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Little and J. Brown","r2_key":"document/b3/b36d7eeecb8e5015c1de8b3fa474d39c90650509cfdcb76c0cfd799b89e2a5c4.txt","record_kind":"document","sha256":"b36d7eeecb8e5015c1de8b3fa474d39c90650509cfdcb76c0cfd799b89e2a5c4","slug":"the-history-of-charlestown-massachusetts","status":"published","summary":"Frothingham, Richard, 1812-1880, 1845. A public-domain text about Boston, accessioned whole so the archive can quote it.","text_extract":"S Library of Congress. 1:= \n\n\nChap \n\n\n.-a-i.:L. \n\n\n^ \n\n\n§s \n\n\nilg^s'^'i^^ STATES OF AIVIERIC//:4f \n\n\n__Z _1 /^0© \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN, \n\n\nMASSACHUSETTS \n\n\nBv RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \n\n\n\"The History of a To-wm ia united -wifh that of the Country to -which \nit helongs, and with that of the ages through which it has stood.\" \n\n\n^^ 4>^ ^^^i ~m \n\n\nm^t- \n\n\n'ASlli;-' \n\n\naj \n\n\nCHARLESTOWN ; \nCHARLES P. EMMONS. \n\nBOSTON : \nS C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN \n1S45. \n\n\n9 \n\n\nW5^ \n\n\nh \n\n\n^^^ \n\n\nA./\"^ \n\n\nTO THE CITIZENS OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nThe undersigned, a few years ago, prepared a series of commu- \nnicutions upon the history of Charlestown, intending them for the \nBunker Hill Aurora; the advice of friends induced him to keep \nthem, and add to them, until tliey will now appear in the more \npresumptive form of a volume. This work will be continued, so \nfar as type and paper are concerned, as it has been commenced, \nas expeditiously as business engagements will permit, until the his- \ntory is brought down to the present time ; but the number of en- \ngravings that will be given must depend upon the encouragement \nit meets with. \n\nOne great reason for choosing the mode of publication so much \nin favor with the public, — viz., in numbers, — is the hope that \nthe early ones may fall into the hands of some who may have an- \ncient family manuscripts, and be willing to loan them for the pur- \npose of making this work more complete. Communications of \nthis nature will be gladly received. The undersigned is indebted \nto several for interesting papers and valuable assistance. Obliga- \ntions like these will hereafter be specially acknowledged. \n\nKICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr. \nNovember, 18-15. \n\n\nN. B. An Engraving, representing a view of the Town, intended \nfor the present number, will appear in a future one ; for the beau- \ntiful representation of the McLean Asylum, the author is indebted \nto the liberality of the Trustees of that Institution. \n\n\nEntered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, \n\nBY RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, JR. \n\nin tlie Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massacliusetts. \n\n\nPRINTED BY I. R. BUTTS, \n2 School Sireet, Boston. \n\n\nN \n\n\n■t\\^. \n\n\n■- '\" 'ii iit\"MlM#iH \n\n\nHI'STOM OF CIIARLESTOWN/ \n\n\nCHAPTER I. \n\nIntroduction. — Sources of this History. — Character of the Town.— \nValue of Town Histories. \n\nSome account may be expected of the sources from which this \nHistory has been derived. These are : \n\nI. The Town Records. These are minute in relation to the \nlocal, municipal affairs, from the settlement of the town. But \nwith the exception of a few pages at the beginning of the first vol- \nume, and the period of the Revolution, they are singularly barren \nof matters of general or political interest. With tlie exception of \na plan of a small portion of the town, presented to the Legislature \n\n\n1 \" A Historical Sketch of Charlestown,\" by-Josiah Bartlett, M. D., \nwas, in 1814, published in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical \nSociety (2d Series, vol. ii. pp. 163 — 184) and in pamphlet form. It was \nan Address delivered Nov. 16, 1813, at the dedication of Washington Hall, \nprepared with notes for publication. Though fillmg but twenty-one \npages, it contains, especially in the notes, much interesling matter rela- \ntive to the town. It gives, however, but slight notices of the town from \n1634 to 1781. \n\nIn 1830, Hon. Edward Everett delivered a valuable Historical Discourse \nbefore the Charlestown Lyceum, commemorative of the arrival of Gov. \nWinihrop. It is chiefly a view of the general causes of the settlement of \nMassachusetts, with a short account of the settlement of the town. \n\nIn 1838 copious extracts from the Town Records were printed in the \nBunker Hill Aurora, understood to have been furnished by William \nSawyer, Esq. \n\nThese are the only accounts of the Town, of much length, that have \nbeen printed. \n\n1 \n\n\nX HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nin 1781, when the latter authorized an important alteration of the \nstreets, there is no map of the town previous to 1818. Tliis \nrenders it exceedingly difficult to locate, precisely, the residences \nof the first settlers. A plan was probably taken in 1794, which \ncannot be found. \n\nThe original records, prior to 1(502, may be found in a volume \nmade up of manuscript, some of it bearing date as early as 1593,^ \nand some of it as late as 1767, and bound without regard to mat- \nter or date. Here may be found memorandums, on loose sheets, \nof selectmen, and town meetings, records of deeds, and of the \npossessions of the inhabitants in 1638. The latter is valuable so \nfar as it goes. It does not give the value of the property, and is \nexceedingly loose in description. The original records commence \nwith the year 1662, and with few exceptions, are perfect to the \npresent day. \n\nIn 1664 the first volume of the records was prepared, perhaps \nmostly from a large volume, frequently referred to but not now \nextant. This volume contains the history of the settlement of this \ntown and the neighboring towns, that is quoted by Prince and \nothers as a contemporary authority. It was written by John \nGreene, son of the ruling elder of the Church. He collected \nthe facts from \" known gentlemen that lived and were actors \" in \nthe events it relates, and read the relation to the selectmen, who \nconsented that it should \"remain\" a part of the records. It occu- \npies seven pages of the volume. Its traditionary character appears \nupon its face. It certainly cannot be relied upon as to dates. Nor \ncan the remainder of this volume be depended upon as an exact \ntranscript of the original. The selectmen ordered grants of land \nto be transcribed verbatim, but in \" other things,\" the copyist was \nallowed to use his discretion and skill in reducing them \" to the \nmost brief and clear language.\" \n\nThe first volume of the Registry of births, marriages and deaths, \nis not unlike, in character, to the volume of miscellaneous matter \n\n\n1 This MS. appears to be a part of a Leg^er, in which the accounts of \none of the Guilds, or Trade Corporations of England, were kept. Each \nname, gfcnerally, has a debit and credit. The following is on the credit \nside of the book : \n\n\" Stephen Woodcrate of Caufoulde in the County of Suffolk Clothier is \ndews to same this laste of November by Suffolke Clothes fifty and seaven \npoundes for his as journal 2, 57 00 00.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. « \n\nalready described. Its earliest date is 1658 — its latest 1797. \nThe leaf at one end of the volume is dated 1663, that at the other \n1720. The middle of the volume contains the following record : — \n\n\"A record of all births, deaths and marriages, that hath been \nin Charlestown since the death of Mr. Thomas Starr who departed \nthis life the twentieth day of the eighteenth mo. 1658, herein \nrecorded. — pr me Edward Burtt Clerk.\" \n\nOne side of the sheet on which this is written, contains a descrip- \ntion of the horses shipped from tliis town in 1664. It was the \nTown Clerk's \" Toll Book,\" wherein he recorded all the ages, col- \nors, and make, of the horses presented for export. He filled up \na few pages with these, and then went on with the births, marriages \nand deaths. This volume was bound in 1797. Some of the leaves \nof it are imperfect. \n\nII. Records of the first Church of this Town. These are origi- \nnal records, and commence with the gathering of the Church in \n1632. The first volume, a quarto of three hundred and eighty- \nsix pages, is an interesting and valuable relic of the past. The \nentries in it were made by the ruling elder, John Greene, and the \nsuccessive ministers. It commences as follows : \" The Book that \nbelongs unto the church of God in Charltowne : which church was \ngathered, and did enter into Church Covenant the 2d day of the \n9th month 1632.\" It contains records of baptisms, admissions into \nthe Church, marriages. Church votes, proceedings against delin- \nquents, and ordinations of pastors and deacons. This volume is very \nminute in detail respecting the proceedings against the Baptists.' \n\nIII. The Colony Records, the Probate and Registry Records, \nfiles of newspapers, the various public libraries, and the collection of \nmanuscripts at the State House, recently arranged into volumes. \nThe latter has supplied many documents of interest and impor- \ntance. These \" Massachusetts Archives\" constitute an invaluable \nmagazine of materials for Town Histories. \n\n\n1 A fall and accurate description of this curiovts volume, with copious \nextracts from its contents, may be found in the American Quarterly Reg- \nister, vol. xii. pp. 247, 250. Rev. S. Sewall, the author of this \naccount, says : — \" The records of this Church are, it is believed, the \nonly records in existence of any Church in the county of Middlesex \nformed as early as the seventeenth century, which have been kept in reg- \nular, and (in the main) unbroken series from the beginning, except the \nrecords of the Church of Lexington, gathered 1696.\" \n\n\n4 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nIV. Private collections of papers. Wherever these exist and \nhave been called for, they have been most liberally supplied. But \nthey are not very numerous. From many descendants of old \ninhabitants the same reply has been made, in answer to inquiries, \nviz : That the family memorials were probably destroyed when the \nTown was burnt in 1775. Two documents, both by two of its \nmost prominent citizens, once in the possession of Prince, would \nhave been of great value in making this compilation ; viz : \" Two \noriginal books of Deputy Governor Willoughby and Captain \nHammond, giving historical hints from 1G51 to 1G78 inclusive : \nAnd \" An original journal of the late Capt, Lawrence Hammond \nof Charlestown and Boston, from 1G77 to 1694 inclusive.\" It is \nsupposed that these were destroyed with other papers in Prince's \nLibrary, in the tower of the old South Church, Boston, at the \ncommencement of the Revolution. Belknap cites a journal \nsupposed to have been written by Capt. Hammond. \n\nThe author, from such sources, has compiled a History of \nCharlestown. This place when first visited by Europeans, was \nknown by the name of Mishawum, and was full of stately timber and \nhospitable Lidians. Here a colony, composed of men of mode- \nrate fortunes and of high character, founded a town. Many of its \ninhabitants were men of capacity and enterprise, and were called \nto fill important situations in the colonial government. Even while \ndischarging these duties they took an active share in the municipal \nconcerns of the town. The board of selectmen shows, for a \ncentury and a half, an uninterrupted succession of such men : ^ \n\n\n1 Increase Nowell, a leading character in Church and State, was at the \nhead of the board of selectmen nineteen years, until his death in 1655. and \nduring this period he had as associates, Francis Willouehby, Deputy Gov- \nernor ; Kobert Sedgwick, Major General ; Francis Norton, a prominent \nmilitary character ; Abraham Palmer, the Spragucs and others. After \nMr. Nowell's decease, Richard Russell, for twenty years the Treasurer of \nthe colony, was at the head of the board : he served on it twenty-six \nyears in succession. After 107(5, Lawrence Hammond, another prominent \nmilitary and civil character was selectman twelve years ; Richard \nSprague, son of Ralph, fourteen years ; Joseph Lynde, fifteen years ; and \nJames Russell, son of the Treasurer, fourteen years. From 1700 to \n17()'), the following, among others — John Phillips, Jonathan Dowse, \nNathaniel Carey, Daniel Russell, Charles Ciiambers, Isaac Royal, Thomas \nGraves, Ezekiel Cheever, Chambers Russell, Edward Sheafe, James \nRussell (17G0), and Nathaniel Gorham — all holding high civil offices, as \nCouncillors and Judges and leading men in the colony — appear for \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 5 \n\nwhile the corporate action of the town affords evidence of a \npublic spirit, that was acknowledged valuable on important and \ntrying occasions. This is seen especially in the Revolutions of \n1G89 and 1775. It is not less decidedly seen in the support of \nreligion and education. The Church and the School House \nstood side by side, quietly diffusing their beneficent influences, \nuntil the great day of sacrifice. The burning of their homes \nrather quickened, than cast down, the public spirit of the citizens. \nIn May, 177G, they gathered in legal meeting, amid the yet smoul- \ndering ruins, to respond to a call to sustain a Declaration of \nIndependence ; and then pledged their lives to the support of this \ngreat measure. \n\nAnd it is not too much to say, that, at the present day, Charles- \ntown is doing faithfully its part in maintaining republican insti- \ntutions. Its appearance indicates a prosperous community. It \nhas handsome streets and creditable public buildings. Its religious \ninstitutions and common schools are liberally supported. Nume- \nrous benevolent associations are constantly distributing their char- \nities. It has a thoroughly furnished and efficient fire-department, \nand makes ample provision for its poor. Its police is vigilant. \nIts military corps patriotic. It bears the impress of the commer- \ncial enterprise of the day, and is rapidly' increasing in population, \nwealth and consequence. Nor have its inhabitants lost that public \nspirit that is so conspicuous in the early history of the town. \n\nA town history must necessarily consist mainly of local details, \nsmall in themselves, and chiefly interesting to the descendants of \nthe actors of them, or to those who occupy their places. Yet this \ndetail, these little things, if judiciously selected, \" illustrate classes \nof men and ages of time; \" and as they show the feelings, opinions, \nand action of a period, constitute its life. Such, indeed, was the \nunity of spirit that prevailed in the towns, those of New England \nespecially, and so similar was their internal management, that a \nhistory of one will illustrate the history of all. And hence a work \n\nmany years in succession, members of the board. The town clerks \nAvere generally particular to prefix their titles in full. As a sample take \nthe record of the hoard for 1095, — at this time, \" The most worshipful \nJames Russell \" was commonly moderator of the Town Meetings. James \nRussell, Esq., Col. Jno. Phillips, Esq., Lieut. Col. Joseph Lynde, Esq., \nCapt. Samuel Hayman, Esq., Mr. Jacob Greene, Jr., Capt. Jonathaa \nCall, Ensign Timothy Phillips.