in himself. \nThe result was obtained, too, with but little loss on his side.2 \n\n\n1 Chester ; Dearborn ; Capt. Mann, of Reed's regiment, in his excel- \nlent account, (MS.,) agrees with Chester : \" During the engagement, a \nportion of the company twice past the fence huzzaing, supposing, at \nthe time, that we had driven the enemy.\" \n\nA British letter, July 5, 1775, says: \" Our light-infantry were served \nup in companies against the grass fence, without being able to pene- \ntrate ; — indeed, how could we penetrate ? Most of our grenadiers and \nlight-infantry, the moment of presenting themselves, lost three-fourths, \nand many nine-tenths of their men. Some had only eight and nine \nmen a company left ; some only three, four, and five.\" Another British \nletter says : \" It was found to be the strongest post that was ever occu- \npied by any set of men.\" \n\n2 Judge Prescott's Memoir: — \"Colonel Prescott said they (the \nBritish) had commenced firing too soon, and generally fired over the \nheads of his troops ; and as they were partially covered by the works, \nbut few were killed or wounded.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 343 \n\nColonel Prescott mingled freely among his troops, praised their \ngood conduct, and congratulated them on their success. He felt \nconfident that another attack would soon be made, and he re- \nnewed his caution to reserve the fire until he gave the command. \nHe found his men in high spirits, and elated by the retreat. In \ntheir eyes the regulars were no longer invincible. General Put- \nnam rode to Bunker Hill and to the rear of it, to urge on rein- \nforcements. Some had arrived at Charlestown Neck, but were \ndeterred from crossing it by the severe fire that raked it. Por- \ntions of regiments had reached Bunker Hill, where they scat- \ntered. Colonel Gerrish was here, and confessed that he was ex- \nhausted. General Putnam endeavored to rally these troops. He \nused entreaty and command, and offered to lead them into action, \nbut without much effect. It is doubtful whether any considerable \nreinforcement reached the line of defence during the short inter- \nval that elapsed before a second attack was made by the British \ntroops.^ \n\nGeneral Howe in a short time rallied his troops, and immedi- \nately ordered another assault. They marched in the same order \nas before, and continued to fire as they approached the lines. \nBut, in addition to the previous obstacles, they were obliged to \nstep over the bodies of their fallen countrymen.^ The artillery \ndid more service in this attack. It moved along the narrow road, \nbetween the tongue of land and Breed's Hill, until within three \nhundred yards of the rail fence, and nearly on a line with the \nbreastwork, when it opened a severe fire to cover the advance of \nthe infantry. The American officers, grown confident in the \nsuccess of their manceuvre, ordered their men to withhold their \nfire until the enemy were within five or six rods of the works.^ \n\n1 \" In the interval between the first and second attack of the British \non our lines, he (General Putnam) rode back to Bunker Hill, and in the \nrear of it, to urge on reinforceinents,\" — \" Found part of Gerrish's regi- \nment there, with their colonel.\" — Daniel Putnam's Letter, Oct. 19, \n1825, MSS., confirmed by Samuel Basset, 1818, and others. \"The men \nthat went to intrenching over night were in the warmest of the battle, \nand by all accounts they fought most manfully. They had got hardened \nto the noise of cannon ; but those that came up as recruits were evi- \ndently most terribly frightened, many of them, and did not march up \nwith that true courage that their cause ought to have inspired thern \nwith.\" — Chester's Letter. \n\n2 It was surprising to see how they would step over their dead bodies, \nas though they had been logs of wood.' — Rivington's Gazette. \n\n3 Swett's History ; Committee of Safety. \n\n\n344 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nCharlestown, in the mean time, had been set on fire in the \nsquare, by shells thrown from Copp's Hill, and in the easterly \npart, by a party of marines from the Somerset. As the buildings \nwere chiefly of wood, the conflagration spread with great rapidity. \nAnd now ensued one of the greatest scenes of war that can be \nconceived. To fill the eye, — a brilliantly appointed army ad- \nvancing to the attack and storming the works, supported by co- \noperating ships and batteries ; the blaze of the burning town, \ncoursing whole streets or curling up the spires of public edifices ; \nthe air above filled with clouds of dense black smoke, and the \nsurrounding hills, fields, roofs and steeples, occupied by crowds of \nspectators ; to fill the ear, — the shouts of the contending armies, \nthe crash of the falling buildings, and the roar of the cannon, \nmortars and musketry; to fill the mind, — the high courage of \nmen staking not only their lives, but their reputation, on the un- \ncertain issue of a civil war, and the intense emotions of the near \nand dear connections standing in their presence ; and, on the other \nside, the reflection that a defeat of the regulars would be a final \nloss to British empire in America.\" And yet, in strange contrast \nto this terrific scene, the day was calm and clear, — nature in its \nbeauty and repose smiling serenely upon it all, as if in token of \nthe triumphant end of the great conflict. \n\nThe burning of the town neither intimidated the Americans \n\n\n1 Burgoyne's Letter : Hon. Daniel Webster, in N. American Review, \nvol. VII., p. 226. The descriptions of this terrific scene are numerous. \n\" A complication of horror and importance beyond anything that ever \ncame to my lot to witness.\" — Biirgoyne. \"Sure I am nothing ever \nhas or can be more dreadfully terrible than what was to be seen or \nheard at this time. The most incessant discharge of guns that ever \nwas heard with mortal ears,\" &c. — Letter, June 24. \n\nAn eulogy on General Warren, printed in 1781, contains the fol- \nlowing : — \n\n\" Amazing scene ! what shuddering prospects rise ! \n\nWhat horrors glare beneath the angry skies ? \n\nThe rapid flames o'er Charlestown's height ascend, — \n\nTo heaven they reach ! urged by the boisterous wind. \n\nThe mournful crash of falling domes resound, \n\nAnd tottering spires with sparkles seek the ground. \n\nOne general burst of ruin reigns o'er all ; \n\nThe burning city thunders to its fall ! \n\nO'er mingled noises the vast ruin sounds, \n\nSpectators weep ! earth from her centre groans ! \n\nBeneath prodigious unextinguished fires, \n\nIll-fated Charlestown welters and expires. \n\n\nI \n\n\nHISTOEY OF CHARLESTOWN. 345 \n\nnor covered the attack on their lines. The wind directed the \nsmoke so as to leave a full view of the approach of the British \ncolumns, which kept firing as they advanced. Colonels Brewer, \nNixon, and Buckminister were wounded, and Major Moore was \nmortally wounded. In general, however, the balls of the British \ndid but little execution, as their aim was bad, and the intrench- \nments protected the Americans. At length, at the prescribed \ndistance, the fire was again given, which, in its fatal impartiality, \nprostrated whole ranks of officers and men. The enemy stood \nthe shock, and continued to advance with great spirit : but the \ncontinued stream of fire that issued from the whole American \nline was even more destructive than before. General Howe, op- \nposite the rail fence, was in the hottest of it. Two of his aids, \nand other officers near him, were shot down, and at times he was \nleft almost alone. His officers were seen to remonstrate and to \nthreaten, and even to prick and strike the men to urge them on. \nBut it was in vain. The British were compelled again to give \nway, and they retreated even in greater disorder than before, — \nmany running towards the boats. The ground in front of the \nAmerican works was covered with the killed and the wounded. \n\nSo long a time elapsed before the British came up again, that \nsome of the officers thought they would not renew the attack. \nGeneral Putnam was on Bunker Hill and in the rear of it, urging \nforward the reinforcements. Much delay occurred in marching \nthese to the field. Indeed, great confusion existed at Cambridge. \nGeneral Ward was not sufficiently supplied with staff officers to \nbear his orders ; and some were neglected, and