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A public-domain text about Boston, accessioned whole so the archive can quote it.","text_extract":"Class \n\n\n.^6 \n\n\n^mm^'-jL^^ \n\n\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOStr. \n\n\nTHH \n\n\nHUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS \n\n\nAPPOINTED BY THE \n\n\nMUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES AND OTHER PUBLIC BODIES, \n\n\nFROM 1770 TO 1852; \n\n\nCOMPKISING \n\n\nHISTORICAL GLEANINGS, \n\n\nILLUSTRATING THE \n\n\nPRINCIPLES AND PROGRESS OF OUR REPUBLICAN INSTITUTIONS. \n\n\nBY JAMES SPEAR LORING. \n\n\n\" I would have these orationa collected and printed in yolumes, and then write the history of the Ust \nforty-five years in commentaries upon them.\" Johk Adams, in 1816. \n\n\" The precious spark of lil>erty had been kind?ed and was preserved by the Puritans alone ; * * « \nand it was to this sect that the English owe the whole freedom of their constitution.\" David Hume. \n\n\nBOSTON: \n\nJOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY. \n\nCLEVELAND, OHIO: \nJEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTIUNGTON. \n\n185 2. \n\n\nEntered iic-cordiug to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, \n\nBy JAMES SPEAR LORING, \n\nIn the (,'Ierk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. \n\n\ns r )^ E O I V r K I) n T \n\nHOBART k ROBBINS, \n\nNEW KNiil.AND TYFE AND STEBBOTTPK FOUSDEBV, \n\nBOSTON. \n\n\nA WORD TO THE READER. \n\n\nThe editor, after a careful research, pursued with an \nintense devotion during a period of nearly four years, pre- \nsents tliis volume to the public, and here takes occasion \nto dedicate its pages to the glorious memory of Samuel \nAdams, John Hancock and Thomas Gushing, a noble trium- \nvirate, and among the foremost of the great promoters of the \nAmerican Revolution. Aspiring to no higher claim than \nthat of editor, he remarks, in addition to what has been \nstated at the close of the introduction on the Boston Mas- \nsacre,— of which event Daniel Webster emphasizes, \" from \nthat moment we may date the severance of the British \nempire,\" — that he has embodied a great mass of materials \nin relation to our own political and national history, after \nporing over valuable manuscripts, newspapers printed for \nmore than a hundred years past, every variety of periodicals, \npamphlets, and a multitude of other authorities essential to \nthe completion of his design. The editor has generally been \ncareful to cite authorities ; but sometimes through inadvert- \nence, sometimes for the reason that writers have adopted the \nlanguage and statements of others as original, he has not \n\n\nIV A WORD TO THE READER. \n\ndesignated authorities. A great disparity in the sketches of \nthe orators will be observed. In the gathering of materials, \nthe editor has mostly been thrown on his own resources. \n\"While, by interviews with parties interested, a great body \nof original matter has been obtained in relation to a large \nnumber of the orators, very meagre materials only, like a \nmonumental inscription, could be gathered in regard to \nothers ; and this is an apology for what may, at the first \nblush, appear an act of injustice to some of the most worthy \npoliticians in the catalogue ; —but there mns through the \nvolume such frequent allusions to the same person, that \nthey partially atone for the scanty materials of a separate \narticle. Notwithstanding the vigilance of the editor, many \nerrors appear in the work ; but, to adopt the language of \nCotton Mather, \"it seems the hands of Briareus and the \neyes of Argus will not prevent them.