\" \n\n\n6 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nof this kind, if accurate, will be a useful contribution to general \nhistory. \n\nBut there is, or ought to be, a peculiar interest attaching to \neach town, for each has its peculiar history and traditions. Each \nhas some noted spot, where the Indian may have fought for his \nburial places, or the colonists for their freedom ; that may have \nsheltered a hermit or a regicide; that superstition may have \ninvested with a fairy legend, or nature have robed with more than \nfairy magnificence. Each has had its Liberty Tree, its Green \nDrao-on, its Faneuil Hall, where its patriots may have counselled \nor acted. And each town has had citizens who laid its founda- \ntions, perhaps in hardship and danger ; who labored for its prosper- \nity, or who went out to suffer in a common cause. Each has had \nits Man of Ross and village Hampdens. They acted as worthily \nin their sphere, and deserve as grateful remembrance, as those \nwhose fame is on every tongue. It is for the local annalist to \ngather up these traditions and histories, for they are to a town, \nwhat common recollections are to the country. \n\nBut besides such local details, the memorable events that have \noccurred within its limits, may render a history of Charlestown of \nmuch general interest. Salem excepted, it is the oldest town of \nthe Massachusetts Colony. Here the founders of the latter \nwrestled fearfully with famine and mortality. Yet, when enduring \nthe keenest anguish that can rive the human heart, they persevered \nin their work in the highest faith that can mark the christian life. \nThe dead \" were buried about the Town Hill.\" ^ They were \n\" the first victims to the cause of liberty.\" ^ The other heights \nare redolent with Revolutionary associations. \" All are the altars \nof precious sacrifice,\"- where patriots, to maintain liberty, acted \nwith a heroism kindred to that which their ancestors displayed in \nplanting it. In consequence of this, how wide has become their \nfame ! Under the rule of the Red Man, Bunker Hill may have \nbeen noted as a favorite spot on which to light his council fires. \nBut, in the order of Providence, the council fires are to die away, \nand, under a new dominion, a new fire is to be kindled, that is \nto go onward and upward, until it culminates upon its sumn)it. \nThe deeds which the good and the brave here performed for their \n\n1 Town Records. 2 Edward Everett. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 7 \n\ncountry and their race, have made Bunker Ilill to America what \nMarathon was to Greece. \n\nThese events will be traced, as much as possible, from contem- \nporary authorities. Although, where so many have gleaned before, \nbut little may be presented that will be new, in relation to the mil- \nitary transactions, yet the nature of this work will justify a narra- \ntive more minute, than, perhaps, can be elsewhere found. \n\nStill, it must be borne in mind, that these pages purport to be, \nnot a history of the Country, or of Massachusetts, but simply a \nmemorial of Charlestown. They will contain but little that is not \nconsidered necessary to exhibit the condition of its inhabitants, or \nthe events that have transpired within its limits. It will be com- \npiled, mostly, from manuscripts, and it will be the author's aim to \nset down no fact without an authority for it. Still, errors are \nalmost unavoidable. He will cheerfully correct, in the best manner \nhe is able, those that friends will have the kindness to point out. \n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\n1614 to 1628. — Early Boundaries of the Town. — Discovery by Smith. \n— Visit of Plvmouth Settlers. — The Fishermen. — Grant to Robert \nGorges. — His Colony. \n\nCharlestown is a peninsula, formed by the Mystic and Charles \nrivers and a small tract on the main land, with which it is con- \nnected by a narrow isthmus. So far as it regards territory, it is \nthe smallest town in the State. \n\nBut, originally, Charlestown was far more extensive. It included \nMaiden, Woburn, Stoneham, Burlington, and Somerville, a large \npart of Medford, and a small part of Cambridge, West Cambridge \nand Reading. \n\nWoburn, comprising Burlington, was incorporated in 1642 ; \n\n\n1 The dates in this work are altered, so far as it respects the months \nand years, to correspond with the new style. Up to 1752 the year began \nMarch 25. It was altered that year to January 1. To bring the days into \n\n\n8 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMaiden, in 1649 ; Stoneham, in 1725; Somerville, in 1842. In \n1724 and 1725, a large tract called \"North Charlestown,\" was set \noff, part to Maiden and part to Reading. In 1754, another tract, \nincludinor several large farms, was set off to Medford, and now forms \nthe eastern part of that town. A tract was set off to Cambridge \nin 1802, and to West Cambridge in 1S42. The only one of these \ntowns whose history, to the present day, is connected with \nCharlestown, is Somerville. \n\nThe first Englishman who is known to have visited its shores, \nwas the celebrated navigator, John Smith. In 1G14, he sailed on \na voyage from London, and while his men were engaged in fish- \ning, he spent three months exploring the coasts. He entered \nCharles River and named it.^ On his return, he wrote a glowing \ndescription of the places he had discovered, and pronounced \"the \ncountry of the Massachusetts the paradise of all those parts, for \nhere are many isles, all planted with corn, groves, mulberries, \nsalvage gardens, and good harbors.\" He found the natives \" very \nkind, but in their fury no less valiant.\" \n\nIn 1621, Sept. 20, ten of the infant colony of Plymouth were \nsent on an expedition, partly to trade, and partly to conclude \npeace with the Massachusetts Indians. They landed under a \ncliff, supposed to be Copp's Hill, where they met with a kind re- \nception from the natives. Though they touched at several places \nin the harbor, they do not appear to have landed here. Having \nbeen absent four days from Plymouth, and collected a considerable \nquantity of beaver, they returned home with so good an opinion \nof the country, as to wish it had fallen to their lot to have occu- \npied it. \n\nAt this early period, fishermen were frequent visitors to the \nharbor. In 1622, thirty-five of their vessels were on the coasts of \nNew England. Though they may have run up the Bay, yet there \nis no account existing of their having landed at this place. \n\nnew style, add for the seventeenth century ten days to the date, and for \nthe eighteenth, up to 1752, eleven days. A full and interestino; account \nof old and new style, double datmg, &c., may be found in the American \nQuarterly Register, vol. xiv. \n\n1 Smith, in Mass. Hist. Collections. \" I look the fairest reach in this \\ \n\nbay for a river, whereupon I called it Charles River.\" Hutchinson, vol. \\ \n\ni. p. 410, says that Prince Charles \" gave the name of Charles River to j \n\nwhat had been before called Massachusetts River.\" Wood, N. E. Pros- ' \npect, mentions \" Mishaum\" River among the Indian names of rivers. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 9 \n\nIn 1G20, King James granted to the Council of Plymouth \nthe territory lying between forty and forty-eight degrees north \nlatitude, and in length by all this breadth throughout the main \nland, from sea to sea. This was the foundation of all the grants \nin New England. \n\nIn 1G23, Dec. 30, this Company granted to Robert Gorges, all \nthat part of the main land \"commonly called or known by the \nname of the Messachusiack,\"i situate \" upon the north-east side of \nthe Bay, called or known by the name of the Messachusett.\" \nThis included the shores and coast, \" for ten English miles towards \nthe north-east,\" and \" thirty English miles unto the main land, \nthrough all the breadth aforesaid,\" with all the rivers, islands, \nminerals, &c. This grant included the limits of Charlestown. \n\nIn 16'23, the Plymouth Council appointed Robert Gorges, Lieu- \ntenant-General of New England. He came over that year to \nestablish a colony, and thus secure his patent. With him came \nWilliam Morrill, an Episcopal clergyman, who had a commission \nto superintend the Ecclesiastical affairs. Gorges arrived in the \nMassachusetts Bay about the middle of September, with \"passen- \ngers and families,\" and selected the place that Weston had \nabandoned. \n\nMorton, in the N. E. Memorial, relates a difficulty Gorges had \nat Plymouth, after which he took his leave, gratified with the \nhospitality of the colonists, and \" went to the Massachusetts by \nland.\"=^ Gorges, for about a year, endeavored to promote the \nsuccess of his colony. No supplies however reached him from \nEngland, and his friends \" advised him to return home until better \noccasion should offer itself unto him.\" He left his rights to the \ncare of his agents.\"^ \n\nHutchinson, writing of 1626, says : \" I find mention made of \nplanters at Winnissemit about the same time, who probably re- \nmoved there from some other plantation.\" It is not improbable \n\n\n1 The territory known as Massachusetts was, in the early days of the \nColony, confined to the region about Boston harbor, fronn Nahant to Point \nAlderton. Thus, Governor Winthrop writes that, June 17, 1630, he \nwent from Salem to \" Massachusetts, to find out a place for our sitting \ndown.\" — Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 27. \n\n2N. E. Memorial, p. 106. \n\n^Gorges, chap 27; Hazard, vol. i. p. 91 ; Hubbard, p. 86. \n2 \n\n\n10 HISTORY OF CUARLESTOWN. \n\nthat these were a part of the colony of Gorges. William Black- \nstone, the first settler of Boston, is named three years later, as \nbeing in the agency of John Gorges; so also is Jeffries, afterwards \none of the first settlers of Ipswich. These individuals may have \nheld their lands under the authority of this patent ; and this may \nhave been the case, also, with Thomas Walford, the smith, — the \nEuropean found here by the first settlers. \n\nHutchinson remarks, that the patent of Robert Gorges was \nloose and uncertain, and no use was ever made of it.^ It covered \na part of the territory afterwards granted to the Massachusetts \nCompany. The conflicting claim thence arising, was the imme- \ndiate cause of the settlement of Charlestown. \n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\n1628. — John Oldham's Lease. — Grant to Massachusetts Company. — \nControversy respecting Claims. — Arrival of Endicott. — TheSpragues. \n\nRobert Gorges died soon after his attempt to occupy his \npatent. His right descended to his eldest brother, John Gorges. \nThe latter probably in 1G28, leased a portion of the territory that \nfell to him to John Oldham and John Dorrill. The former ap- \npears to have managed the negotiations. He was an intelligent \nand enterprising planter, who had acquired an intimate knowledge \nof the natives, and had a high opinion of the country. He is the \nsame person whose murder, by the Indians, in 1G3G, was the imme- \ndiate cause of the Pequofwar. He had been entrusted by the \nGovernor of Plymouth with the charge of Morton, the Merry \nMount rioter, and went to England in the summer of 1628. This \nlease included the limits of Charlestown, and reads as follows : — \n\n\" All the lands within the Massachusetts Bay, between Charles \nRiver and Abousett^ River, containing in length, by straight line, \nfive miles up the Charles River into the main land, north-west from \n\niHist. Mass., vol. i. p. 14. sSaugus River. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 11 \n\nthe border of said Bay, including all creeks and points by the \nway ; and three miles in length from the mouth of the foresaid \nriver Abousett, up into the main land, upon a straight line south- \nwest, including all creeks and points: and all the land in breadth \nand length between the foresaid rivers, with all prerogatives, \nroyal mines excepted.\" \n\nAnd on the sight of this grant, \" Mr. Blackstone, clergyman, and \nWilliam Jeifryes, gentleman,\" were authorized to put Oldham in \npossession of this territory.^ \n\nThe riymouth Council, whose only source of revenue was the \nsale of patents, on the 19th of March, 1628, sold this same terri- \ntory over again to the Massachusetts Company, bounding their \ngrant to a territory three miles north of the river Merrimack, and \nthree miles south of the river Charles, and extending from the \nAtlantic Ocean to the South Sea.^ This was the Company that \ncolonized Massachusetts. It took immediate steps to occupy its \ngrant. \n\nOn his arrival in England, 1G28, Oldham first endeavored to \nobtain from this Company an important agency in its concerns, \nholding out as the inducement, the prospect of large profits from \nhis management. Having failed in this, he next appears engaged \nin a controversy with the Company respecting his lease, — the \nquestion being the validity of his title ; he contending that it was \ngood, — the Company, by the advice of counsel, that it was \"voyd \nin law.\" Oldham is characterized in the records as obstinate \nand violent — \"so affected to his own opinion, as not to be re- \nmoved from it neither by reason, nor by any persuasion.\" They \nstate that, \" unless he cculd have his own way, there would be but \nlittle hope of quiet or comfortable subsistence, where he should \nmake his abode.\" ^ \n\nAbout the time this controversy commenced, John Endicott, in \nthe ship Abigail, Henry Gauden, master, arrived at Salem. This \nwas September 6, 1G2S. After this arrival, three brothers, Ralph \n\n\n1 Hazard, vol. i. p. G8. \n\n2 This sale Sir Ferdinando Gorpfes says, had his approbation only \" so \nfar forth as it might not be prejudicial to his son's interests, whereof he \nhad a patent under the seal of the charter.