others were given \nincorrectly. Henry Knox, afterwards General Knox, aided as a \nvolunteer during the day, and was engaged in reconnoitre service \nLate in the day General Ward dispatched his own regiment \nPatterson's and Gardner's, to the battle-field. Col. Gardner ar \nrived on Bunker Hill, when Putnam detained a part of his regi \nment to labor on the works commenced there, while one com \npany, under Captain Josiah Harris, took post at the rail fence \nPart of a regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Ward, arrived at a \ncritical time of the battle. Other regiments, from various causes, \nfailed to reach the lines. Major Gridley, of the artillery, inade- \nquate to his position, with part of the battalion, marched a short \ndistance on Cambridge road, then halted, and resolved to cover \nthe retreat, which he thought to be inevitable. Col. Frye, fresh \n45 \n\n\n346 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nfrom the battle, urged him forward ; but Gridley, appalled by the \nhorrors of the scene, ordered his men to fire at the Glasgow and \nbatteries from Cobble Hill. He also ordered Colonel Mansfield \nto support him with his regiment, who, violating his orders, \nobeyed. Captain Trevett, however, disobeyed his superior, led \nhis company, with two field-pieces, to Bunker Hill, where he lost \none of them, but drew the other to the rail fence. Colonel Scam- \nmans was ordered to go where the fighting was, and went to \nLechmere's Point. Here he was ordered to march to the hill, \nwhich he understood to mean Cobble Hill, whence he sent a \nmessenger to General Putnam to inquire whether his regiment \nwas wanted. This delay prevented it from reaching the field in \nseason to do any good. A part of Gerrish's regiment, under \nMighil, marched from Cambridge to Ploughed Hill, where Adju- \ntant Christian Febiger, a gallant Danish soldier who had seen \nservice, took the command, called upon the men to follow him, \nand reached the heights in season to render valuable service. \nThree additional Connecticut companies, at least, under Captains \nChester, Clark, and Coit, arrived in time to take part in the battle ; \nas did also Major Durkee, an old comrade of General Putnam's. \nCaptain Chester marched on near the close of the engagement, \nwhile the British were coming up the third time. Three regi- \nments were near him when he left Cambridge, which hastened \nforward in advance of his company ; but when Chester overtook \nthem, at Bunker Hill, there was hardly a company in any kind \nof order. The men had scattered behind rocks, hay-cocks, and \napple-trees. Parties, also, were continually retreating from the \nfield ; some alleging they had left the fort with leave because \nthey had been all night and day on fatigue without sleep or re- \nfreshment ; some that they had no officers to lead them ; fre- \nquently, twenty were about a wounded man, when not a quarter \npart could help him to advantage ; while others were going off* \nwithout any excuse. Chester obliged one company, rank and \nfile, to return to the lines. \n\nWhile such was the confusion on Bunker Hill, good order pre- \nvailed at the redoubt. Colonel Prescott remained, at his post, \ndetermined in his purpose, undaunted in his bearing, inspiring \nhis command with hope and confidence, and yet chagrined, that, \nin this hour of peril and glory, adequate support had not reached \nhim. He passed round the lines to encourage his men, and as- \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 347 \n\nsured them that if the British were once more driven back they \ncould not be rallied again. His men cheered him as they re- \nplied, \" We are ready for the red coats again !\" But his worst \napprehensions, as to ammunition, were realized, as the report \nwas made to him that a few artillery cartridges constituted the \nwhole stock of powder on hand. He ordered them to be opened, \nand the powder to be distributed. He charged his soldiers \" not \nto waste a kernel of it, but to make it certain that every shot \nshould tell.\" He directed the few who had bayonets to be sta- \ntioned at the points most likely to be scaled. They were the only \npreparations it was in his power to make to meet his powerful \nantagonist. \n\nGeneral Howe, exasperated at the repeated repulses of his \ntroops, resolved to make another assault. Some of his officers \nremonstrated against this decision, and averred that it would be \ndownright butchery to lead the men on again ; but British honor \nwas at stake, and other officers preferred any sacrifice rather than \nsuffer defeat from a collection of armed rustics. The boats \nwere at Boston ; there was no retreat ; — \" Fight, conquer, or \ndie !\" was their repeated exclamation. A second reinforcement, \nof four hundred marines, under Major Small, had landed ; and \nGeneral Clinton, who had witnessed from Copp's Hill the dis- \ncomfiture of the British veterans, and saw two regiments on the \nbeach in confusion, threw himself into a boat, crossed the river, \njoined General Howe as a volunteer, and rendered essential aid \nin rallying the troops. The latter had lost their confident air, \nappeared disheartened, and manifested great reluctance to march- \ning up a third time. The officers, at length, formed them for \nthe last desperate assault. The British general had learned to \nrespect his enemy, and adopted a wiser mode of attack. He \nordered the men to lay aside their knapsacks, to move forward in \ncolumn, to reserve their fire, to rely on the bayonet, to direct \ntheir main attack on the redoubt, and to push the artillery forward \nto a position that would enable it to rake the breastwork. The gal- \nlant execution of these orders reversed the fortunes of the day. \n\nGeneral Howe, whose fine figure and gallant bearing were \nobserved at the American lines, led the grenadiers and light- \ninfantry in front of the breastwork, while Generals Clinton and \nPigot led the extreme left of the troops to scale the redoubt. \n\n\n348 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, \n\nA demonstration only was made against the rail fence. A party \nof Americans occupied a few houses and barns that had escaped \nthe conflagration on the acclivity of Breed's Hill, and feebly an- \nnoyed the advancing columns. They, in return, only discharged \na few scattering guns as they marched forward. On their right \nthe artillery soon gained its appointed station, enfiladed the line \nof the breastwork, drove its defenders into the redoubt for pro- \ntection, and did much execution within it by sending their balls \nthrough the passage-way. All this did not escape the keen and \nanxious eye of Prescott. When he saw the new dispositions of \nhis antagonist, the artillery wheeling into its murderous position, \nand the columns withholding their fire, he well understood his in- \ntention to concentrate his whole force on the redoubt, and believed \nthat it must inevitably be carried. He thought, however, that \nduty, honor, and the interest of the country, required that it \nshould be defended to the last extremity, although at a certain \nsacrifice of many lives. In this trying moment he continued to \ngive his orders coolly. Most of his men had remaining only one \nround of ammunition, and few more than three rounds, and he \ndirected them to reserve their fire until the British were within \ntwenty yards. At this distance a deadly volley was poured upon \nthe advancing columns, which made them waver for an instant, \nbut they sprang forward without returning it. The American \nfire soon slackened for want of means, while the columns of \nClinton and Pigot reached a position on the southern and eastern \nsides of the redoubt, where they were protected by its walls. It \nwas now attacked on three sides at once. Prescott ordered those \nwho had no bayonets to retire to the back part of it, and fire on \nthe enemy as they showed themselves on the parapet. A soldier \nof noble bearing mounted the southern side, and had barely \nshouted, \" The day is ours !\" when he was shot down, and the \nwhole front rank shared his fate.