\" \n•Boston, March 5, 1852, \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nPAGH \n\nTflK Massacre of Maecu 5, 1770 1 \n\n1771. March 5. Thomas Young. Boston Massacre 24 \n\n1771. April 2. James LovELt. Do 29 \n\n1772. March 5. Joseph Warren. Do 45 \n\n1773. March 8. Benjamin Church. Do 37 \n\n1774. March 5. John Hancock. Do 72 \n\n1775. March 5. Joseph Warren. Do 59 \n\n1776. March 6. Peter Thachek. Do 122 \n\nApril 8. Perez Morton. Over the Remains of Warren. . . . 127 \n\n1777. March 5. Benjamin Hiciiborn. Boston Massacre 130 \n\n1778. March 5. Jonathan Williams Austin. Do 133 \n\n1779. March 5. William Tudor. Do 135 \n\n1780. March 5. Jonathan Mason. Do 130 \n\n1781. March 5. Thomas Dawes. Do 141 \n\n1782. March 5. George Richards Minot. Do 146 \n\n1783. March 5. Thomas AVelsh. Do 154 \n\nJuly 4. John Warren. Town Orator. National Independence. . . 156 \n\n1784. July 4. Benjamin Highborn. Do 167 \n\n1785. July 4. John Gardiner. Do 168 \n\n1786. July 4. Jonathan Loring Austin. Do 172 \n\n1787. July 4. Thomas Dawes. Do 182 \n\nJohn Brooks. Mass. Soc. of Cincinnati 184 \n\n1788. July 4. Harrison Gray Otis. Town Orator 188 \n\nWilliam Hull. Mass. Soc. of Cincinnati 218 \n\n1789. July 4. Samuel Stillman. Town Orator 222 \n\nSamuel Whitwell. Mass. Soc. of Cincinnati. . . . 228 \n\n1790. July 4. Edward Gray. Town Orator 229 \n\nWiLLLiM Tudor. Mass. Soc. of Cincinnati 229 \n\n1791. July 4. Thomas Crafts, Jr. Town Orator 230 \n\n1* \n\n\nVI CONTENTS. \n\nPAOB \n\n1792. July 4. Josepu Blakj-:, .Jr. Town Orator 231 \n\n1793. July 4. John Quincy Adajis. Do. 233 \n\n1794. July 4. John Phillips. Do 248 \n\n1795. July 4. George Blake. Do 253 \n\n179(5. July 4. John Lathrop. Do 25-5 \n\n1797. July 4. John Callender. Do 267 \n\n1798. July 4. Josiah Quincy. Do 258 \n\n1799. July 4. John Lowell. Do 278 \n\nJuly 17. Robert Treat Paine. Young Men of Boston 283 \n\nDec. 29. John Thornton Kirkland. Eulogy on Washington. . . 287 \n\n] 800. Feb. 8. Fisher Ames. State Eulogy on Washington 291 \n\nFeb. 11. Timothy Bigelow. Mass. Grand Lodge. .... 298 \n\nFeb. 19. John Davis. American Academy of Arts and Sciences. . . 304 \n\nJuly 4. Joseph Hall. Town Orator 307 \n\n1801. July 4. Charles Paine. Do 310 \n\n1802. July 4. William Emerson. Do 311 \n\n1803. July 4. W1LLI.VM Sullivan. Do 313 \n\n1804. July 4. Thomas Danforth. Do 320 \n\n1805. July 4. AVarren Dutton. Do '. . . . . 321 \n\nEbenezer French. Young Republicans 322 \n\n180(3. July 4. Francis Dana Channing. Town Orator 322 \n\nJoseph Gleason. Y'oung Republicans 323 \n\n1807. July 4. Peter Oxenbridge Thacher. Town Orator. . • . . 323 \n\n1808. July 4. Andrew Ritchie, Jr. Do 325 \n\nJuly 4. Charles Pinokney Sumner. Young Republicans. . . . 325 \n\n1809. July 4. AViLLiAM TuDuR. Town Orator 833 \n\nJuly 4. David Everett. Bunker Hill Association 337 \n\nJuly 4. William Charles White. Do 344 \n\n1810. .July 4. Alexander Townsend. Town Orator 349 \n\nDaniel Waldo Lincoln. Bunker Hill Association. . . 351 \n\nI/' 1811. July 4. James Savage. Town Orator 353 \n\nHenry A. S. Dearborn. Bunker Hill Association. . . . 