\" — Gorges, chap. 26, Mass, Col. \n\n•^Hazard, vol. i. p. 808. \n\n\n12 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nSprague, Richard Sprague, and William Sprague, with three or \nfour others, with Endicott's permission, \" travelled through the \nwoods\" to this peninsula. The Town Records give the following \nrelation of this event, preceded by a history of the discovery and \nsettlement of the country. It forms the beginning of the first \nvolume, and was written by John Greene, in 1(JG4. \n\n\" Captain John Smith having (in the reign of our sovereign \nLord James, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, \nFrance, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,) made a discovery of \nsome parts of America, lighted, amongst other places, upon the \nopening betwixt Cape Cod and Cape Ann, situate and lying in \n315 degrees of longitude, and 42 degrees 20 min. of north latitude, \nwhere by sounding and making up, he fell in amongst the islands, \nand advanced up into the Massachusetts Bay, till he came up into \nthe river, between Mishaum, (afterwards called Charlestown,) and \nShawmutt, (afterwards called Boston,) and having made discovery \nof the land, rivers, coves, and creeks in the said bay, and also \ntaken some observations of the natures, dispositions, and sundry \ncustoms of the numerous Indians, or natives, inhabiting the same; \nhe returned to England, where (it was reported that) upon his \narrival, he presented a map of the Massachusetts Bay to the king, \nand that the prince (afterwards King Charles the First,) upon in- \nquiry and perusal of the aforesaid river, and the situation thereof \nupon the map, appointed it to be called Charles River. \n\n\" Now, upon the fame that then went abroad of the place, both in \nEngland and Holland, several persons of quality sent over several \nat their own cost, who planted this country in several places, but \nfor want of judgment, care, and orderly living, divers died, others \nmeeting with many hazards, hardships, and wants, at length being \nreduced to great penury and extremity, were so tired out, that they \ntook all opportunities of returning to England, upon which several \nplaces were altogether deserted, and by only some few that upon a \nbetter principle, transported themselves from England and Hol- \nland, came and settled their plantation a little within Cape Cod, \nand called tie same Plymouth: these, notwithstanding all their \nwants, hazards, and sufferings, continued several years in a man- \nner alone, at which time this country was generally called by the \nname of New England. \n\n\"At length divers gentlemen and merchants of London obtained \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n13 \n\n\na patent and charter for the Massachusetts Bay, (from our sovereign \nLord King Charles the First,) gave invitation to such as would \n(transport\" themselves from Old England to New England) to go \nand possess the same : and for their encouragement, the said pa- \ntentees, at their own cost, sent over a company of servants, under \nthe government of Mr. John Endicott, who, arriving within this \nbay, settled the first plantation of this jurisdiction, called Salem : \nunder whose wing there were a few also that settle and plant up \nand down, scattering in several places of the bay : where, though \n\nthey met with the dangers, difficulties, and attending \n\nnew plantations in a solitary wilderness, so far remote from their \nnative country, yet were they not left without company : for in \nthe year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and twenty-eight, \ncame over from England several people at their own charge, and \narrived at Salem, after which, people came over yearly in great \n\nnumbers; in years many hundreds arrived, and settled not \n\nonly in Massachusetts Bay, but did suddenly spread themselves \ninto other colonies also.\" \n\n\"Amongst others that arrived at Salem at their own cost,i were \nRalph Sprague, with his brethren Richard and William, who with \nthree or four more, by joint consent and approbation of Mr. John \nEndicott, Governor, did the same summer of Anno 1628, under- \ntake a journey from Salem, and travelled the woods above twelve \nmiles to the westward, and lighted of a place situate and lying on \nthe north side of Charles River, full of Indians called Aberginians.^ \ntheir old Sachem being dead, his eldest son, by the English called \n\n\n1 In a letter of the Company to Governor Endicott, dated May 28, 1629, \nthis description of settlers is alluded to as follows: \" We desire that \nThomas Beard may have fifty acres of land allotted to him, as one that \ntransports himself at his own charge, but as well for him as all others \nthat shall have land allotted to them in that kind, and are no adventurers \nin tlie common stock, which is to support the charge of fortifications, as \nalso for the ministry, and divers other affairs, we hold it fit., that these \nkind of men, as also such as shall come to inherit lands by their service, \nshould, by way of acknowledgment to such from whom they receive these \nlands, become liable to the performance of some service certain days in \nthe year, and by that service they, and their posterity after them, to hold \nand inherit these lands, which will be a good means to enjoy their lands \nfrom being held in capite, and to support the plantation in general and \nparticular.\" — Hazard, vol. i. p. 283. \n\n9 Aberginians was not the name of a tribe, but a general name for In- \ndians. \n\n\n14 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nJohn Sagamore, was their chief, and a man naturally of a gentle \nand good disposition, by whose free consent they settled about \nthe hill of the same place, by the said natives called Mishawum, \nwhere they found but one English pallisadoed and thatched house, \nwherein lived Thomas Walford, a smith, situate on the south end \nof the westermost hill of the East Field, a little way up from \nCharles River side, and upon survey, they found it was a neck of \nland generally full of stately timber, as was the main, and the land \nlying on the east side of the river, called Mystick River, from the \nftirm Mr. Craddock's servants had planted called Mystick, which \nthis river led up unto ; and indeed generally all the country round \nabout, was an uncouth wilderness, full of timber.\" \n\nThis interesting relation is immediately succeeded by a record \nof the names of the inhabitants that \" first settled in this place, and \nbrought it into the denomination of an English town.\" The re- \ncord places this also in 1628. But it includes among these names \nMr. Graves, who \" this year built the Great House,\" and Mr. \nBright, \" minister to the Company's servants.\" Now it is certain \nthat neither Graves nor Bright sailed from England until 1029. \nHence there is evidently an error at this point in the date of the \nrecords. This error continues for two years, making the arrival \nofWinthropto be 16:29, when it ought to be 1630. Does the \nerror begin with the account of the journey of the Spragues ? \nThey, with their companions, may have arrived here in the sum- \nmer or fall of 1628, and encouraged by the friendly reception they \nmet with from the Indians, and a desire of the Company, (that may \nhave been already known to them,) to take immediate possession of \nthe country, have here built their huts, and remained through the \nwinter of 1628-9.^ Yet it appears probable that the Company \nthat came with Endicott would have kept together the first winter. \nIf the Spragues came over after Endicott, unless they came in a pri- \nvate vessel, it would bring it to 1629, as no other ship came over in \n1628. The same authority states that it was not until Mr. Graves \nhad laid out the town, that the lots of these pioneers were located, \nor that they began to build. To understand why so many of the \n\n\niFelt (Annals of Salem) says the Spragues came with Endicott. E. \nEverett (Orations) concludes, i'rom the records, they were not of his com- \npany. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n15 \n\n\nCompany occupied tliis place the succeeding year, it is necessary \nto glance briefly at some of its proceedings in England. \n\n\nCHAPTER IV. \n\n1629. — John Oldham. — Sir William Brereton. — Thomas Graves. — \nEmigration with Higginson. — Instructions to Endicott. — Arrival at \nChariestovvn. \n\nIn 1629, the controversy between Oldham and the Massachusetts \nCompany was concluded by the following vote of the latter. May, \n11 : \" Mr. Oldham propounded unto Mr. White that he would \nhave his patent, &/C., and it is agreed by the Court, not to have \nany treaty with him about it, by reason, it is thought, he doth it not \nout of love, but out of some sinister respect.\" ^ \n\nBut the Company, by this time, were engaged with another \nclaimant to the land about Massachusetts Bay, who is, throughout, \ntreated with marked respect, — Sir William Brereton. John \nGorges, by a deed dated January 10, 1G20, conveyed to Sir William \nBrereton of Handforth, in the county of Chester, Bart, and his \nheirs, \" all the land in breadth lyeinge from y' East side of Charles \nRiver to the easterly parte off the cape called Nahannte and all \nthe lands lyeinge in length 20 miles north east into y\" maine land \nfrom the mouth the said Charles River lyeinge also in length 29 \nmiles into the maine land north east from y^ said cape Nahannte : \nalso two Islands lyeinge next unto the shoare betweene Nahannte \nand Charles River the bigger called Brereton and the lesser \nSusanna.\" ^ \n\nNegotiations with Sir William Brereton were continued for a \nyear. His object was to make such an arrangement with the \nCompany, in relation to the settlement of a contemplated colony, \nas would preserve the title he acquired of Gorges. In this he was \n\n\n1 Colony Records. \n\n2 Massachusetts Archives. — Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 14. The two islands \nwere, East Boston and Belle Isle. — Lewis's Lynn. \n\n\n16 HISTORY OF CHAULESTOWN. \n\nnot successful. Nor would the Company, by purchase, acknowledge \nthe validity of his claim. On the 10th of February, 1 030, it voted \na respectful invitation to him to join it \" according to the Charter,\" \nand that such servants as he might send over should \"receive all \ncourteous respect, and be accommodated with land, and what else \nshall be necessary as other servants of the Company.\" At the same \ntime that this decision was formally communicated to him, a com- \nmittee of two were appointed to \" signify the Company's affection \nand respect unto him.\" ^ \n\nWhile these negotiations were pending, the Company were taking \nefficient steps to further improve their patent. On the 4th of \nMarch, 16\"2'J, a Royal Charter constituted the \"Associates\" a body \npolitic. This charter, cherished with so much care for half a cen- \ntury, was regarded as a confirmation of their grant from the \nPlymouth Council. On the 10th of March, the Company signed \na contract with an engineer of high reputation, — Thomas Graves, \n— who laid out Charlestown. This commenced as follows : — \n\n\"This 10th March 1G38-9, I, Thomas Graves of Gravesend, \nin the County of Kent, gent, and by my profession skillful and \nexperienced in the discovery and fynding out of Iron mynes, as \nalso of lead, copper, mineral : salt, and in fortifications of all sorts \naccording to the nature of the place, in surveying of buildings and \nof lands and in measuring of lands, in describing a country by \nmappe; in leading of water to pp (proper) uses for millers or \nother uses ; in fynding out * * * sorts of Lyme stone and mate- \nriels for building ; in manufacturing, have this present day agreed \nto serve the New England * * * and in theire employment to take \nmy passage for newe England in such shippe as they shall appoynt \nme, and during my stay there according to the conditions heere- \nafter expressed to doe my true and uttermost indeavour in all or \nany the particulars above mentioned for the most good and benefit \nof said companie.\" \n\nThe compensation of Mr. Graves was to be, his passage out and \nback, five pounds a month while in New England, in case he \nremained but eight months. If he remained three years, the \npassage of his family, their support until the harvest after their \narrival, a house, one hundred acres of land, fifty pounds a year, \n\n1 Colony Records. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 17 \n\nand the same proportion of land as those who have families. \nAfter this time, Mr. Graves was often consulted in relation to the \noperations of the Company. \n\nIn April, the preparations for a large emigration were completed. \nRev. Francis Higginson and about two hundred persons, embarked \nin April and May, 16'29. At this time, the Company sent a long \nletter to Gov. Endicott, which shows how solicitous they were to \nhave the territory claimed by Oldham and Brereton immediately \nimproved. This letter is dated April 17, 1G29. It says, in refer- \nence to Oldham : — \n\n\" We fear that as he hath been obstinate and violent in his \nproceedings here, so he will persist and be ready to draw a party \nto himself there, to the great hindrance of the common quiet : we \nhave therefore thought fit to give you notice of his disposition, to \nthe end, you may beware how you meddle with him, as also you \nmay use the best means you can to settle an agreement with the \nold planters so as they may not hearken to Mr. Oldham's danger- \nous though vaine propositions.\" \n\nThis letter also gives Governor Endicott the following positive \ninstructions to occupy Massachusetts Bay : — \n\n\" We pray you and the council there, to advise seriously \ntogether for the maintenance of our privileges and peaceable gov- \nernment, which, if it may be done by a temperate course, we \nmuch desire it, though with some inconvenience so as our gov- \nernment and privileges be not brought in contempt, wishing rather \nthere might be such an union as might draw the heathen by our \ngood example to the embracing of Christ and his Gospel, than that \noffence should be given to the heathen, and a scandal to our \nReligion through our disagreement amongst ourselves. But if ne- \ncessity require a more severe course, when fair means will not \nprevail J we pray you to deal, as in your discretions you shall think \nfittest for the general good and safety of the plantation and preser- \nvation of our privileges. And because we would not omit to do \nany thing which might strengthen our right, we would have you \n(as soon as these ships, or any of them arrive with you, whereby \nyou may have men to do it) send forty or fifty persons to Massachu- \nsetts Bay to inhabit there, which we pray you not to protract, but \nto do it with all speed; and if any of our Company in particular \nshall desire to settle themselves there, or to send servants thither, \n\n3 \n\n\n18 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, \n\nwe desire all accommodation and encouragement may be given \nthem thereunto, whereby the better to strengthen our possession \nthere against all or any that shall intrude upon us, which we would \nnot have you by any means give way unto; with this caution not- \nwithstanding— That for such of our countrymen as you find \nthere planted, so as they be willing to live under government, you \nendeavor to give them all fitting and due accommodation as to any \nof ourselves ; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with more \nthan ordinary privileges in point of trade.\" ^ \n\nIn this letter Mr. Graves is highly recommended, \" as much for \nhis honesty as for his skill.\" Express instructions were given to \nthe Governor to consult Avith him in relation to the proposed set- \ntlement. He had been \" a traveller in divers forraigne parts to \ngaine his experience.\" Therefore say the Company, \" we pray you \ntake his advice touching the premises, and where you intend to sit \ndown in, to fortify and build a town that it may be qualified for \ngood air and water, according to your first instruction, and may \nhave as much natural help as may be, whereby it may with the \nless labor and cost be made fit to resist an enemy.\" \n\nThis letter, dated April 17, was sent by the George Boneven- \nture.2 This ship arrived at Salem, June 22.^ The Talbot and \nLion's Whelp, with Higginson and Bright, arrived June 29. Dur- \ning the last week of June, or the first week of July, 1629, Mr. Graves, \nRev. Francis Bright, with a part of the emigrants, settled in Charles- \ntown. Describing the colony this year, Higginson says : — *' There \nare in all of vs both old and new planters about three hundred, \nwhereof two hundred of them are settled at Neihum-kek, now \ncalled Salem : and the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets \nBay, beginning to build a towne there which wee doe call Cher- \nton, or Charles Towne.\" '^ \n\n\n1 Hazard vol. i. p. 259. 2 Felt's Salem, 2d ed. p. 86. \n\n3 Higginson in Hutch. Coll. \"* Higginson in Force's Tracts, vol. i. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nCHAPTER V \n\n\n19 \n\n\n1629 to 1630. — Foundation of the Town.l — First Settlers. — Winter of \n1629-30. — Indian Conspiracy. — Francis Bright. — Thomas Craves. \n— Descriptions of tlie Country. — Charlestown in 1629. — Time's \nChanges. \n\nIn 1629, when Graves and Bright arrived here, a few settlers \nhad located themselves in the neighborhood. Samuel Maverick, \nearly noted for his hospitality, had a residence at Noddles Island. \n\"William Blackstone, an Episcopal clergyman, lived at Shawmut, \nnow Boston. At Mishawum, now Charlestown, Thomas Walford \nhad built his \"pallisadoed and thatched house.