^ But the defenders had spent \n\n1 Letter, June 22, 1775. A newspaper of 1775 states that young \nRichardson, of the Royal Irish, was the first to mount the parapet. In \nClark's Narrative it is stated that the remains of a company of the GSd \nregiment of grenadiers were the first that succeeded in entering the \nredoubt. After Captain Horseford had been wounded, and Lieutenant \nDalrymple had been killed, a sergeant took the command, made a \nspeech to the few men left, saying, \" We must either conquer or die,\" \nand entered the works. General Gage recommended the brave sergeant \nfor promotion. — 2d Edition, p. 33. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 349 \n\ntheir ammunition, — another cannon cartridge furnishing the \npowder for the last muskets that were fired ; and its substitute, \nstones, revealed their weakness, and filled the enemy with hope . \nThe redoubt was soon successfully scaled. General Pigot, by \nthe aid of a tree, mounted a corner of it, and was closely fol- \nlowed by his men, when one side of it literally bristled with \nbayonets. The conflict was now carried on hand to hand. Many \nstood and received wounds with swords and bayonets. But the \nBritish continued to enter, and were advancing towards the \nAmericans, when Colonel Prescott gave the order to retreat. \n\nWhen the Americans left the redoubt, the dust arising from \nthe dry, loose dirt, was so great that the outlet was hardly visible. \nSome ran over the top, and others hewed their way through the \nenemy's ranks. Prescott, among the last to leave, was surrounded \nby the British, who made passes at him with the bayonet, which \nhe skilfully parried with his sword. \" He did not run, but step- \nped long, with his sword up,\" escaping unharmed, though his \nbanyan and waistcoat were pierced in several places. The re- \ntiring troops passed between two divisions of the British, one of \nwhich had turned the north-eastern end of the breastwork, and \nthe other had come round the angle of the redoubt ; but they \nwere too much exhausted to use the bayonet effectually, and the \ncombatants, for fifteen or twenty rods from the redoubt, were so \nmingled together that firing would have destroyed friend and foe. \nThe British, with cheers, took possession of the works, but im- \nmediately formed, and delivered a destructive fire upon the \nretreating troops. Warren, at this period, was killed, and left \non the field ; Gridley was wounded ; Bridge was again wounded ; \nand the loss of the Americans was greater than at any previous \nperiod of the action. Colonel Gardner, leading on a part of his \nregiment, was descending Bunker Hill, when he received his \ndeath wound. Still his men, under Major Jackson, pressed for- \nward, and with Cushing's, Smith's, and Washburn's companies, \nof Ward's regiment, and Febiger's party, of Gerrish's regiment, \npoured between Breed's Hill and Bunker Hill a well directed \nfire upon the enemy, and gallantly covered the retreat. \n\nIn the mean time the Americans at the rail fence, under Stark, \nReed, and Knowlton, reinforced by Clark's, Coit's, and Chester's \nConnecticut companies, Captain Harris' company, of Gardner's \n\n\n350 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\nregiment, Lieutenant-colonel Ward, and a few troops, maintained \ntheir ground with great firmness and intrepidity, and successfully \nresisted every attempt to turn their flank. This line, indeed, was \nnobly defended. The force here did a great service, for it saved \nthe main body, who were retreating in disorder from the redoubt, \nfrom being cut off by the enemy. When it was perceived at the \nrail fence that the force under Colonel Prescott had left the hill, \nthese brave men \" gave ground, but with more regularity than \ncould have been expected of troops who had [been no longer \nunder discipline, and many of whom never before saw an en- \ngagement.\" The whole body of Americans were now in full \nretreat, the greater part over the top of Bunker Hill. \n\nThe brow of Bunker Hill was a place of great slaughter. \nGeneral Putnam here rode to the rear of the retreating troops, \nand regardless of the balls flying about him, with his sword \ndrawn, and still undaunted in his bearing, urged them to renew \n{he fight in the unfinished works. \" Make a stand here,\" he ex- \nclaimed ; \" we can stop them yet !\" \" In God's name form, and \ngive them one shot more !\" It was here that he stood by an \nartillery piece until the enemy's bayonets were almost upon him. \nThe veteran Pomeroy, too, with his shattered musket in his hand, \nand his face to the foe, endeavored to rally the men. It was \nnot possible, however, to check the retreat. Captain Trevett and \na few of his men, with great difficulty and great gallantry, drew \noff the only field-piece that was saved of the six that were in \nthe action. Colonel Scammans, with part of his regiment, and \nCaptain Foster's artillery company, on their way to the field of \nbattle, reached the top of Bunker Hill, but immediately retreated. \nThe whole body retired over the Neck, amidst the shot from the \nenemy's ships and batteries, and were met by additional troops \non their way to the heights. Among them Major Brooks, with \ntwo remaining companies of Bridge's regiment. One piece \nof cannon at the Neck opened on the enemy, and covered the \nretreat. \n\nThe British troops, about five o'clock, with a parade of \ntriumph, took possession of the same hill that had served them \nfor a retreat on the memorable nineteenth of April. General \nHowe was here advised by General Clinton to follow up his \nsuccess by an immediate attack on Cambridge. But the \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 351 \n\nreception he had met made the British commander cautious, \nif not timid ; and he only fired two field-pieces upon the Amer- \nicans, who retreated to Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and Cam- \nbridge. Similar apprehensions were entertained on both sides \nrespecting the renewal of the attack ; the Americans at Win- \nter and Prospect Hills lay on their arms, while the British, \nreinforced by additional troops from Boston, threw up during the \nnight a line of breastwork on the northern side of Bunker Hill. \nBoth sides, however, felt indisposed to renew the action. The \nloss of the peninsula damped the ardor of the Americans, and \nthe loss of men depressed the spirit of the British. \n\nColonel Prescott, indignant at the absence of support when \nvictory was within his grasp,^ repaired to head quarters, reported \nthe issue of the battle, already too well known, and received the \nthanks of the commander-in-chief. He found General Ward \nunder great apprehensions lest the enemy, encouraged by suc- \ncess, should advance on Cambridge, where he had neither disci- \nplined troops nor an adequate supply of ammunition to receive \nhim. Colonel Prescott, however, assured him that the confidence \nof the British would not be increased by the result of the battle ; \nand he offered to retake the hill that night, or perish in the at- \ntempt, if three regiments of fifteen hundred men, well equipped \nwith ammunition and bayonets, were put under his command. \nGeneral Ward wisely decided that the condition of his army \nwould not justify so bold a measure.^ Nor was it needed to fill \nthe measure of Prescott's fame. \" He had not yet done enough \nto satisfy himself, though he had done enough to satisfy his \ncountry. He had not, indeed, secured final victory, but he had \nsecured a glorious immortality.\"^ \n\n\n1 Judge Prescott writes: \" Colonel Prescott always thought he could \nhave maintained his post with the handful of men under his command, \nexhausted as they were by fatigue and hunger, if they had been sup- \nplied with sufficient ammunition, and with bayonets. In their last \nattack the British wavered under the first fire of the Americans, and if \nit could have been continued, he felt confident they would have been \nrepulsed, and would never have rallied again.