\" The precise \ndate when these pioneers of civilization first pitched their tents, \nis not known. \n\n\n1 Dr. Bartlett (2 Mass. Coll. vol. ii. p. 163,) and Hon. E. Everett, (Ora- \ntions p. 210, 213) place the foundation of the town in 1628. So do Prince \nand other writers. The only authority for this date however is the t >wn \nrecords. Prince (p. 250) erroneously supposed these written by Increase \nNowell ; they state Endicott's arrival correctly, but are otherwise erro- \nneous as to dates previous to 1632. Besides : \n\n1. The records indicate that the Spragues eame over after Endi- \ncottcame, yet they say, \"in the same summer \" of 1628 — which must \nhave been after Sept. 6 — they, with three or four more, settled about the \nTown Hill. And furthermore, they expressly state that Graves, Bright \nand the Palmers, were of those \" who first settled in this place.\" But some \nof these did not come over until 1629. \n\n2. Though the Spragues may have explored this peninsula previous to \nthe arrival of Graves, yet they, the records, expressly say, did not begin to \nbuild until he had laid out their lots, which must have been in 1629. \n\n3. Danforth's Almanac, the entries of which were made in 1647, sev- \nenteen years before this relation was written, places the foundation of the \ntown in 1629. \n\nThe precise date may reasonably be fixed as the day of Graves's arri- \nval. The Talbot, with Higginson, did not arrive at Salem until June 29. \nBut \" the George,\" he writes, (Hutch. Coll. p. 33) \" having the special \nand urgent cause of hastening her passage, set sail before the rest about \nthe middle of April.\" The imperative nature of the instructions she car- \nried (see p. 17) will explain the \" urgent cause.\" She arrived June 22. \nEndicott would not be likely to \" protract,\" but to send some of the em- \nigrants to inhabit at Massachusetts Bay. That most accurate of early \nwriters. Prince, (p. 261) places the arrival here of Thomas Graves, under \nthe date of June 24. Add ten days, to bring this to new style, and it will \ngive July 4, 1629, as the only date for the foundation of Charlestown, for \nwhich good authority can be adduced. \n\n\n20 \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\nSeveral of the early towns had no special acts of incorporation. \nThis was the case with Salem and Lynn. It was also the case \nwith Cluirlestown. It was the original purpose of the colonists to \nbuild a large town, and the Company voted, May 1, 1G29, when \nin England, that, when a site had been decided upon, \" no man \nshall presume to build his house in any other place,\" — making \nhowever the exception, \" unless it be in the Massachusetts Bay, and \nthen according to such direction as shall be thought meet for that \nplace.\" ^ The Spragues and their associates, who this year found- \ned the town, acted under the immediate direction of an agent of \nthe Company, — Thomas Graves; and before there appears on \nrecord any precise grant, or the boundaries were defined, proceeded \nto occupy the land, and the next year even to build in the country \ntowards Cambridge. But they had, undoubtedly, permission from \nthe Company, as an order of September 7, 1G30, prohibited any \n\"to plant at any place within the limits\" of their patent without \nleave from the governor and assistants, or the major part of \nthem.'^ \n\nThe following is the record of their first proceedings : — \n\" The inhabitants yt : first settled in this place and brought it \ninto the denomination of an English Towne was (were) in Anno \n1628 (1629) as follows, viz: \nRalph Sprague, Abra. Palmer, \nRichd. Sprague, Walter Pamer, \n\nNicholas Stowers, \n\nJohn Stickline, \n\nTho. Walford smith \n\nyt lived heere alone \n\nbefore \n\n\nWilliam Sprague, \nJohn Meech, \nSimon Hoyte, \n\n\nMr. Graves \n\nwho had charge of \nsome of the servts. of \nthe Company of Pa- \ntentees with whom hee \nbuilt the great house \nthis yeare for such cf \nthe sd Company as are \nshortly to come over \nwhich afterwards be- \ncame the Meeting \nhouse. \nAnd Mr, Bright Minister to the Companies Servants.\" \n\nBy whom it was jointly agreed and concluded, that this place \non the north side of Charles River, by the natives called Misha- \n\n\nColony Records. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 21 \n\nwum, shall henceforth from the name of the river, be called Charles- \ntown, which was also confirmed by Mr. John Endicott, governor. \n\nIt is jointly agreed and concluded by the inhabitants of this \ntown, that Mr. Graves do model and lay out the form of the town, \nwith streets about the Hill, which was accordingly done and \napproved of by the Governor. \n\nIt is jointly agreed and concluded, that each inhabitant have a \ntwo acre lot to plant upon, and all to fence in common; which \nwas accordingly by Mr. Graves measured out unto them. \n\nUpon which Ralph Sprague and others began to build their \nhouses, and to prepare fencing for their lots, which was (were) \nafterwards set up almost in a semi-circular form on the south and \nsouth-east side of that field laid out to them, which lies situated on \nthe north-west side of the Town Hill. \n\nWalter Pamer and one or two more, shortly afterwards began to \nbuild in a straight line upon their two acre lots on the east side of \nthe Town Hill, and set up a slight fence in common, that ran up to \nTho, Walford's fence, and this was the beginning of that east field.\" \n\nSome account may be expected of these founders of the town. \nRalph Sprague was a farmer and the oldest of the three brothers. \nTheir father, Edward Sprague, was a fuller of Upway, in the \nCounty of Dorset, England. Ralph Sprague was about twenty- \nfive years of age when he emigrated. In 16:30, he was chosen \nconstable and made freeman, and in 1G32, one of the founders of \nthe church. He was selectman several years, and representative \nnine years, — first in 1637. He was a member of the Boston \nArtillery Company 1637. In 1639, he was elected Lieutenant. \nHe died in 1650. He was a prominent and valuable citizen, — \nactive in promoting the welfare of the town and of the colony. \nThe General Court, in 1639, granted him one hundred acres of \nland \" having borne difficulties in the beginning.\" He left four \nsons : John and Richard, born in England ; Samuel born 1631 ; \nand Phineas. Also a daughter Mary, who married Daniel \nEdmands. His widow, Joanna, married Edward Converse and \ndied about Nov. 16S0. Of his sons, Richard became a prominent \ncitizen, and Samuel had a daughter who married Ebenezer Austin, \n— the ancestor of Benj. Austin of Boston and Gen. Nathl. Austin \nof this town.^ \n\n1 Genealogy of tlie Sprague Family, \n\n\n22 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nRichard Sprague was a merchant, and the third son of Edward \nSprague. He was made freeman 1G31, one of the founders of the \nchurch, 1632, Captain of the Charlestown Military Company, a \nmember of the Artillery Company, Boston, several years select- \nman, and a representative from 1659 to 1666. He died Nov. 25, \n1668, leaving to Harvard College thirty-one sheep and thirty lambs, \nand thirty pounds, in value, to the church of this town. His \nestate was valued at c£2357, 16s. 8c?. of which one item was .£600 \nin money. He left the greatest part of this to his widow, Mary. \nHe bequeathed to Ralph's son, Richard, a wharf and warehouse, \nand other property; and to his brother William, of Hingham, his \nsword, which, in 1S28, was in the possession of his descendants. \nHe left no children. His widow, Mary, died 1674. \n\nWilliam Sprague was the youngest of the three brothers. In \n1629, he visited Hingham, in a boat, and afterwards became one \nof its founders. His name appears repeatedly as an inhabitant of \nCharlestown until 1635. In 1636, he obtained a grant of land at \nHincrham, removed there, and continued to live there, sustaining \nimportant town offices, until his death, Oct. 26, 1675. His wife's \nname was Millesaint. He had eleven children. \n\nAbraham Palmer, a merchant, was one of the prominent men \nof the colony. He signed the instructions to Gov. Endicott, May \n30, 1628. He probably came over in Higginson's fleet in 1629, \nand arrived in this town with Graves. He was freeman in 1631, \nand selectman several years, and elected six years a representative, \nfirst in 1634, the last time in 1646. His name appears on the rec- \nords in connection with the most important business. He was \nsercreant in the Pequot war, in which he is mentioned as doing \nefficient service, being ordered with twelve men to surround a part \nof the swamp in the great fight, to prevent the Indians from escap- \ning. In 1638, he is styled Ensign Palmer, and was chosen town \nclerk, and to make a record of the possessions of the inhabitants. \nIn 1638, he was a member of the Artillery Company, and in 1642, \n\" clerk of the writs.\" He died at Barbadoes, about 1653. His \nwife's name was Grace, who died about 1660. He was, probably, \na brother to Walter Palmer. \n\nWaiter Palmer is mentioned in a jury, Sept. 28, 1630, called to \nhold an inquest on the body of Austin Bratcher. It found \" that \nthe strokes given by Walter Palmer, were occasionally the means \nof the death of Austin Bratcher, and so to be manslaughter. Mr. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 23 \n\nPalmer was tried at the next Court in October, and acquitted. lie \nwas freeman 1G31, elected selectman in 1G35, and constable in \n1636. His son Benjamin was baptized in this town in 1642. \nSoon after he removed to Rehoboth, of which he was one of the \nfounders. He there appears to have been an influential citizen. \nHe died about 1662, leaving property to his sons John, Jonas, \nWilliam, Gersham, Elihu, Nehemiah, Moses, Benjamin ; and \ndaughters Grace, Hannah, and Rebecca. He left to Jonas his \n\" lot at Seaconke,\" who resided there. His son John remained in \ntown. \n\nNicholas Stowers was freeman in 1631, and herdsman in 1633. \nHis duties were \" to drive the herd forth to their food in the main \nevery morning, and to bring them into town every evening, and \nto have fifty bushels of Indian corn for keeping the milch cows till \nIndian harvest be taken in.\" He was also to have the benefit of \nkeeping such other cattle as came into town during the summer. \nHe died May 17, 1646, leaving property to his wife Amy, to sons \nJoseph and Richard, to daughters Jane and Abigail, and daughter \nStarr. Richard Stowers, named as arriving in 1628, died July 8, \n1693. \n\nJohn Meech may have emigrated to Connecticut. Simon Hoyte \nand John Stickline, were admitted freemen 1631. \n\nThomas Walford, the smith, remained in town but two years. \nIf he held his land originally from Robert Gorges, or one of his \nagents, and reluctantly acknowledged the validity of the Massa- \nchusetts patent, it will account for the severity of the Court \ntowards him. In 1631, the following order appears upon the rec- \nords : Thomas Walford of Charlton is fined ,£10, and is enjoined, \nhe and his wife, to depart out of the limits of this patent before \nthe 20th day of October next, under pain of confiscation of his \ngoods, for his contempt of authority and confronting officers.\" \nA month later, he was again fined <£2, and \" paid it by killing a \nwolf\" Even after he had left the town, the government distrust- \ned him. On the 3d of September, 1633, it was ordered, \" that \nthe goods of Thomas Walford shall be sequestered and remain in \nthe hands of Ancient Gennison, to satisfy the debts he owes in the \nBay to several persons.\" \n\n\" This severity, Mr. Savage writes, must be regretted.\" He was \nthe first English inhabitant of the town. And it is not improbable, \n\n\n24 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthat to the good offices he rendered to the Indians, the Spragues and \ntheir companions were indebted for their friendly reception. \n\nWalford removed to Piscataqua, now Portsmouth. Here his \nconduct goes far to show that the severity with which he was \ntreated was undeserved, for he became a prominent and valuable \ncitizen. In 1G40, he was one of two trustees or wardens for the \nchurch property, one of the grand jury in 1G54, and died about \n1667. His enterprise was rewarded by a competent estate, for he \nleft property to the amount of .£1433, 35. 8d. \n\nJohn Walford, probably a son of Thomas Walford was, in \n1693, one of the council of Gov. Allen of New Hampshire. \nJane Walford, perhaps the wife of Thomas, was in 1656, present- \ned by her neighbors as a witch, and, ten or twelve years later, \nrecovered damages against one for calling her by that odious \nname.\" ^ \n\nThis little band are all that are recorded as inhabitants in 1629. \nThese had wives and children. But the \"servants of the Com- \npany of patentees,\" under the charge of Mr. Graves, — mentioned \nby Higginson as those who \" began to build at Cherton,\" — are to \nbe added to this list of early residents. Their names are not \nknown. These, until more convenient lodgings could be pre- \npared, lived in wigwams and huts.- The work of building went \non slowly. By the succeeding June, if Roger Clapp may be cred- \nited, there was but one house in town.^ This is not improbable, \nas the infant colony experienced more than the common hardships \nof early settlements. During the following winter, provisions became \nscarce, and disease so thinned their numbers, that, by April, eighty \nhad died, and those that were alive were \" weak and sick.\" In \nthis situation they were alarmed by rumors of hostile Indians. \nThe early residents of Charlestown shared in these hardships ; \nat one time \" all hands, men, women and children \" were engaged \nin providing for self-defence. The town records contain the fol- \nlowing significant relation : \n\n\" About the months of April and May, in the year of our Lord \n\n1 Savage's Winthrop, 53. Adams's Portsmouth. I have not been able \nto locate precisely the spot of Walford 's residence- It is usually fixed on \nthe Town Hill. But the \" weatermost Hill of the East Field,\" was \nprobably, Breed's Hill. He lived on the south side of it, a short distance \ntrom the water. \n\n2 R. Clapp. He refers to the Great House, as the only habitation \nworthy of the name. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CIIAULESTOWN. 25 \n\n1629, (1G30) there was a great design of the Indians, from the \nNarragansetts, and all round about us to the eastward in all parts \nto cut off the English, which John Sagamore (who always loved \nthe English) revealed to the inhabitants of this town ; but their \ndesign was chiefly laid against Plymouth (not regarding our pau- \ncity in the bay) to be effected under pretence of having some \nsport and pastime at Plymouth, where after some discourse with \nthe Governor there, they told him if they might not come with leave \nthey would without, upon which the sd. Governor sent their flat \nbottomed boat (which was all they had) to Salem for some powder \nand shot : At which time, it was unanimously concluded by the \ninhabitants of this town, that a small fort should be made on the \ntop of this Town Ilill, with palisadoes and flankers made out, \nwhich was performed at the direction of Mr. Graves by all \nhands of men, women and children, who wrought at digging and \nbuilding, till the work was done: But that design of the Indians \nwas suddenly broke up by the report of the great guns at Salem, \nonly shot off to clear them, by which means they were so frighted, \nthat all their companies scattered and ran away, and though they \ncame flattering afterwards, and called themselves our good friends, \nyet were we constrained by their conspiracies yearly to be in \narms.