\" \n\n\"Prescott's Memoir. sColonel Swett's History, p. 49. \n\n\n352 HISTORY OF CHAELE3T0WN. \n\n\nCHAPTER XXX. \n\n1775. Character of the Bunker Hill Battle. — Prescott. — Putnam. — \nWarren. — Pomeroy. — Moses Parker. — Willard Moore. — Thomas \nGardner. — Colonel Stark. — Major McClary. — Thomas Knowlton. — \nNumbers engaged. — Time of the engagement. — Losses. — British \nofficers. — The Redoubt — British criticism. — The destruction of \nthe Town. \n\nNo engagement of the revolution possesses an interest so deep \nand peculiar, or produced consequences so important, as the \nbattle of Bunker Hill ; and no other engagement is involved in \nso much obscurity, perplexity, and controversy. It is remarkable \non many accounts ; — in being the first great battle of the con- \ntest ; in the astonishing resistance made by inexperienced militia \nagainst veteran troops ; in the affecting character of its promi- \nnent incidents ; in the sublimity of its spectacle ; and in its \ninfluence on the politics of the day, and the fortunes of the war. \nIt proved the quality of the American soldier, drew definitely \nthe lines of party, and established the fact of open war between \nthe colonies and the mother country. It was a victory, with all \nthe moral effect of victory, under the name of a defeat. And \nyet, at first, it was regarded with disappointment, and even with \nindignation ; and contemporary accounts of it, whether private or \noflicial, are rather in the tone of apology, or of censure, than of \nexultation. The enterprise, on the whole, was pronounced rash \nin the conception and discreditable in the execution ; and a severe \nscrutiny was instituted into the conduct of those who were \ncharged with having contributed by their backwardness to the \nresult. No one, for years, came forward to claim the honor of \nhaving directed it ; no notice was taken of its returning anniver- \nsary ; and no narrative did justice to the regiments that were en- \ngaged, or to the officers who were in command. Passing events \nare seldom accurately estimated. The bravery, however, of \nthose who fought it was so resolute, and their self-devotion was \n\n\n:::. \n\n:> \n\nQ \n\nn \n\ntr \n\n0- \n\n^ \n\nf^ \n\n^ \n\nc \n\nc \n\no \n\ny \n\n'—4 \n\n^ \n\n:j^ \n\no \n\n['■3^ t?^ \n\n\nm \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n353 \n\n\nso lofty, as at once to elicit, from all quarters, the most glowing \ncommendation, and to become the theme of the poet and the \norator ; and as time rolled on, its connection with the great move- \nment of the age appeared in its true light. Hence the battle of \nBunker Hill now stands out as the grand opening scene in the \ndrama of the American Revolution. \n\nSuch was the want of subordination and of discipline in the \nAmerican army, that its commanding officers felt that it was not \nprepared for such a conflict. Efficient military command, in \nsuch a state of things, was impossible. Hence the proceedings \nthroughout the day were characterized by great confusion. The \nevidence on this point, early and late, is uniform and decisive, \nand it relates both to transactions at Cambridge and at Charles- \ntown. During the battle, the influence of Colonel Prescott over \nhis men preserved order at his position, but in other parts of the \nfield the troops fought rather in platoons, or individually, — com- \npanies entirely losing their order, — than under regular com- \nmands ; and in some instances, where superior officers attempted \nto exercise authority, their orders were openly disregarded. Even \nthe orders of General Ward were but feebly carried into effect. \nMuch of this delinquency must be placed at the door of in- \nefficiency on the part of some of the officers ; but much of it \nalso must be ascribed to an absence of the principle of subordi- \nnation, from the generals to the lower officers. \n\nIt is from this cause — the want of subordination, and the con- \nfusion— that it is a question whether there was a general author- \nized commander in the battle. Had the army been fully organ- \nized, and had the rank of the officers been established, such a \nquestion could not have arisen. It is not one of recent origin, \nfor there was the same perplexity on this point, immediately \nafter the battle, that exists now ; and inquiries in relation to it \nelicited equally unsatisfactory answers. The orderly book of \nGeneral Ward not only is silent on it, but contains no orders for \nthe conduct of the enterprise. Nor is this deficiency entirely \nsupplied by any contemporary document. Yet it is from author- \nities of this character that a correct conclusion must be drawn. ^ \nThey clearly warrant the decision, that the original detach- \n\n1 The evidence in relation to the question of command, with ad- \nditional particulars relative to Prescott, Putnam, and Warren, may be \nfound in the account of the battle in the Siege of Boston. \n46 \n\n\n354 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nment was placed under the orders of Colonel Prescott, and \nthat no general officer was authorized to command over him dur- \ning the battle. He was detached on a special service, and he \nfaithfully executed his orders. He filled at the redoubt, the most \nimportant post, the duty of a commanding officer, from the hour \nthat ground was broken until the moment it was abandoned. He \ndetached guards to the shores, directed the labor of the works, \ncalled councils of war, made applications to General Ward for \nreinforcements, posted his men for action, fought with them until \nresistance was unavailing, and gave the order to retreat. General \nofficers came to this position, but they did not give him an order, \nnor interfere with his dispositions. When General Warren, for \ninstance, entered the redoubt, Colonel Prescott tendered to him \nthe command, but Warren replied that he had not received his \ncommission, and should serve as a volunteer. \" I shall be hap- \npy,\" he said, \" to learn from a soldier of your experience.\" \nColonel Prescott, therefore, was left in uncontrolled possession of \nhis post. Nor is there any proof that he gave an order at the \nrail fence, or on Bunker Hill. But he remained at the redoubt, \nand there fought the battle with such coolness, bravery, and \ndiscretion, as to' win the unbounded applause of his contempo- \nraries, and to deserve, through all time, the admiration and \ngratitude of his countrymen. \n\nGeneral Putnam exhibited throughout that bravery and gener- \nous devotion that formed a part of his nature. Though of \nlimited education, fiery, and rough in speech, he was a true pat- \nriot, and a fine executive officer. He was in command of the \nConnecticut troops stationed in Cambridge, and shared with them \nthe peril and glory of this remarkable day. In a regularly or- \nganized army his appearance on the field, by virtue of his rank, \nwould have given him the command. But it was an army of \nallies, whose jealousies had not yielded to the vital principle of \nsubordination ; and he was present rather as the patriotic volun- \nteer than as the authorized general commander. He exercised \nan important agency in the battle. He was received as a welcome \ncounsellor, both at the laying out of the works and during the \nmorning of the engagement. Besides being in the hottest of the \naction at the rail fence and on Bunker Hill, — fighting, beyond a \nquestion, with daring intrepidity, — he was applied to for orders \nby the reinforcements that reached the field, and he gave orders \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 355 \n\nwithout being applied to. Some of the officers not under his \nimmediate command respected his authority, while others refused \nto obey him. But no service was more brilliant than that of the \nConnecticut troops, whom he was authorized to command. And \nthat he was not as successful in leading the Massachusetts troops \ninto action ought, in justice, to be ascribed neither to his lack of \nenergy nor of conduct, but to the hesitancy of inexperienced \ntroops, to the want of spirit in their officers, and to the absence \nof subordination and discipline in the army. He did not give \nan order to Colonel Prescott, nor was he in the redoubt during \nthe action. \n\nGeneral Warren exerted great influence in the battle. Having \nserved zealously and honorably in the incipient councils that put \nin motion the machinery of the revolution, he had decided to \ndevote his energies to promote it in its future battle-fields. He \nwas accordingly elected major-general on the 14th of June, but \nhad not received his commission on the day of the battle. Though \nhe is understood to have opposed the measure of occupying so \nexposed a post as Bunker Hill, yet he avowed the intention, if \nit should be resolved upon, to share the peril of it ; and to the \naffectionate remonstrance of Elbridge Gerry he replied : Bulce \net decorum est pro patria mori. On the 16th of June he officiated \nas president of the Provincial Congress, passed the night at \nWatertown, and though indisposed, repaired on the morning of \nthe 17th to Cambridge, where he threw himself on a bed. When \nhe learned that the British would attack the works on Breed's \nHill, he declared his headache to be gone ; and, after meeting \nwith the committee of safety, armed himself and went to Charles- \ntown. A short time before the action commenced, he was seen \nin conversation with General Putnam, at the rail fence, who \noffered to receive his orders. General Warren declined to give \nany, but asked \" Where he could be most useful .^\" Putnam di- \nrected him to the redoubt, remarking, that \" There he would be \ncovered.\" \" Don't think,\" said Warren, \" I come to seek a place \nof safety ; but tell me where the onset will be most furious.\" \nPutnam still pointed to the redoubt. \" That is the enemy's ob- \nject, and if that can be defended the day is ours.\" General \nWarren passed to the redoubt, where the men received him with \nenthusiastic cheers. Here, again, he was tendered the command, \nby Colonel Prescott. But Warren declined it, — said that he \n\n\n356 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ncame to encourage a good cause, and gave the cheering assur- \nance that a reinforcement of two thousand were on their way \nto aid them. He mingled in the fight, behaved with great \nbravery, and was among the last to leave the redoubt. He \nwas lingering, even to rashness, in his retreat. He had proceeded \nbut a few rods, when a ball struck him in the forehead, and he \nfell to the ground. On the next day visiters to the battle-field — \namong them Dr. Jeffries and young Winslow, afterwards General \nWinslow, of Boston — recognized his body, and it was buried \non the spot where he fell. After the British evacuated Boston, \nthe sacred remains were sought after, and again identified. In \nApril they were re-interred, with appropriate ceremonies, when \nPerez Morton delivered an eulogy. They were first deposited \nin the Tremont Cemetery, and subsequently in the family vault \nunder St. Paul's Church, in Boston. \n\nEloquence and song, the good and the great, have united in \neulogy on this illustrious patriot and early martyr to the cause of \nthe freedom of America. No one personified more completely \nthe fine enthusiasm and the self-sacrificing patriotism that first \nrallied to its support. No one was more widely beloved, or was \nmore highly valued. The language of the committee of safety, \nwho knew his character, and appreciated his service, though \nbrief, is full, touching and prophetic. \" Among the dead was \nMajor-general Joseph Warren ; a man whose memory will be \nendeared to his countrymen, and to the worthy in every part \nand age of the world, so long as virtue and valor shall be es- \nteemed among mankind.\" \n\nGeneral Seth Pomeroy behaved so well in the battle, that in \nsome of the accounts he is assigned a separate command. Thus \nPresident John Adams, in a letter, (June 19, 1818,) says : \" Who \nwas the first officer of Massachusetts, on Bunker Hill or Breed's \nHill ? I have always understood, he was Colonel Pomeroy, or \nGeneral Pomeroy. Colonel Prescott might be the most deter- \nmined, persevering, and efficacious officer of Massachusetts ; but \nPomeroy was certainly his superior in command.\" General \nPomeroy was a veteran of the French wars, as brave as he was \npatriotic. It is admitted that he also served as a volunteer. He \nrequested of General Ward a horse to take him to the field, and \none was supplied. On his arrival at Charlestown Neck, he de- \nclined to expose the horse to the severe fire that raked it, and \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n357 \n\n\ncoolly walked across. He joined the force at the rail fence, and \nwas received with cheers. He fought with great spirit, and kept \nwith the troops until the retreat. His musket was shattered by a \nball, but he retained it, and with it continued to animate the men. \nHe thought it strange that Warren, \" the young and chivah-ous \nsoldier,\" says Colonel Swett, \" the eloquent and enlightened legis- \nlator, should fall, and he escape, old and useless, unhurt.\" Soon \nafter the battle, he declined, on account of age, the appointment \nof first brigadier-general of the army, but as colonel commanded \na regiment in the Jerseys. His exposure brought on pleurisy, \nand he died at Peekskill, New York. \n\nColonel Gardner was struck by a ball as he was descending \nBunker Hill, which inflicted a mortal wound. While a party \nwas carrying him off, he had an affecting interview with his son, \na youth of nineteen, who was anxious to aid in bearing him from \nthe field. His heroic father prohibited him, and he was borne on \na litter of rails over Winter Hill. Here he was overtaken by the \nretreating troops. He raised himself on his rude couch, and ad- \ndressed to them cheering words. He lingered until July 3, when \nhe died. On the 5th he was buried with the honors of war. He \nwas in his fifty-second year, and had been a member of the \nGeneral Court, and of the Provincial Congress. He was a true \npatriot, a brave soldier, and an upright man. An obituary notice \nof him in the Essex Gazette, July 13, 1775, says : \" From the \nera of our public difficulties he distinguished himself as an ardent \nfriend to the expiring liberties of America ; and by the unani- \nmous suffrages of his townsmen was for some years elected a \nmember of the General Assembly ; but when the daring en- \ncroachments of intruding despotism deprived us of a constitutional \nconvention, and the first law of nature demanded a substitute, he \nwas chosen one of the Provincial Congress ; in which depart- \nments he was vigilant and indefatigable, in defeating every effort \nof tyranny. To promote the interest of his country was the \ndelight of his soul. An inflexible zeal for freedom caused him \nto behold every engine of oppression with contempt, horror, and \naversion.\" He devoted to military affairs not only a large share \nof his time, but of his fortune. His private character is highly \neulogized. He was, \" to his family kind, tender, and indulgent ; \nto his friends, unreserved and sincere. To the whole circle of \nhis acquaintance, aflTable, condescending, and obliging ; while \n\n\n358 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nveneration for religion augmented the splendor of his sister \nvirtues.\" \n\nLieutenant-colonel Parker was a skilful and brave veteran of \nthe French wars, and behaved with great gallantry in the action. \nA ball fractured his knee, and he was left in the redoubt. The \nBritish carried him a prisoner to Boston, lodged him in the jail, \nwhere, after the amputation of his leg, he died on the 4th of July, \naged forty-three. He was a good officer, much beloved by his \nregiment, and his loss was severely felt. An obituary notice of \nhim, — in the New England Chronicle, July 21, 1775, — says : \n\" In him fortitude, prudence, humanity, and compassion, all con- \nspired to heighten the lustre of his military virtues ;\" and it states, \nthat \" through the several commissions to which his merit entitled \nhim, he had always the pleasure to find that he possessed the \nesteem and respect of his soldiers, and the applause of his coun- \ntrymen.