\" \n\nDuring this time the work of the Gospel was not neglected. \nThe Company had instructed the three ministers they had engaged \nto come over, namely, Messrs. Higginson, Skelton and Bright, that \nin case they could not agree who should \" inhabit at Massachu- \nsetts-Bay,\" they should \" make choice of one of the three by lot,\" \nand he, on whom the lot should fall, should \" go with his family to \nperform that work.\" \n\nIn accordance with these instructions, Rev. Francis Bright, of \nRoily, Essex, \" trained up under Mr. Davenport,\" came to Charles- \ntown. The Company had engaged to give him twenty pounds \ntowards the expenses of his journey, his passage out and back, and \na salary of twenty pounds a year : Also, ten pounds for the pur- \nchase of books and a dwelling-house and land, to be used by him, \nand left to his successor in the ministry. If he remained seven \nyears he was to have one hundred acres of land for his own use.\" ^ \n\n\n1 His contract is printed in Felt's Annals of Salem, vol. i. p. 570. \n4 \n\n\n26 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nMr. Bright resided in town over a year, and is termed on the \nrecords, \" minister to the Company's servants.\" He was named \nas one of the council for the government of the colony. But he \nwas a moderate, rather than a thorough Puritan, and affection for \nthe church of England restrained him from going with his brethren \nin their increasing non-conformity. Hence, his labors would be \nlikely to grow daily more unsatisfactory to the people. He sailed \nfor England in the ship Lyon, in July, 16:30. Hubbard says, that \nhe was \" a godly minister.\" On mentioning his departure, he \nquotes the character another gave him, \"that he began to hew \nstones in the mountains wherewith to build, but when he saw all \nsorts of stones would not suit in the building, as he supposed, he, \nnot unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the Lord, and went \ndown to Tarshish.\" ^ If he was an Episcopalian, he would not \nbe permitted to \" hew stones\" for the building of the new Eccle- \nsiastical temple of Congregationalism. Mather classes him with \nRev. R. Smith, a clergyman of opposite tendencies, and then buries \n\" all further mention of them among the rubbish in the foundation \nof the colony.\" ^ \n\nThere is no record of the gathering of a church, though it is \nnot probable that the people remained a year without the enjoyment \nof the ordinances. But this brief notice of Mr. Bright is interesting, \nas it shows, that the institutions of religion were coeval with the \nfoundation of the town. \n\nOf Thomas Graves, the distinguished engineer, there is little \nthat is authentic. He is spoken of as a person of eminent skill, and of \nextensive travel. He was named one of the council, and consulted \noften respecting the division of land. Li lG:i9, he had a wife and five \nchildren. These circumstances indicate a person somewhat ad- \nvanced in years. \n\nThe papers in the possession of the descendants of \" Rear Ad- \nmiral Thomas Graves,\" who died in 105:3, make the two identical. \nThey state, however, that the admiral was born in 1G05, which \nwould make him too young a person to be the engineer. It is \nprobable the latter soon returned to England. But he may have \nbeen connected with the family that became so prominent in the \ntown and the colony. \n\nThis year, 1(3-29, Mr. Graves sent to England a flattering \ndescription of the country. He writes as follows : — \n\n1 Hubbard, p. 113. 2 Magnalia, vol. i. p. 64. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 27 \n\n\"Thus much I can affirme in gnnerall, tliat I never came in a \nmore goodly country in all my life, all things considered : If it \nhath not at any time been manured and husbanded, yet it is very \nbeautifull in open lands, mixed with goodly woods, and again open \nplaines, in some places five hundred acres, some places more, \nsome lesse, not much troublesome for to cleere for the j)l()ugh to \ngoe in, no place barren, but on the tops of the hils ; the grasse \nand weeds grow up to a man's face, in the lowlands and by fresh \nrivers aboundance of grasse and large meddowes without any tree \nor shrubbe to hinder the sith. I never saw, except in Hungaria, \nunto which I always paralell this countrie, in all our most respects, \nfor every thing that is heare eyther sowne or planted prospereth \nfar better then in Old-England : The increase of come is here \nfarre beyond expectation, as I have seene here by experience in \nbarly, the which because it is so much above your conception I \nwill not mention. And cattle doe prosper very well, and those \nthat are bredd here farr greater than those with you in England. \nVines doe grow here plentifully laden with the biggest grapes that \never I saw, some I have seene foure inches about, so that I am \nbold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly said in Germany of \nHungaria, that for cattel, corne, and wine it excelleth. We have \nmany more hopefull commodities here in this country, the which \ntime will teach to make good use of: In the mean time wee \nabound with such things which next under God doe make us sub- \nsist : as fish, fowle, deere, and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk- \nmillions, water-millions, Indian pompions, Indian pease, beanes, \nand many other odde fruits that I cannot name ; all which are \nmade good and pleasant through this maine blessing of God, the \nhealthfulnesse of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts that \never I have beene in : It is observed that few or none doe here \nfal sicke, unless of the scurvy, that they bring from aboard the \nship with them, whereof I have cured some of my companie onely \nby labour.\" ^ \n\n\n1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i. This is an extract from a letter writ' \nten by Mr. Graves in 1629. There is said to be in the British Museum \n\" A coppie of a letter from an ingineer sent out to New England, writ- \nten to a friend in England, A. D. 1629, giving- an account of his landing \nwith a small company at Salem, and tlience going and making a set- \ntlement at Massachusetts Bay, laying the foundation of a town, to which \nthe Governour gave the name of Charlestown, with apleasuig description \n\n\n28 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nThis commendation of the country was even exceeded by Higgin- \nson. \" Experience doth manifest,\" he wrote, \" that there is hardly \na more healthfull phace to be found in the world that agreeeth bet- \nter with our English bodyes. Many that have been weake and \nsicklie in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly \nhealed and growne healthfull strong. For here is an extroar- \ndinarie cleere and dry aire that is of a most healing nature to all \nsuch as are of a cold, melancholly, flegraatick, rheumatick temper \nof body.\" \" A sup of New England's aire is better than a whole \ndraught of Old England's ale.\" \n\nBut these accounts were by far too flattering. They raised \nexpectations in England that were doomed to sad disappointment. \nDeputy Governor Dudley, two years later, writes, that \" honest \nmen out of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote some- \nwhat hyperbolically of many things here.\" \n\nSuch were the events, such the hopes and fears, attending the \nfoundation of Charlestown. It is not difficult to imagine the ap- \npearance of the peninsula and the occupation of its inhabitants, \nduring this first year of settlement. The latter, numbering per- \nhaps a hundred souls, arrive here in one of the Company's ves- \nsels, and bring with them materials for building. They find \nThomas Walford, living \"alone,\" — that is the only Englishman \nin the place, — in his rude palisaded residence on the south side \nof Breed's Hill ; having a wife, and, probably, children ; cultiva- \nting his grounds and trading with the Indians. He receives them \nwith coldness and jealousy; but \"the gentle and good\" Sagamore, \nthe owner of the soil, gives them his \"free consent\" to commence \na settlement. Accordingly they set up huts or tents, for a tempo- \nrary shelter, about the Town Hill; and then the accomplished \nGraves proceeds to lay out the streets and divide the ground. Soon, \nWalter Palmer and a few others, begin to fence in their lots, and \nprepare for building on the east side of Main-street, not far \nfrom Walford's \" thatched \" residence; while the Spragues and \n\n\nof the exceedintr Pleasantness and Fruitfulness of the country, and of \nthe civility of the natives. In one sheet MS. Ex dono Rev. Alexandri \nYoung, S. T. B.\" \n\nThe author has made two ineffectual attempts to get this letter. It \nappears to contain interesting historic matter. But it is not in its place \nin the British Museum and cannot be found. It is not improbable that a \npart of this letter is quoted in the text. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 29 \n\nOthers, do the same on Bow-street around the Hill. But the most \nimportant work is going on in the S(iuare, where Mr. Graves, with \na crowd of workmen, is building the \" Great House,\" — anxious, \nthat, when the Governor comes to live in it, and the Court to sit \nin it, it may be pronounced worthy of his reputation. Such are \nthe six-days' occupations. But as each Sunday comes round, the \nechoes of the axe and the hammer cease to reverberate in the \n\" uncouth wilderness ; \" and all join with that \" godly man,\" Rev. \nFrancis Bright, in praise and prayer. At first, health blesses the \nlaborious pioneers ; their boards are crowned with plenty, and they \nrejoice in being at peace. But winter approaches, and brings \nwith it sickness and a dearth of provisions. Spring opens, \nand their faithful friend, the Sagamore, starts them from their \ndream of security, by revealing to them the \" conspiracy \" of the \nhostile tribes to cut them off. The duty of self-preservation then \nsupersedes all other duties. They all, — \" men, women and chil- \ndren,\"— repair to the Town Hill, and there work at \" digging \nand building,\" until they complete a fortification. \n\nBut the peninsula \" is full of Indians,\" who are attentive specta- \ntors of this infant colonization. With what wonder do they re- \ngard each note of preparation ! They follow the engineer as he \ngoes from point to point with his curious instruments, \" model- \ning \" the town ; and then carry tidings of the strange things they \nsee, to the Saunks of the late King Nanepashemit. She, in all her \nQueenly dignity, with the Powwow of the Tribe in her train, \ncomes down from her residence in the woods, to verify for herself \nthe wonderful reports. The \" Squa Sachem \" gazes curiously \nupon each household implement; while her son, Wonohaquaham, \nnotes each timber in the construction of the \"Great House.\" As \nhe watches these things his countenance is unmoved, and he ut- \nters only the customary \" ugh.\" But as he beholds the white \nman's stated and simple sacri-fice to the Great Spirit, another feel- \ning is awakened ; until at length, Indian stoicism relents into the \nconfession, that an answering chord is touched in his own undis- \nciplined breast. Ere he dies, his spirit longs for communion with \nthe \"Englishman's God.\" ^ \n\nAnd as, at intervals of their labors, the founders of the town \n\n^ New England's First Fruits. \n\n\n30 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nsurvey the surrounding scenery, it is not strange that they kindle \ninto admiration and enthusiasm. Nature blooms in its virorin \nfreshness and magnificence. The peninsula, with its fine eminen- \nces sloping gently to the river side, is \" generally filled with stately \ntimber;\" and over it roam freely the wild tenants of the forest: \nbut it presents to the scientific observer, a site for one of the most \nbeautiful towns in the world. ^ And the prospect from its hill-tops \nis one, that, for beauty accompanied with variety, is seldom equal- \nled. If the eye turns towards the sea, the harbor ^ reflects like a \nmirror from its polished surface, the emerald isles that gem its \nbosom: 3 if toward the land, the hills all around, crowned with \nforests, form a natural amphitheatre of unsurpassed loveliness. \nBut the only traces to be seen of man are the fortified abode of \nMaverick on the neighboring island, the cottage of Blackstone by \nthe hills of Shawmut, the smoke from the wigwams of the natives, \nand their birch canoes gliding over the waters. How changed has \nbecome the scene from these summits ! The same sky spreads \nover them ; the same waters flow below them ; there is the same \nsplendid amphitheatre. But now the works of man mingle with the \nvesture of nature. Immediately about them are the hum of in- \ndustry, and the dwellings, school-towers, and churches, of a free \npopulation. Where theie was the solitary residence of Maverick, \nthere is a thriving city. Tri-mountain is a forest of human \nabodes, and far-famed for its triumphs of art, and commerce, and \nfreedom ; and, nestling among the surrounding hills, are the \nhalls of learning, the asylums of benevolence, and circles of \nflourishing towns, with their altar-spires pointing towards Heaven. \nThe old trails of the savage are crossed by the iron paths of the \nsteam car. In place of his frail skifls dancing upon the waves, \nthere are sails from every clime moving among the islands, \nand among them, the giant forms of our National war-ships, \nriding in their splendid repose ; while, on the Mount of \nSacrifiice, sublimely rising \" over the land and over the sea,\" \n\n\n1 Dwight's Travels, vol. i. p. 466. \n\n2 Hubbard, p. 17, writes that Charles River, \" affords as gallant an \nharbor near the mouth of it, as any river of that bigness in all Christen- \ndom.\" \n\n3 A. H. Everett. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 31 \n\nstands the solemn monumental pile, speaking continually of \n\nCOURAGE, PATRIOTISM, and LIBERTY. \n\n\nCHAPTER VI. \n\nThe Indians; their connection with the town. — The Massachusetts. — \nThe Pawtuckets. — Wood's Description. — The Tarratines. — Nan- \nepashemit. — Squa Sachem. — Webcowit. — Wonohaquaham. \n\nThe Spragues found Mishawum^ full of Indians who were \ncalled Aberginians.- Their chief gave them his free consent to \nsettle in the peninsula. To follow this friendly reception, there \nare none other than friendly relations to detail between the early \ninhabitants and the fading red man. The former took care to \nsatisfy the original owners of the soil before they divided the land ; \nif injury was done, by a reckless citizen, to their corn, or swine, or \nproperty, the law ordered prompt restitution; no Indian was \nallowed to be held inbondage, and their old fishing-places were \nrespected. The inhabitants, on their stated training days, mus- \ntered about their wigwams. Though thus intimately connected, \n\n\n1 The records name a spring in the peninsula that was overflowed by \nthe tide, which became so brackish that the prevalent mortality was \nascribed to its use ; and that the inhabitants, in 1630, were informed by \nBlackstone that there was plenty of water at Boston. After analyzing a \na few Indian names for springs, and remarking upon the customs of the \nnatives in relation to them, a writer in Muss. Hist. Soc. Coll., (vol. xx. \np. 173,) comes to the conclusion, that Mishawumut (meaning the Indian \nname of Charlestown) ''meant \"a large spring:\" and that Shaw- \nmut, (the Indian name of Boston,) meant, \"fountains of living waters.