\" The notice concludes in the following strain : \" God \ngrant each individual that now is, or may be, engaged in the \nAmerican army, an equal magnitude of soul ; so shall their \nnames, unsullied, be transmitted in the latest catalogue of fame ; \nand if any vestiges of liberty shall remain, their praises shall be \nrehearsed through the earth ' till the sickle of time shall crop \nthe creation.' \" \n\nMajor Willard Moore was much endeared to his command, and \nthe old soldiers in their depositions mention his good qualities in \nglowing terms. He was a firm patriot, and a generous and chiv- \nalrous soldier. On the second attack he received a ball in the \nthigh, and while his men were carrying him to the rear another \nball went through his body. He called for water, but none could \nbe obtained nearer than the Neck. He lingered until the time of \nthe retreat, when, feeling his wounds to be mortal, he requested \nhis attendants to lay him down, leave him, and take care of them- \nselves. He met with a soldier's death. He was from Paxton. \nHe took a prominent part in the Worcester Convention of Jan- \nuary, 1774 ; was chosen captain of the minute-men January 17, \n1775 ; and, on the Lexington alarm, immediately marched for \nCambridge. \n\nColonel Richard Gridley, the chief engineer of the army, who \nplanned the works on Breed's Hill, was a veteran of the French \nwars, and distinguished himself at the siege of Louisberg. He \nwas taken ill on the morning of the 17th, after the fatigue of the \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 359 \n\nnight, and left the hill ; but returned before the action com- \nmenced, and fought until the retreat, aiding in discharging one \nof the field-pieces. He was struck, near the close of the battle, \nby a ball, and entered his sulky to be carried off; but meeting \nwith some obstruction, he had but just left it, when the horse was \nkilled and the sulky was riddled by the enemy's shot. The vet- \neran engineer was active in planning the fortifications that were \nthrown up immediately after the battle. He received from the \nProvincial Congress the rank of major-general ; was commis- \nsioned September 20, 1775, to take the command of the artillery \nin the continental army. In November, he was superseded by \nColonel Knox. Washington, December 31, stated to Congress \nthat no one in the army was better qualified to be chief engineer ; \nand his services were again called for, on the memorable night \nwhen Dorchester Heights were fortified. In 1776, after the \nBritish left Boston, he was entrusted with the duty of again \nthrowing up works in Charlestown, and other points about the \nharbor. He died at Stoughton, June 21, 1796, aged eighty- \nfour. \n\nColonel Stark, the hero of Bennington, behaved with his ac- \ncustomed bravery. But few notices of his conduct, other than \nwhat have been given, appear in the accounts. The major of \nhis regiment, Andrew McClary, was a favorite officer. He was \nnearly six feet and a half in height, and of an athletic frame. \nDuring the action he fought with great bravery ; and amidst the \nroar of the artillery his stentorian voice was heard animating the \nmen, and inspiring them with his own energy. After the action \nwas over, he rode to Medford to procure bandages for the wound- \ned ; and, on his return, went with a few of his comrades to re- \nconnoitre the British, then on Bunker Hill. As he was on his \nway to rejoin his men, a shot from a frigate, laying where Cragie's \nBridge is, passed through his body. He leaped a few feet from \nthe ground, pitched forward, and fell dead on his face. He was \ncarried to Medford, and interred with the honors of war. He \nwas. General Dearborn writes, a brave, great, and good man. A \nspirited notice of him appeared in the New Hampshire Gazette, \ndated Epsom, July, 1775. It says : \" The major discovered \ngreat intrepidity and presence of mind in the action, and his \nnoble soul glowed with ardor and the love of his country ; and, \nlike the Roman Camillus, who left his plough, commanded the \n\n\n360 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\narmy, and conquered his opponents, so the major, upon the first \nintelligence of hostilities at Concord, left his farm and went a \nvolunteer to assist his suffering brethren, where he was soon \ncalled to a command, which he executed to his eternal honor, \nand has thereby acquired the reputation of a brave officer and a \ndisinterested patriot ; and may his name be held in respect by all \nthe lovers of liberty to the end of time, while the names of the \nsons of tyranny are despised and disgraced, and nothing left to \nthem but the badges of their perfidy and infamy. May the \nwidow of the deceased be respected for his sake ; and may his \nchildren inherit his spirit and bravery, but not meet with his \nfate.\" \n\nCaptain Thomas Knowlton's conduct elicited high praise. He \nwas a native of Boxford, Massachusetts, but while a boy removed \nto Ashford, Connecticut. He served with distinction in the \nFrench wars, then became a prosperous farmer ; and on his ap- \npearing on the Lexington alarm, as a volunteer in the Ashford \nmilitia company, to march to the camp, was unanimously elected \ncaptain. General Putnam knew his merit, and selected him to \ncommand the fatigue party to accompany Colonel Prescott. He \ncommenced the construction of the rail fence protection, and \nfought here with admirable bravery and conduct, until the retreat. \nHe received from a Bostonian a gold-laced hat, a sash and gold \nbreast-plate, for his behavior in this battle. Soon after, he was \npromoted ; and while major he made, Januarys, 1776, a daring \nand successful excursion into Charlestown, to burn several houses \nused by the British ; and as lieutenant-colonel, was the confidant \nof Washington in the enterprise of the memorable Nathan Hale. \nOn the 16th of September, 1776, while exhibiting his usual in- \ntrepidity, he was killed at the battle of Harlem Heights. Wash- \nington, ill the general orders, after alluding to his gallantry and \nbravery, and his fall while ' gloriously fighting,' said he \" would \nhave been an honor to any country.\" He was about thirty-six \nwhen he was killed. \n\nGeneral Ward expressed his thanks to the troops engaged in \nthis battle, in the following order, of June 24 : \" The general \norders his thanks to be given to those oflScers and soldiers who \nbehaved so gallantly at the late action in Charlestown. Such \nbravery gives the general sensible pleasure, as he is thereby fully \nsatisfied that we shall finally come off victorious, and triumph \nover the enemies of freedom in America.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 361 \n\nOne of the companies of Gardner's regiment — Captain Josiah \nHarris' — was raised in Charlestown. Colonel Swett pays this \ncompany — the last to retreat — the following compliment: — \n\" They were fighting at their own doors, on their own natal soil. \nThey were on the extreme left, covered by some loose stones \nthrown up on the shore of the Mystic, during the day, by order \nof Colonel Stark. At this most important pass into the country, \nagainst which the enemy made the most desperate efforts, like \nLeonidas' band, they had taken post, and like them they defend- \ned it till the enemy had discovered another.\" \n\nSo conflicting are the authorities, that the number of troops en- \ngaged, on either side, cannot be precisely ascertained. \" The \nnumber of the Americans during the battle,\" Colonel Swett says, \n\" was fluctuating, but may be fairly estimated at three thousand \nfive hundred, who joined in the battle, and five hundred more, \nwho covered the retreat.\" General Putnam's estimate was twen- \nty-two hundred. General Washington says the number engaged, \nat any one time, was fifteen hundred, and this was adopted by \nDr. Gordon. This is as near accuracy as can be arrived at. \nGeneral Gage, in his official account, states the British force at \n\" something over two thousand,\" and yet the same account ac- \nknowledges one thousand and fifty-four killed and wounded. This \ncertainly indicates a force far larger than two thousand. Neither \nBritish accounts, nor the British plans of the battle, mention all \nthe regiments that were in the field. Thus, the movements of \nthe second battalion of marines are not given ; yet the official \ntable of loss states that it had seven killed and thirty wounded ; \nand Clarke, also, states it was not until after the Americans had \nretreated that Gage sent over this second battalion, with four regi- \nments of foot, and a company of artillery. Americans, who \ncounted the troops as they left the wharves in Boston, state that \nfive thousand went over to Charlestown ; and, probably, not less \nthan four thousand were actually engaged. \n\nThe time the battle lasted is variously stated ; some accounts \nstate four hours, but they include the heavy fire of artillery that \ncovered the landing. The committee of safety's (MS.) account \nsays : \" The time the engagement lasted, from the first fire of \nthe musketry till the last, was exactly one hour and a half.\" The \nlosses of individuals in the battle were allowed by the colonies, \nand there are hundreds of petitions from the soldiers in it. \n47 \n\n\n362 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nThe following is the record in General Ward's orderly book, — \nthe only reference to the battle it contains, — of the loss of the \nAmericans : \" June 17. The battle of Charlestown was fought \nthis day. Killed, one hundred and fifteen ; wounded, three hun- \ndred and five ; captured, thirty. Total, four hundred and fifty.\" \n\nThey, also, lost five pieces of cannon out of six, and a large \nquantity of intrenching tools. The following table shows the loss \nsustained by each regiment, and presents a somewhat different \nresult : — \n\n\nKilled. Wounded. \n\nKilled. Wounded. \n\nPrescott's, \n\n. 42 . \n\n28 \n\nGridley's, . . . 0 . \n\n4 \n\nBridge's, , \n\n. . 15 . \n\n29 \n\nWard's, . . . 1 . \n\n6 \n\nFrye's, . \n\n. 15 . \n\n31 \n\nScammans', . . 0 . \n\n2 \n\nBrewer's, . \n\n. 7 . \n\n11 \n\nGerrish's, . , . 3 . \n\n2 \n\nLittle's, . \n\n. . 7 . \n\n23 \n\nWhitcomb's, . . 5 . \n\n8 \n\nGardner's, \n\n. 6 . \n\n7 \n\nStark's, ... 15 . \n\n45 \n\nNixon's, . \n\n. 3 . \n\n10 \n\nReed's, . . . 5 . \n\n21 \n\nWoodbrige's \n\n, . 1 . \n\n5 \n\nPutnam &Coit Co. 11 . \n\n26 \n\nDoolittle's, \n\n. . 0 . \n\n9 \n\nChester's Co., . 4 . \n\n4 \n\nKilled, 140 \n\n; wound \n\n3d, 271 ; captured, 30. \n\nSome of the dead were buried on the field of battle. One de- \nposit appears to have been a trench near the line of the almshouse \nestate, running parallel with Elm-street. Here a large number of \nAmerican buttons have been found attached to bones. Ameri- \ncans were buried in other places in Charlestown, which are known \nfrom similar circumstances. The wounded were carried to the \nwestern side of Bunker Hill, and then to Cambridge. Doctors \nThomas Kittredge, William Eustis, — afterwards governor, — \nWalter Hastings, Thomas Welsh, Isaac Foster, Lieutenant-colonel \nBricket, David Townsend, and John Hart, were in attendance. \nThe house of Governor Oliver, in Cambridge, known as the \nGerry estate, was improved as a hospital. Many of the soldiers \nwho died of their wounds were buried in a field in front of this \nhouse. Rev. Samuel Cook's house, at West Cambridge, was also \nused for a hospital. The prisoners were carried to Boston jail. \n\nThe loss of the British was admitted, in the official account, to \nhave been two hundred and twenty-six killed, eight hundred and \ntwenty- eight wounded; total, one thousand and fifty-four. But \nthe Americans set it as high as fifteen hundred. The wounded, \nduring the whole night and the next day, were conveyed to Bos- \nton, where the streets were filled with groans and lamentation. \nThe privates who died on the field were immediately buried \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 363 \n\nthere, — \" in holes,\" — Gage's report states. Collections of bones \nhave been occasionally found on the east side of Breed's Hill, in \ndigging wells or cellars, having attached to them buttons, with \nthe numbers of the different regiments. \" On Monday morning,\" \na British account says, \" all the dead officers were decently \nburied in Boston, in a private manner, in the different churches \nand churchyards there.\" \n\nA large proportion of the killed were officers, and among them \nsome highly distinguished. Lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, at \nthe head of the grenadiers, was shot while storming the works. \nHe was a brave and noble-hearted soldier ; and when the men \nwere bearing him from the field, he begged them to spare his old \nfriend Putnam. \" If you take General Putnam alive,\" he said, \n\" don't hang him ; for he's a brave man.\" He died on the 24th \nof June. \n\nMajor Pitcairn, the commander of the marines, was widely \nknown in the country from his connection with the events of the \nnineteenth of April, and many of the Americans claim the honor \nof having killed him in this battle. Dr. John Elliot wrote in his \nalmanac the following account of his fall : \" This amiable and \ngallant officer was slain entering the intrenchments. He had \nbeen wounded twice ; then putting himself at the head of his \nforces, he faced danger, calling out ' Now for the glory of the \nmarines !' He received four balls in his body.\" He was much \nbeloved by his command. \" I have lost my father,\" his son ex- \nclaimed as he fell. \" We have all lost a father,\" was the echo \nof the regiment. His son bore him to a boat, and then to a house \nin Prince-street, Boston, where he was attended by a physician, \nat the special request of General Gage, but soon died. He was \na courteous and accomplished officer, and an exemplary man. \nHis son was soon promoted. \n\nMajor Spendlove, of the forty-third regiment, another distin- \nguished officer, died of his wounds. He had served with un- \nblemished reputation, upwards of forty years, in the same regi- \nment, and been three times wounded, — once when with Wolfe \non the Plains of Abraham, again at the reduction of Martinico, \nand at the capture of Havana. His conduct at the battle was \nfavorably mentioned by the commander. Other officers of merit \nfell. Captain Addison, related to the author of the Spectator, \n\n\n364 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWR. \n\nand Captain Sherwin, Howe's aid-de-camp, were killed. The \nslaughter of officers occasioned great astonishment in England. \n\nOf the officers who acted as aids to General Howe, all were \nwounded, and only one of them, Lieutenant Page, of the engi- \nneers, lived to reach England.' He distinguished himself at the \nstorming of the redoubt, and made the fine plan of the battle that \nwas the first correct one engraved in England, and is now first \nengraved in this country for this work. \n\nThe British officers describe the redoubt as having been so \nstrong that it must have been the work of several days. One \nsays : \" The fortification on Bunker Hill must have been the \nwork of some days ; it was very regular, and exceeding strong.\"'^ \nA plan of it appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine, which is \nhere presented as a curious memorial of the battle. It is called \n*' Plan of the Redoubt and Intrenchment on the Heights of \nCharlestown, (commonly called Bunker's Hill,) opposite Boston, \nin New England, attacked and carried by his majesty's troops, \nJune 17, 1775.\" \n\nThe Gentleman's Magazine says : \" This redoubt was well \nexecuted. In the only side on which it could be attacked were \ntwo pieces of cannon. In the two salient angles were two trees, \nwith their branches projecting oflf the parapet, to prevent an entry \nbeing made on the angles. The two flanks (A and B) of the \nintrenchment were well contrived, as the fire from them crossed \nwithin twenty yards of the face of the redoubt. The flank C \nsufficiently secures its face ; and the bastion D, with its flanks E \n\n\n1 The London Chronicle, January 11, 1776. — A few days ago arrived \nin town, from Boston, Lieutenant Page, of his majesty's corps of engi- \nneers, on account of the wounds he received the 17th of June, in the \naction of Charlestown. This gentleman is the only one now living of \nthose who acted as aids-de-camp to General Howe, so great was the \nslaughter of officers that day. He particularly distinguished himself \nin the storming of the redoubt, for which he received General Howe's \nthanks. \n\n2This letter, Boston, June 22, says: \" The fortification on Bunker \nHill must have been the work of some days ; it was very regular, and \nexceeding strong, insomuch that here the rebels thought themselves \nsecure from danger, and sure of success in destroying the town of Bos- \nton, whicb they had determined to do. Here they reserved tlieir fire \ntill our noble troops were almost under their ramparts, and stubbornly \nopposed them. Had the rebels gained the day, the town of Boston \ncould not have stood long.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n365 \n\n\nand B, is the best defence against such troops as might endeavor \nto pass or cut down the fence.\" \n\n\nYards on a scale of 50 to an inch. Very deep hollow way. \n\nGeneral Dearborn says : \" It was a square redoubt, the cur- \ntains of which were about sixty or seventy feet in extent, with an \nintrenchment of breastwork extending fifty or sixty feet from the \nnorthern angle, towards Mystic River. In the course of the night \nthe ramparts had been raised to the height of six or seven feet, \nwith a small ditch at their base ; but it was yet in a rude, imper- \nfect state.\" It was not made entirely of earth. No small quan- \ntity of fascines were used in its construction, — all that were \ncarried on. Some of the soldiers are minute on this point in \ntheir depositions. The engraving in the Gentleman's Magazine, \nhowever, is probably incorrect.