\" \nHe says: \" The result seems almost conclusive, that when the spring \nat Mishawumut (Mishawum) \" a great spring,\" was overflowed by the \ntide, the aborigines were probably in the daily habit of crossing over in \ntheir canoes to the opposite peninsula to procure fresh water, where springs \nwere excellent and abundant. Hence the name Shawmut, \" fountains of \nlivmg water.\" Tradition and the town records, — \" west side of the \nnorth-west field,\" — locates this \" large spring,\" not far from the site \nof the Winthrop Church, on the shore to the south of the State Prison, \n\n2 \" Abergenymen,\" a name given by the English to the natives.-— \nRoger Williams Key. \n\n\n32 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nthere is no tale of blood to rehearse, of encounters between the \ncitizens and the natives. The \"gentle\" cliief died in peace: the \nwidow of their late King, Nanepasheniit, \" old and blind,\" proba- \nbly here ended her days. A few pages of this work may surely be \nproperly devoted to a remembrance of the first occupiers of the soil. \n\nA few years previous to the settlement of the country, the In- \ndians in this region were exceedingly numerous. Smith (1614) \nsaw on the sea-coasts, \"great troops of well-proportioned people,\" \nand \" salvage gardens ; \" and estimates the number inhabiting the \nislands of \" the Massachusetts,\" at three thousand. ^ The mouth \nof Charles River was their general place of rendezvous. But \nwars among themselves and disease, so reduced their numbers, that \nat the time of the colonization of Massachusetts, they presented \nbut the shadow of their former greatness. \n\nThe two nations that governed the circle of territory around \nBoston harbor, and running back into the interior, were the Paw- \ntuckets, and the MAssAcnusETTS. The latter \"were a numer- \nous and great people.\" Their chief Sachem was, Chikataubut. \nHis dominion was bounded on the north and west by Charles \nRiver, and on the south, extended to Weymouth and Canton.\" ^ \nIt included Shawmut, whose Sachem's name was Obbatinua. \nPrevious to the terrible mortality of about 1013, this tribe could \nbring into the field three thousand warriors. At the time of the \nsettlement its mumbers were inconsiderable. \n\nThe Pawtuckets had a dominion extending north and east of \nCharles River; \" and they had under them several other smaller \nSagamores, as the Pennakooks, (Concord Indians,) Agawomes, \n(at Ipswich) Naamkeeks, (at Salem) Pascatawayes, Accomintas \n(York) and others.\" ^ It extended as far east as Piscataqua, and \nnorth, as far as Concord on the Merrimack.'* It included Misha- \nwum. They were also a great nation, and could boast of their \nthree thousand warriors ; but they were almost destroyed by the \ngreat sickness of about 1016. They generally lived in peace with \nthe Massachusetts tribe.^ In 1021, the Boston Sachem, Obbatinua, \nwas at enmity with the Squa Sachem of the Massachusetts tribe.^ \n\n1 Smith in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxvi. p. 119. \n\n2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn, p. 45. \n\n3 Gookin, Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 149. \n\n^ Lewis. 5 Gookin. ^ Young's Chronicles, p. 225. \n\n\nHTSTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\n\n33 \n\n\nWood, in his chapter \"On the Aberginians,\" has furnished the fol- \nlowing description of this people : it may, perhaps, answer equally \nas well for the Indians of Canada or of Florida, so similar have \nbeen found their characteristics : ^ \n\n\" First of their stature, most of them being between five and \nsix foot high, straight bodied, strongly composed, smooth skinned, \nmerry countenanced, of complexion somewhat more swarthy than \nSpaniards, black haired, high foreheaded, black eyed, out-nosed, \nbroad shouldered, brawny armed, long and slender handed, out- \nbreasted, small waisted, lank belleed, well thighed, flat kneed, \nhandsome grown legs, and small feet : In a word, take them when \nthe blood brisks in their veins, when the flesh is on their backs, \nand marrow in their bones, when they frolick in their antique de- \nportments and Indian postures ; and they are more amiable to \nbehold (though only in Adam's livery) than many a compounded \nphantastic in the newest fashion. It may puzzle belief, to con- \nceive how such lusty bodies should have their rise and daily sup- \nportment from so slender a fostering ; their houses being mean, \ntheir lodging as homely, commons scant, their drink water, and \nnature their best clothing.\" ^ \n\nThe dreaded enemy of these tribes, was the tribe of Tarra- \ntines, who lived on the bay and waters of the Penobscot. They \nwere more \" brave, wise, lofty-spirited and industrious than many \nothers,\" and on terms of intimate intercourse with the French.^ \nThey were a \" hardy and warlike people,\" writes Gorges.^ Their \ngreat sachem was Nultonanit.^ In 1G21, when the Plymouth \nmen visited the Massachusetts' tribes, the latter dared not \" to \nlodge a second night in the same place, for fear of them,*^ and \nafter the settlement of the country, they would fly to the houses of \nthe English for a shelter from their fury; for ths Tarratines were \naccustomed yearly, at harvest, to come down in their canoes, and \nreap their fields, and carry away their corn, and destroy their \npeople.\"^ It was this warlike tribe that (1631, Aug. 8) in their \n\n\n1 Bancroft, vol. ill. p. 3. 2 N. E. Prospect, p. 54. \n\n3 Williamson's Maine, vol. i. p. 215. \n^ Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxvi. p. 91. \n\n5 Lewis's Lynn. \n\n6 Drake, Hist. Indians, b. ii. chap. 3. \"^ Planter's Plea. \n\n\n34 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\ncanoes, one hundred strong, at night attacked Sagamores John \nand James, wounded them and others, and killed seven men.^ \n\nThe great Sachem of the Pawtuckets was Nanepashemit, or \nthe New Moon. He lived at Lynn until the war with the Tarra- \ntines in 1615. His dominion, at one time, extended to the Piscat- \naqua River to the east, and to Concord on the Merrimack ; while \nthe Nipmucks, as far as Pocontocook, now Deerfield, acknowl- \nedged his authority. He removed to the banks of Mystic Riv- \ner, after 1015, where he was killed in IGIO.^ When the Pil- \ngrims of Plymouth visited Boston harbor, they heard of the fame \nof this chieftain and saw his grave. Winslow gives the following \naccount of his residence and burial place (Sept. 21, 16'21). \" On \nthe morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched in \narms up in the country. Having gone three miles, we came to a \nplace where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, \nand the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemit, their \nking, in his lifetime, had lived. His house was not like others, \nbut a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six \nfoot from the ground, and the house upon that, being situated on \nthe top of a hill. Not far from hence in a bottom, we came to a \nfort, built by their deceased king; the manner thus. There were \npoles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the ground, as thick \nas they could be set one by another ; and with them they enclosed \na ring some forty or fifty feet over ; a trench, breast high, was \ndigged on each side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. \nIn the midst of this palisado, stood the frame of a house, wherein \nbeing dead, he lay buried. About a mile from hence, we came \nto such another, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepash- \nemit was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his \ndeath.\" 3 \n\nThis sachem left a widow and four children. Their names are, \n1. Wonohaquaham, Sagamore John, of Mystic. 2. Montowam- \npate, Sagamore James, of Lynn, who died in 1673. 3. Wenepoy- \nken, Sagamore George, of Salem, who, after the death of his bro- \n\n\n1 Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 59. \n\n2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn ; Smith ; Hubbard. \n\n3 Young's Chronicles, p. 220. Shattuck, Hist. Concord, p. 2, locates \nhis principal place of residence in Medford, near Mystic Pond. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 35 \n\ntliers and his mother, became Sachem of the Pawtuckets, He died \nin 1GS4. 4. A daughter, Yawata.^ \n\nThe Saunks, or queen of Nanepashemit, Squa Sachem, con- \ntinued the government. In 1G2], she was at ejimity with the Sa- \nchem of Boston, and this year the latter made it one of the condi- \ntions of submission to the English, that they would grant them \nprotection against her. \n\nPrevious to 1G35, she married Webcowit, the physician of the \ntribe — \" its powow, priest, witch, sorcerer, or chirurgeon.\" She \ncontinued to be the Q-ueen, and the Powow became King in right \nof his wife.- \"It does not appear that he was much respected or \nthought of.\" 3 The apostle Elliot, in his \"Clear Sunshine of the \nGospel,\" gives the following account of some of the questions he \nasked, when the English were endeavoring to convert the Indians. \nThis \" old Powow's \" question was \" to this purpose :\" \" Seeing \nthe English had been twenty-seven years (some of them) in this \nland, why did we never teach them to know God till now ? Had \nyou done it sooner,\" said he, \" we might have known much of \nGod, by this time, and much sin might have been prevented, but \nnow, some of us are grown old in sin, &c.\" ^ \n\nIn 1637, the Squa Sachem, with Webcowit, deeded a large \ntract of land in Musketaquid, (Concord) — one of the principal \nvillages of the Indians, — to the English. On this occasion, \n\" Wibbacowitt,\" in particular, received a suit of cotton cloth, a \nhat, a white linen band, shoes, stockings, and a great coat, as a \npart of the consideration. In 1G39, the same Indian deeded to \nCharlestown the tract of land now part of Somerville ; also, ano- \nther tract, to Jotham Gibbons, of Boston. At this time she styled \n\n\n1 Lewis's Hist. Lynn. Shattuck says, p. 2, the king left five children. \n\n2 The Powow is next the King, or Sachem, and commonly, when he \ndies, the Powow marries the Squa Sachem, that is, the Queen.— Lelch- \nford. Morton, however libellous on the Colonists, is thought to have giv- \nen a good account of the Indians. Having stated their easy life, he con- \ncludes as follows. \" They may be accounted to live richly, wanting no- \nthing that is needful ; and to be commended for leading a contented life, \nthe younger being ruled by the elder, and tlie elder ruled by the Powahs, \nand the Powahs are ruled by the Devill, and then you may imagine what \ngood rule is Uke to be amongst them.\"— New Enghsh Canaan. \n\n3 Drake. ^ Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiv. p. 55. \n^ Shattuck's Concord. \n\n\n36 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nherself \" Squa Sachem of Mistick.\" In the deed to Charlestown, \nthe Squa Sachem reserves to her use her old fishing-places and \nhunting grounds, until her death. ^ \n\nIn 1(544, the Squa Sachem, and other Sachems, submitted them- \nselves to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. They promise to be \ntrue and faithful to the government, to give \" speedy notice \" \nof any conspiracy, attempt, or cruel intention, they may hear of \nagainst it, and to be willing to \" be instructed in the knowledge \nof God.\" In relation to this, Winthrop writes, that \"we causing \nthem to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of \nGod, and they freely assenting to all, they were solemnly received, \nand then presented the court with twenty-six fathom more of wam- \npum ; and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards of \ncloth, and their dinner ; and to them and their men, every one \nof them, a cup of sack at their departure.\" They went away \n\" very joyful.\" Having become old and blind, the Squa Sachem \nis supposed to have died in 1667.^ \n\nThe only other sachem, whose history is immediately connect- \ned with Charlestown, is Wonohaquauam, who lived at Mystic, \n\" upon a creek which meets with the mouth of Charles Riv- \ner.\" ■* This was the Sagamore John, characterized in the Re- \n\n\n1 From the description in the deed, the Town Records, and tradition, \nit is probable that one of the residences of the Squa Sachem was near \n\" Gardner's Row,\" now part of West Cambridge. \n\n2 Lewis's Hist. Lynn, p. 47. The following document, however, shows \nthat the Squa Sachem died previous to this year. It is copied from the \nRegistry ot Deeds, Middlesex, vol. ii, \n\n\" Mr. Francis Norton and Nicholas Davison, do in the name of the in- \nhabitants oi' Charlestown, lay claim to the tract of land, reserved to Squa \nSachem during her life time, and which is at present possessed and im- \nproved by Thomas Gleison of Charlestown, this land bounded on the east \nby Mistick Pond, on the west by Cambridge Common, on the south by \nthe land of Mr. Cooke, on tlie north i'ormerly in the possession of Mr. \nIncrease Nowell. \n\nThis demand and claim was made in the person of John Fennell, \nand Mr. Wm. Sims, the 25th of March, 1CG2, at the house of Thomas \nGleison. \n\nEntered 29th March, lCG2,by T, Danforth. John Fennell, \n\nSigned, W.M. SiMMEs. \n\n3 Hutchinson, vol. i. pp. 408. 410. Drake, b. ii. chap. 3, says, how- \never, that he lived at lUunney Marsh, (Chelsea). Rev. John Hig- \nginson's deposition sustains Hutchinson. He lived, probably, at both \nplaces. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 37 \n\ncords as of \"gentle and good disposition,\" who always \"loved \nthe English, and gave them permission to settle here, and who re- \nvealed to them the conspiracy of 1630.\" His limits included \nWinisemit. Dudley describes him as \"young, handsome,\" \"con- \nversant with us, affecting English apparrell and houses, and speak- \ning well of our God.\" But he did not command more than thirty \nor forty warriors. \n\nIn 1031, a servant of Sir Richard Saltonstall burnt two of his \nwigwams. Dudley gives the following relation of this event. \n\n\" Before the depparture of the shipp (w'^i yet was wind bound) \nthere came vnto vs Sagamore John and one of his subiects require- \ninge sattisfaction for the burning of two wigwams by some of the \nEnglish which wigwams were not inhabitted but stood in a place \nconvenient for their shelter, when vppon occasion they should trav- \naile that wayes. By examination wee found that some English \nfowlers haueino- retired into that which beloncred to the subiect \nand leauing a fire therein carelessly which they had kindled to \nwarm them were the cause of burninge thereof; ffor that which \nwas the Sagamores wee could find noe certaine proofe how it was \nfired, yet least hee should thinke vs not scedulous enough to find \nit out and soo should depart discontentedly from vs, wee gave both \nhim and his subiects sattisfaction for them both.\" \n\nSir Richard was ordered to make satisfaction, \" which he did \nby seven yards of cloth, and that his servant pay him, at the end \nof his time, fifty shillings sterling.