^ \n\n\n1 According to the most accurate plan of the Town of 1775, (Page's) \n\nthe whole of the Redoubt lay between the Monument and Concord \n\nstreet. The Monument stands where the south-eastern corner of the \n\nRedoubt was. \n\nThe Rail Fence breastwork commenced about the centre of the square \n\n\n366 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nGeneral Howe, it was conceded even by his enemies, behaved \nwith great bravery through the whole battle. Of the notices of \nhim in the British journals, I select the following : \" General \nHowe, during the whole engagement on the 17th of June last, \nwas in the most imminent danger ; and Mr. Evans, an English \nservant, who went over with him, could not be prevailed on to \nquit him till the whole of the action was over. Evans attended \nthe whole time with wine and other necessaries for the refresh- \nment of the general and those about him ; during which, Evans \nhad one of the bottles in his hands dashed to pieces, and got a \ncontusion on one of his arms at the same time, by a ball from \nsome of the provincials.\" \n\nGeneral Clinton's services were highly commended, and great \ninfluence was ascribed to his advise. Few details, however, are \nmentioned of his conduct, besides his rally of the troops for the \nthird attack, and his advice to follow up the victory by a close \npursuit. The same remark may be made of General Pigot. \nGeneral Gage attributed \" the success of the day, in a great \nmeasure, to his firmness and gallantry.\" \n\nThe wanton destruction of the Town excited indignation in the \ncolonies and sympathy in England. The tories had long pre- \ndicted that places which took a rebellious part against the mother \ncountry would be destroyed, and that destruction would begin at \nthe seaport towns. No town during the ten year's controversy \nthat preceded the commencement of hostilities, had acted a bolder \npart in support of the patriot cause than Charlestown. The \nthreats of the British general, and the removal from it, have been \nstated. A few citizens remained in it up to the hour of the bat- \ntle. While the British were embarking. Rev. John Martin, who \nfought bravely in the action, and was with the troops all night, \nleft Breed's Hill, went to Charlestown Ferry, and with a spy- \nglass— Dr. Stiles writes — \" viewed the shipping, and observed \ntheir preparations of floating batteries, and boats filling with sol- \ndiers. There were now in Charlestown a considerable number \nof people — one hundred or two hundred, or more, men and \nwomen — not yet removed, though the body of the people and \n\nformed by Hancock, Green, Bunker Hill, and Elm streets, and ran \nthrough the New Burying-ground to the river. Elm street at that time \nwas a mere pathway, and ran more diagonally than it does now. A \nfence along this patiiwny was used in making this slight defence. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 367 \n\neffects were gone. While he called in at a house for a drink of \nwater, a cannon ball from the shipping passed through the house. \nHe persuaded the inhabitants to depart, but they seemed reluc- \ntant. He assured them that it would be warm work that day.\" \nHe returned to the hill, but soon, about noon, went down again. \n\"Mr. Gary and son,\" he says, — \"still at their own house, — \nurged him to take some refreshment and rest, as he had been fa- \ntigued all night. He lay down at Mr. Gary's about ten minutes, \nwhen a ball came through the house. He rose and returned, \nwhen the town evacuated with all haste.\" Advertisements in the \njournals indicate that furniture was carried out on this day. \n\nGordon remarks, correctly, that General Gage had for some \ntime resolved upon burning the town when the Americans raised \nworks on any of the hills within its limits. Though he states \nthat the British were not hurt by the fire of musketry from the \nhouses, yet the statement of General Burgoyne, that the Ameri- \ncans fired upon them from buildings and fences, is confirmed by \nmany of the depositions of the soldiers. He writes of the British \ncolumns as they were moving to the attack : \" They were also \nexceedingly hurt by musketry from Gharlestown, though Glinton \nand I did not perceive it till Howe sent us word by a boat, and \ndesired us to set fire to the town, which was .immediately done ; \nwe threw a parcel of shells, and the whole was immediately in \nflames.\" William Cochran, (August 16, 1775,) stated, under \noath, as follows : \" In regard to what I know of setting fire to \nGharlestown, on the 17th of June, is — I was on Gopp's Hill, at \nthe landing of the troops in Gharlestown ; and about one hour \nafter the troops were landed, orders came down to set fire to the \ntown, and soon after a carcass was discharged from the hill \nwhich set fire to one of the old houses, just above the ferry-ways ; \nfrom that the meeting-house and several other houses were set \non fire by carcasses ; and the houses at the eastern end of the \ntown were set on fire by men landed out of the boats.\" \n\nThe authorities vary as to the precise time when the fire was \nset — some stating that it was before the British moved to the at- \ntack, and others that it was at four o'clock. But it was certainly \nburning on the second attack. The smoke was seen at a great \ndistance. \" Terrible indeed was that scene,\" — a letter from \nSalem reads, — \" even at our distance. The western horizon in \nthe day-time was one huge body of smoke, and in the evening a \n\n\n368 HISTORY OF CHAELESTOWN. \n\ncontinued blaze ; and the perpetual sound of cannon and vollies \nof musketry worked up our imaginations to a high degree of \nfright.\" The houses within the peninsula, with the exception of \na few in the neighborhood of Mill-street, were entirely consumed. \nThe number of buildings was estimated at about four hundred ; \nand the loss of property at .£117,982 5s. 2d.i Some of the pro- \nperty secreted was found by the British, while much of it was \nrecovered by the owners on the evacuation of the town. Many \nfrom Boston had deposited goods in this town for safe keeping, \nand these were consumed. Dr. Mather lost his library. \n\nThe destruction naturally excited great indignation in the colo- \nnies. John Langdon, in a letter dated Philadelphia, July 3, 1775, \nwrites : \" The low, mean revenge and wanton cruelty of the \nministerial sons of tyranny, in burning the pleasant town of \nCharlestown, beggars all description ; this does not look like the \nfight of those who have so long been friends, and would hope to \nbe friends again, but rather of a most cruel enemy, — though we \nshall not wonder when we reflect, that it is the infernal hand of \ntyranny which always has, and ever will, deluge that part of the \nworld (which it lays hold of) in blood.\" \n\nThe British Annual Register of 1775 said : \" The fate of \nCharlestown was also a matter of melancholy contemplation to \nthe serious and unprejudiced of all parties. It was the first settle- \nment made in the colony, and was considered as the mother of \nBoston, — that town owing its birth and nurture to emigrants of \nthe former. Charlestown was large, handsome, and well built, \nboth in respect to its public and private edifices ; it contained about \nfour hundred houses, and had the greatest trade of any port in \nthe province, except Boston. It is said that the two ports cleared \nout a thousand vessels annually for a foreign trade, exclusive of \nan infinite number of coasters. It is now buried in ruins. Such \nis the termination of human labor, industry, and wisdom, and \nsuch are the fatal fruits of civil dissensions.\" \n\n\n1 This estimate was made by a large committee, chosen by the town \nfor this purpose in March, 1776. \n\n\n* \n\n\nll \n\n\n","title":"The history of Charlestown, Massachusetts","updated_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:57.722098Z","urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-history-of-charlestown-massachusetts-2","version":1,"withdrawn_reason":null},"urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-history-of-charlestown-massachusetts-2","version_history":[{"change_note":"accessioned from the Internet Archive, item historyofcharles45frot","changed_by":"archive-ingest 0.1.0","recorded_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:58.020005Z","version":1}]}