\" \n\nIn 1631, he was at Agawam, (Ipswich,) on a visit, when the \nTarratines made their fierce attack on Mascononomo, when he \nwas wounded. In 1032, with thirty of his men, he went with \nChikataubut to aid Canonicus,chief of the Narragansetts, in a war \nagainst the Pequots. He died in 1032, at Winisemit, of the small \npox. \n\nIn New England's First Fruits, there is the following interest- \ning detail of his last hours : \n\n\" Sagamore John, prince of Massaquesers, was from our very \nfirst landing more corteous, ingenious, and to tiie English more \nloving than others of them ; he desired to learne and speake our \nlanguage, and loved to imitate us in our behaviour and apparrell, \nand began to hearken after our God, and his wayes, and would \nmuch commend English men, and their God, saying (much good \n\n\n38 HISTORY OF CHAULESTOWN. \n\nmen, much good God), and being convinced that our condition \nand wayes were better farre then theirs, did resolve and promise \nto leave the Indians, and come live with us ; but yet kept down \nby feare of the scoffes of the Indians, had not power to make good \nhis purpose : yet went on not without some trouble of mind, and \nsecret plucks of conscience, as the sequel declares; for being \nstruck with death, fearfully cryed out of himselfe that he had not \ncome to live with us, to have knowne our God better : ' But now, \n(said he) I must die, the God of the English is much angry with \nme, and will destroy me ; ah, I was afraid of the scoffes of the \nwicked Indians; yet my child shall live with the English, and \nlearne to know their God when I am dead ; ile give him to Mr. \nWilson, he is a much good man, and much loved me : ' so sent \nfor Mr. Wilson to come to him, and committed his onely child to \nhis care, and so died.\" ^ \n\nHe left by will, all his wampum and coats to his mother, and \nhis land about Powder-Horn Hill, to his son, and in case of his \ndecease, to his brother George.^ \n\n\nCHAPTER VII. \n\n1G30 to 1G31. -^Objects of the Puritans. — The Winthrop Emigration. \n— Roger Clap's visit. — Arrival of Winlhroj). — Situation of the Col- \nony. — Deaths. — Samuel Fuller's Letter. — Fortitude of the Suffer- \ners. — Removal. — Settlements. — Reflections. \n\nWhile the inhabitants were struggling through the winter, the \nMassachusetts Company ^ were making preparations to add largely \n\n\n1 Hubbard, p. 651, adds, \" Whether the child answered the father's \ndesire or no, is not known, hut the contrary feared.\" \n\n2 Felt's Annals of Salem, p. 17. \n\n3 In the Massachusetts Archives, Lands, p. 1., there is a document \nwhich asserts that Sir William Brereton also sent over several families. \nIt gives the history of his title as follows : — \" Sir Wilham Brereton dies \nleaving Thomas, his only son, afterwards Sir Thomas, and Susanna his \ndaughter. Sir Thomas dies without issue. Susanna marries Edmund \nLenthall, Esq., and dies leaving Mary, her only daughter and heir. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWxV. \n\n\n39 \n\n\nto their number. The resolution hnd been taken, by Winthrop \nand his associates, to transform themselves, by the bold step of \ncarrying the charter witli them, from a Commercial Corporation \ninto a Provincial Government. The causes that led to this result \nwill be found in the general histories : the motives that actuated \nthe multitude that were about to people this then \"terrible wilder- \nness,\" are, perhaps, well and concisely stated by contemporary \nwriters. \" Necessitie,\" says one of them, \" may presse some ; \nnoveltie draw on others ; hopes of gaine in time to come, may pre- \nvail with a third sort : but that the most sincere and godly part \nhave the advancement of the Gospel for their maine scope, I am \ncofident.\"- \" The propagation of the Gospel,\" — the Company \nwrite, 1G29, — \" is the thing we do profess above all to be our aim \nin settling this plantation.\" 3 But though the spread of the Gospel, \nin the stern form of Puritanism, became the main aim of the col- \nonists, yet both their eulogists and their denunciators admit, that \nthey also looked, both here and in England, to a higher political \nliberty. \"These men,\" said Laud, \"do but begin with the \nChurch, that they might after have the freer access to the State.\" \n\nThe first vessel of the fleet that carried over those who emigra- \nted with Winthrop, arrived at Nantasket on the 30th of May, \n1G30. Roger Clap, was in this ship, — the Mary & John, — and \nffives the followino- account of his visit to this town : — \n\n\" When we came to Nantasket, Capt. Sqiieh, who was Captain \nof that great ship of Four Hundred Tons, would not bring us into \nCharles River, as he was bound to do ; but put us ashore and our \nGoods on Nantasket Point, and left us to shift for ourselves in a \nforlorn place in this Wilderness. But as it pleased God, Ave got a \nboat of some old Planters, and laded her with Goods; and some \nable men well Armed went in her unto Charlestown : where we \n\n\nMary is married tq Mr. Levett, of the Inner Temple, who claims the said \nlands in ritrht of Mary his wife, who is heir to Sir William Brereton and \nSir Thomas Brereton. \n\n\" Sir William Brereton sent over several families and servants, who \npossessed and improved several large tracts of the said land, and made \nseveral leases as appears by the said deeds.\" \n\nBrereton sided with the Parliament in its contest whh Charles I, and \nled its troops at the siege of Chester, in 1G44. In the History of Chester, \nmay be found his summons to this city to surrender, with an account of \nthe siege. \n\n1 Planter's Plea, written in 1630, p. 36. 2 Letter, April 17. \n\n\n40 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOAVN. \n\nfound so7ne Wigwams and one House, and in the House there was \na Man whicli liad a boiled Bass, l)iit no Bread that we see; but \nwe did eat of his Bass, and then went up Charles River, until the \nRiver grew narrow and shallow, and there we landed our Goods \nwith much Labor and Toil, the Bank being steep. And Night \ncoming on, we were informed that there were hard by us T'liree \nHundred Indians ! One English 3Ian that could speak the In- \ndian Language, (an old planter,) went to them and advised them \nnot to come near us in the night ! And they hearkened to his \ncounsel, and came not. I myself was one of the Centinels that \nfirst night : Our captain was a Low Country Souldier, one Mr. \nSouthcot, a brave Souldier. In the Morning some of the Indians \ncame and stood at a distance off, looking at us, but came not near \nus : but when they had been a while in view, some of them came \nand held out a great Bass towards us ; so we sent a man with a \nBisket, and changed the cake for the Bass. Afterwards they sup- \nplyed us with Bass exchanging a Bass for a Bisket-Cake, and were \nvery friendly unto us.\" \n\nOn the 12th of June, the ship in which Winthrop embarked, \narrived at Salem; on the 17th he sailed, in a boat, up Mystic \nRiver ; on the 18th he stopped at Maverick's Fort ^ on Noddle's \nIsland ; on the next day he returned to Salem, and reported favor- \nably for building at \" Charlton.\" On the 1st of July he had ar- \nrived here, and during this month, the greater part of the fleet ar- \nrived safely into port. \n\n\n1 By this time, Samuel Maverick \" had built a small fort with the help \nof Mr. David Thomson,\" Johnson, b. i. chap. 17, who was the first \noccupant of Thompson's Island in the harbor, where the Fann School \nis. Hon. James Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 27, concludes, from tlie \nlanguage of this writer, that Maverick came either in 1628 or 1G29. \nJosselyn, 16.38, praises him for his hospitality, pronouncing him \" the \nonly hospitable m;.n in all the country, — giving entertainment to all com- \ners gratis,\" Voyages in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiii., while Johnson \nsets him down \" as an enemy to the reformation in hand, being strongly \nfor the Prelatical power.\" However the latter might be, the General \nCourt granted to him Noddle's Island. But he was obliged to pay \" to \nthe governor for the time bemg \" \" either a fat weather, a fat hog, or \njClO in money.\" The Court also reserved to this town and Boston, the \nright \" to fetch wood continually, as their need requires, froin the south- \nern part of said Island.\" \" Wmisemet Ferry, both to Charlestown and \nBoston, was also granted to him forever.\" — Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. \np. 27. Oldmixon, 1741, says that \"Nettles\" Island, \" within these \nfew years was esteemed worth 2 or 300/. to the owner, Col. Shrimp- \nton,\" vol. i. p. 194. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 41 \n\nThe condition in which Winthrop found the Colony, was Scid \nand unexpected. Smith thus describes it. \" They found three- \nscore of their people dead, the rest sick, nothing done, but all com- \nplaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now \nevery monstrous humor began to show itself\" ^ \" All the corn \nand bread amongst them all hardly sufficed to feed them a fort- \nnight.\" \" But bearing these things as they might,\" ~ some began \nto look about them for places of settlement, while the multitude \nset up \" cottages, booths and tents,\" about the Town Hill. The \nRecords give the history of this arrival as follows : — \n\n\" In the months of June and July, 1G29, (1630,) arrived at this \ntown John Winthrop, Esq., Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, \nKnt., Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowell, Mr. \nPinchon, Mr. Broadstreete, who brought along with them the \nCharter, or patent, for this jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay, \nwith whom also arrived Mr. John Wilson, and Mr. Phillips, Min- \nisters, and a multitude of people, amounting to about fifteen hun- \ndred, brought over from England in twelve ships. The governor \nand several of the Patentees dwelt in the Great House, which was \nlast year built in this town by Mr. Graves, and the rest of their \nservants. \n\n\" The multitude set up cottages, booths and tents, about the \nTown Hill. They had long passage ; some of the ships were \nseventeen, some eighteen weeks a coming; many people arrived \nsick of the scurvy, which also increased much after their arrival \nfor want of houses, and by reason of wet lodgings in their cot- \ntages; and other distempers also prevailed. And although peo- \nple were generally very loving and pitiful, yet the sickness did \nso prevail, that the whole were not able to tend the sick as they \nshould be tended ; upon which many perished and died, and were \nburied about the Town Hill. \n\n\" By which means provisions were exceedingly wasted, and no \nsupplies could now be expected by planting; besides, there was \nmiserable damage and spoil of provisions by sea, and divers came \nnot so well provided as they would, upon a report whilst they were \nin England, that now there was enough in New England, And \n\n\n1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xxxiii. p. 40. 2 Dudley's Letter. \n\n6 \n\n\n42 HISTORY OF CIIARLESTOWN. \n\nunto all this, there were [some, imprudently selling much of the \nremainder] ' to the Indians, for beaver. All which being taken \ninto consideration iiy the governor and gentlemen, they hired and \ndispatched away Mr. William Pearce, with his ship, of about two \nhundred tons, for Ireland, to buy more, and in the mean time went \non with their work for settling. In order to which they, with Mr. \nJohn Wilson, one of tlie ministers, did gather a church, and chose \nthe said Mr. Wilson pastor, — the greatest number all this time \nintending nothing more than settling in this Town, for which the \ngovernor ordered his house to be cut and framed here. \n\n\" But the weather being hot, many sick and others faint after \ntheir long voyage, people grew discontented for want of water ; \nwho generally notioned no water good for a town but running \nsprings ; ^ and though this neck do abound with good water, yet for \nwant of experience and industry none could then be found, to suit \nthe humour of that time, but a brackish spring in the sands, by \nthe water side on the west side of the northwest field, which could \nnot supply half the necessities of that multitude. At which time \nthe death of so many was concluded to be much the more occa- \nsioned by this want of good water.\" \n\nOne witness writes, that \" many died weekly, yea, almost \ndaily;\" ^ another says that, \" almost in every family lamentation, \nmourning, and woe were heard, and no fresh food to cherish \nthem.\" '^ There were, among the deaths, some of the most hon- \nored and excellent of the Colonists. Rev. Francis Higginson was \none of the victims. Early in August, the Lady Arbella, ^ wife of \n\n\n1 The words in brackets are supplied from Prince, p. 313, — the man- \nuscript being illegible. \n\n2 This \"notion\" respecting running springs operated, at one time, \nunfavorably for Roxbury. On the 6th of Dec, 1630, the governor and \nmost of the assistants, and others, met there and agreed to build a town. \nAnd a committee was appointed to make the necessary arrangements. \nBut when this committee met at Roxbury eight days later, it was con- \ncluded not to build a town there, and one reason that weighed against the \nplace was, \" There was no running water ; and if there were any spnngs, \nthey would not suffice the Town.\" — Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 38. \n\n3 Johnson. \"^ Dudley. \n\n5 \" The Lady Arrabella, and some other godly women, abode at Salem, \nbut their husbands continued at Charlestown, both for the civil govern- \nment and gathering of another church.\" — Wonder-working Providence. \n\n\nHISTORY OF CIIARLESTOWN. \n\n\n43 \n\n\nIsaac Johnson, died, leaving an envied name ; and during this \nmonth, Mrs. Pynchon, Mrs. Coddington, x\\Irs. Phillips, and Mrs. \nAlcock. On the 20th of September, William Gager died, \" a \nright godly man, a skilful chyrurgeon,\" who had been chosen \ndeacon ; and on the 30th, Isaac Johnson, the wealthiest of the \ncompany, and a warm friend of the Colony, followed his deceased \npartner. He died in Christian peace and resignation ; declaring \nhis life better spent in promoting this plantation than it would \nhave been in any other way. On the 23d of October, Mr. Ros- \nsiter died, another highly esteemed associate, and one of the as- \nsistants. \n\nAmong those present at this gloomy period, was Samuel Fuller, \none of the fathers of Plymouth, and an eminent surgeon. He re- \nmained several weeks, sympathizing with the sufferers, but unable \nto supply requisite medicines. On the 2d of August, he writes \nto Gov. Bradford of Plymouth : \" The sad news here is that \nmany are sick and many are dead ; the Lord in mercy look upon \nthem ! Some are here entered into church covenant, the first was \nfour, namely, the Governor, Mr. John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, \nMr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson ; since that five more are joined \nunto them, and others it is like will add themselves to them daily. \nThe Lord increase them both in number and holiness, for his \nmercy's sake. I here but lose time and long to be at home : I \ncan do them no good, for I want drugs and things fitted to work \nwith.\" 1 \n\n\" It was admirable to see with what Christian courage many car- \nried it amidst these calamities.\" ^ It was chiefly Winthrop's calm \ndecision that sustained the courage of his associates.^ In the midst \nof the suffering, he wrote to Mr. Johnson, at Salem, \" representing \nthe hand of God upon them in the prevailing sickness,\" and ap- \npointing July 30, a day of fasting and prayer. On the 9th of \nSept. he wrote to his wife, then in England, in the following lan- \nguage : \" I praise the good Lord, though we see much mortality, \nsickness, and trouble, yet (such is his mercy) myself and children, \nwith most of my family, are yet living and in health, and enjoy \nprosperity enough, if the afflictions of our brethren did not hold \nunder the comfort of it. * * * I thank God, I like so well to \n\n\n1 Mass, Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 76. 2 Johnson. 3 Bancroft. \n\n\n44 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nbe here, as I do not repent my coming ; and if I were to come \nagain, I would not have altered my course, though I had foreseen \nall these afflictions. I never fared better in my life, never slept \nbetter, never had more content of mind.\" ^ \n\nImmediately upon the arrival of the colonists, differences arose \nrespecting places of settlement; for Salem, where they landed, \n\" pleased them not.\" Several were sent \" to the Bay,\" — Boston \nharbor, — \" to search up the rivers for a convenient place.\" \nOa receiving their reports, — some being in favor of Mystic, some \nof\" Charlton,\" some of a place \"three leagues up Charles River,\" \n— the goods were \" unshipped into other vessels, and with much \ncost and labor, brought in July\" to this town. But after this, \nthey \" received advertisements by some of the late arrived ships \nfrom London and Amsterdam, of some French preparations \" \nagainst them. They changed their original intention of establishing \nthemselves in one town, and for their \"present shelter,\" resolved \nto \"plant dispersedly.\" \"^ \"This dispersion,\" Governor Dudley \nwrites, \" troubled some of us, but help it we could not, wanting \nability to remove to any place fit to build a Towne upon, and the \ntime too short to deliberate any longer lest the winter should sur- \nprise us before we had builded our houses. The best council we \ncould find out was to build a fort to retire to, in some convenient \nplace, if any enemy pressed thereunto, after we should have for- \ntified ourselves against the injuries of wet and cold.\" The Town \nRecords assign the want of water as the chief reason why the great \nbody of those who had remained here through the months of July \nand August, determined to remove to Shawmut and other places. \nImmediately after the paragraph already printed, these Records \nfurnish the following history of the \" dispersion : \" — \n\n\" This caused several to go abroad upon discovery ; some went \nwithout the neck of this town, who travelled up into the main till \nthey came to a place well watered, whither Sir Richard Saltonstall, \n\n\n1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. 377. \n\n2 Dudley's Letter. As it was written March 12, 1631, it takes pre- \ncedent of the Town Records, where the two authorities differ. It was \nwritten at Boston. The author says, \" haveing yet no table, nor other \nroom to write in, than by the fireside upon my knee, in this sharpe win- \nter; to which my family must have leave to resorte, though they break \ngood manners, and make mee many times forget what I would say, and \nsay what I would not.\" \n\n\nHISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. 45 \n\nKnt., and Mr. Phillips, minister, went with several others and set- \ntled a plantation, and called it Wattertowne. \n\n\" Others went on the other side of Charles River, and there \ntravelled up into the country, and likewise finding good waters, \nsettled there with Mr. Ludlow, and called the plantation Dorches- \nter, whither went Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham, who were their \nministers. \n\n*' In the meantime, Mr. Blackstone,^ dwelling on the other side \nof Charles River, alone, at a place by the Indians called Shawmutt, \n\n\n1 William Blackstone was the eccentric Episcopal clergyman and the \nfirst Enj^lish occupant of Boston. He was at Shavvmut when Charles- \ntown was founded : How long- had he been there? He had a cottage : \nWho built it 1 He claimed the whole peninsula, and the inhabitants ac- \nknowledged his right to it by buying it of him. On what was his claim \nfounded 1 \n\nLetchford says, Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. xxxiii. p. 97, he \" went \nfrom Boston, having lived there nine or ten years.\" If ten years, it \nwould bring his arrival to about 1625. Hopkins, Hist. Rehoboth, p. 3, \nwho published ninety years after Blackstone's death, says he had been at \nBoston \" so long as to have raised apple trees and planted an orchard,\" \nwhen the Mass. Colony came. Mr. Savage, Winihrop, vol. i. p. 45, con- \ncludes that he had occupied the peninsula seveial years before 1628. \nThese authorities unite in establishing the time as far back as 1625, — pos- \nsibly a year earlier. \n\nIt was about this time, or in 1624, that Robert Gorges left his interests \nhere \" to the charge and custody of his servants and certain other under- \ntakers and tenants.\" — Hazard, vol. i. p. 191. Four years later, 1628, \nthe inh eritor of these interests, John Gorges, authorized Blackstone, \nHazard, vol. i. p. 268, to give Oldhain the possession of the land which \nhad been leased to him. Does not this show that Blackstone was connect- \ned with this patent 1 Is not the inference a just one, that he was one of \nthe \" undertakers \" allvided to above ! And if so, that he came over with \nGorges and occupied under a grant from him? \n\nMather, Magnalia, vol. i. p. 226, and Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 26, say that \nBlackstone claimed the whole peninsula upon which Boston is built, be- \ncause \" he was the first that slept upon it.\" See also. Snow's Hist. p. \n52. Perhaps Walford might have advanced such a claim in relation to \nCharlestown, when he \" confronted the magistrates.\" Such claims could \nnot be allowed : for however prodigal or avaricious the Plymouth Council \nmight have been in selling patents, \" all the right of soil which the gov- \nernment at home could give, was, by the charter, given to the \" Massa- \nchusetts Company.\" (Savage). But it may be asked; why should our \nancestors have expelled Walford and bought out Blackstone ? Perhaps \nbecause of the friendly offices of the latter during the suflering of 1630. \n\nThere is a tradition, current in the neighborhood where this eccentric \nindividual last resided, that the Company were disposed at first to deprive \nhim of his land, and that he made a characteristic and spirited resist- \nance. — Hist. Rehoboth, p. 3. The early writers say, that he told the \nPuritans that \" became from England because he did not like the Lord's \n\n\n46 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwhere he only had a cottage at, or not far off, the place called \nBlackstone's Point, he came and acquainted the governor of an \nexcellent spring there, withal inviting hiin and soliciting him thither. \nWhereupon, after the death of Mr. Johnson and divers others, the \ngovernor, vi'ith Mr. Wilson and the greatest part of the church \nremoved thither : whither also the frame of the governor's house, \nin preparation at this town, was (also to the discontent^ of some) \ncarried when people began to build their houses against winter, \nand this place was called Boston. \n\n\"After these things, Mr. Pinchon and several others, planted be- \ntwixt Boston and Dorchester, which place was called Roxbury. \n\n\" Now, after all this, the Indians' treachery being feared, it was \njudged meet the English should place their towns as near together \nas could be, for which end Mr. Dudley and Mr. Broadstreete, with \nsome others, went and built, and planted between Charlestown and \nWaterton, who called it Newtown (which was afterwards called \nCambridge.) \n\n\" Others issued out to a place between Charlestown and Salem, \ncalled Saugust, (since ordered to be called Lynn.-) \n\n\" And thus by reason of discouragements and difficulties that \n\n\nBishops, but he could not join with them because he did not like the \nlord's brethren.\" \n\nBlackstone took the detjree of A. B. at Emanuel's College, 1617 : that \nof A. M. 1621 : (Mass. Hist. Coll.: vol. xxxviii. p. 247,) was assessed to \npay for the campaign of Merry Mount, and named as an agent of Gorges, \n1G28 : was freeman 1631 : had fifty acres of land set out to him near his \ncottage 1633 : sold all but six acres to Boston and removed to Reholwth \n1634 : married Mary Stevenson, widow, July 4, 1059 ; and died May 26, \n1675, leaving a son. \n\nThe learned commentator on Winthrop says, that of the exact time \nwhen he pitched his tent at Boston \" we shall, probably, remain forever \nunmformed.\" I have been able to add but a fact and a suggestion to his \nvaluai)le note. \n\nFull accounts of the latter part of his life, maybe found in Bliss's Hist. \nRehoboth, Dagget's Attleborough, and Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. \nxxix. p. 174. \n\n1 In 1032, Savage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 82, there \\vas also discontent \nat Newtown, because the governor removed a frame he had set up there, \nin accordance with a promise he had made to build there. Winthrop's \nexplanation was, \"that he had perlin-med the words of the promise, for \nhe had a house up, and seven or eight servants abiding in it, by the day \nappointed.\" He gives good reasons for his removal to Boston. \n\n2 The interleaved Almanacs of Danforth, in Farmer and Moore's Coll., \nvol. iii. p. 292, give the annexed dates as the time when these towns \n\" began : \" 1628, Salem ; 1629, Charlestown, Lynn ; 1630, Dorchester, \n\n\nHISTORY OF CIIAULESTOWN. 47 \n\nstrangers in a wilderness at first meet withal, though as to some \nthings but supposed, as in this case people might have found water \nabundant in this town and needed not to have perished for want, \nor wandered to other places for relief, would they but have looked \nafter it. But this, attended with other circumstances, the wisdom \nof God made use of as a means for spreading his Gospel, and peo- \npling of this great, and then terrible wilderness, and this sudden \nspreading into several townships came to be of far better use for \nthe entertainment of so many hundreds of people that came for \nseveral years following hither, in such multitudes from most parts \nof old England, than if they had now remained altogether in this \ntown. \n\n\" But after their departure from this town, to the peopling and \nplanting of the towns aforesaid, and in particular of the removal \nof the governor and the greatest part of our new gathered church \nwith the pastor to Boston, the few inhabitants of this town re- \nmaining, were constrained for three years after, generally to go to \nBoston on the Lord's day, to hear the word and enjoy the sacra- \nments before they could be otherwise supplied.\" \n\nFrom April to December two hundred died : \" It may be said \nof us almost as of the Egyptians, that there is not a house where \nthere is not one dead and in some houses many.\" ^ It is not \nstrange that some were disheartened and turned back — sailing \n\n\nWatertown, Roxbury, Boston; 1631, Marblehead, Cambridge, Wey- \nmouth : 1633, Ipswich ; 1634, Hingham. \n\nThe Town Records date the settlement of Boston after the death of Mr. \nJohnson, which took place. Sept. 30. But in a rate levied by the Court of \nAssistants, Sept. 28, of £50, Charlestown was assessed only £1 while \nBoston was assessed £11. Mr. Savage says, Winthrop, vol. i p. 95, \nthat, in September the greater part of the congregation lived at Boston. \nThe first meeting of the Company at Boston was held Oct. 19 : the first \nCourt of Assistants Nov. 9. Snow dates the foundation of Boston from \nSept. 7, when Tn-mountain was ordered to be called Boston. Hubbard \nsays, that \" about November the Governor and Deputy Governor, with \nmost of the assistants, removed their famiHes to Boston. \n\nThe first Court of Assistants at Charlestown was held Aug. 23, on \nboard the Arbella, Johnson says, which assertion, as to the place, Mr. \nSavage, Winthrop, vol. i. p. 30, questions. It was then, however, \nspecially ordered that the next Court should be held \" at the Governor's \nHouse.\" (the Great House) Sept. 7. There was another Court held \nSept. 28, probably at the same place : after which, Oct. 19, the meet- \nings were held at Boston. \n\n1 Dudley. \n\n\n48 HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN. \n\nwith Captain Peirce for England. But this, no more than their \nsuffering, discouraged the survivors. They professed themselves \nglad so to be rid of them. This experience, however, gave a dif- \nferent tone to the letters from the Colony to their friends in Eng- \nland. \" I say this,\" nobly wrote Dudley to the Countess of Lin- \ncoln, March, 1G31, \"that if any come hither to plant for worldly \nends, that can live well at home, he commits an error, of which he \nwill soon repent him.\" \" If there be any endued with grace, and \nfurnished with means to feed themselves and theirs for eighteen \nmonths, and to build and plant, let them come into our Mace- \ndonia, and help us, and not spend themselves and their estates in \na less profitable employment : For others I conceive they are not \nyet fitted for this business.\" ^ \n\nSuch were the scenes, as described in the simple and touching \nlanguage of the sufferers, that marked the second year of the his- \ntory of Charlestown and the settlement of Boston. The dead, say \nthe Records, were buried about the Town Hill.- It was chiefly \nabout this hill that the emigrants first built their \" cottages.\" It \ncontinued, until the Revolution, to be the most populous part of \nthe town. And there, on another day of trial, the homes of the \ndescendants of these \" first victims,\" became an early sacrifice \non the altar of American liberty. Eulogy has exhausted itself \nin treating of the day of Bunker Hill. But not less worthy of \ncommemoration are the firmness, the self-sacrifice, the Christian \nresignation, of the men, who thus, in tears and faith, founded the \nColony of Massachusetts. \n\n\n1 Dudley's Letter. \n\n2 There is a tradition that there was anciently a grave-yard on the Town \nHill. Human bones have been dug up in various places upon it. The \nlast instance of this was, in digging this year, 1845, the cellar for the \nstores built by Mr. Joseph Thompson on the Square. Some of the bones \nconsisted of parts of sculls in which the teeth were in a state of perfect \npreservation. But no part of this hill was ever laid out as a regular bii- \nrying-place, and the tradition is probably founded on the single instance \nmentioned in the Records. \n\n\nERRATA. \n\n\nOn page 24, for \" Clapp,\" read \" Clap.\" \nOn page 37, for the last time \" 1632 \" occurs, read \" 1633.\" \nAt the\" foot of page 13, for \" Indians,\" read \" Northern Indians. \nThere are a few other errors of minor importance. \n\n\n","title":"The history of Charlestown, Massachusetts","updated_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:54.919102Z","urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-history-of-charlestown-massachusetts","version":1,"withdrawn_reason":null},"urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-history-of-charlestown-massachusetts","version_history":[{"change_note":"accessioned from the Internet Archive, item historyofcharles00froth","changed_by":"archive-ingest 0.1.0","recorded_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:55.218106Z","version":1}]}