360 \n\n1812. July 4. Benjamin Pollard. Town Orator 365 \n\n1813. July 4. Edward St. Loe LivERMORE. Do 367 \n\n1814. July 4. Benjamin Whitwell. Do 368 \n\n1815. Apr. 30. Horace HoLLEY. AVashington Benevolent Society. . . 368 \nJuly 4. Lemuel Shaw. Town Orator 375 \n\nAVilliam Gale. AVashington Society 381 \n\n1816. July 4. George Sclliv.w. Town Orator 381 \n\nAsnuR AVare. AVashington Society 382 \n\n1817. July 4. Edward Tyrell Channing. Town Orator 384 \n\n1818. July 4. Francis Galley Gray. Do 385 \n\n\nCONTENTS. VII \n\nPAGE \n\n1819. July 4. Feanklin Dextee. Town Orator 388 \n\nSamuel Adams Wells. Washington Society 391 \n\n1820. July 4. Theodore Ltjlvn. Town Orator 391 \n\nHenry Orne. Washington Society 393 \n\n1821. July 4. Charles Greely Loring. Town Orator 393 \n\nGerry Fairbanks. AVashington Society 398 \n\n1822. July 4. John Chipman Gray. City Orator 398 \n\n1823. July 4. Charles Pelham Curtis. Do 400 \n\nRussell Jarvis. Washington Society 403 \n\nJoseph Bartlett. Volunteer 405 \n\n1824. July 4. Francis Bassett. City Orator 40ft \n\nJohn Everett. Washington Society 407 \n\n1825. July 4. Charles Sprague. City Orator 408 \n\n1826. July 4. Josiah Quincy. Do. . . 418 \n\nWilliam Emmons. Volunteer 419 \n\nDavid Lee Child. Washington Society 420 \n\nAug. 2. Daniel Webster. Eulogy on Adams and Jefferson. . . . 421 \nAug. 6. Samuel Lorenzo Knapp. Young Men of Boston. . . . 445 \n\n1827. July 4. William Powell ALisoN. City Orator 447 \n\n1828. Jan. 8. Nathaniel Greene. Battle of New Orleans 449 \n\nJuly 4. Bradford Sumner. City Orator 449 \n\nJames Davis Knowles. Baptist Churches 455 \n\nJoseph Hardt Prince. Washington Society 453 \n\n1829. M'ch 4. John Warren Jajies. Inauguration of Jackson. . . . 460 \nJuly 4. Jajies Trecothic Austin. City Orator 470 \n\nCharles Gordon Greene. Washington Society. . . . 477 \n\n1830. July 4. ALEx.iNDER Hill Everett. City Orator 480 \n\nHenry Barney Smith. Washington Society 483 \n\n1831. July 4. John Gorham Palfrey. City Orator 485 \n\nWilliam Foster Otis. Young Men of Boston. . . . 493 \nJuly 11. Timothy Fuller. Anti-Masonic. 494 \n\n1832. July 4. Josiah Quincy, Jr. City Orator 495 \n\nEdward Goldsborougu Peescott. Boston Regiment. . . 600 \nAndrew Dunlap. Washington Society 504 \n\n1833. July 4. Edward Goldsborough Prescott. City Orator. . . . 501 \n\nJohn Wade, Jr. Washington Society 507 \n\nAmasa Walker. Twelve Young Men's Societies. . . . 508 \nCaleb Gushing. Amer. Colonization Society 513 \n\n1834. July 4. Richard Sullivan Fay. City Orator 524 \n\nFrederick Robinson. Boston Trades Union 524 \n\nSept. 6. Edward Everett. Eulogy on Lafayette 525 \n\n1835. July 4. Geoege Sxillman Hillaed. City Orator 546 \n\n\nVUI GOlJrrENTS. \n\n1835. July 4. Jerojie Van Ceowningshield Smith. South Boston. . . 551 \n\nTheophilus Fiske. Boston Trades Union 555 \n\nOct. 15. Joseph Story. Eulogy on Chief Justice Marshall. . . . 556 \n\n1836. July 4. Henkt Willis Kinsman. City Orator 564 \n\nDavid Hensuaw. People of Massachusetts 564 \n\nEdward Cruft. Washington Society 570 \n\n1837. July 4. Jonathan Chapman. City Orator, 571 \n\n1838. July 4. Hubbard Winslow. Do 576 \n\nWilliam Lloyd Gaeeison. Mass. Anti-Slavery Society. . . 577 \n\n1839. July 4. Ivees James Austin. City Orator 584 \n\n1840. July 4. Thomas Power. Do 586 \n\n1841. Apr. 21. Rurus Choate. Eulogy on President Harrison. . . . 688 \nJuly 4. George Ticknor Curtis. City Orator 695 \n\n1842. July 4. Horace Mann. Do 598 \n\n1843. July 4. Charles Francis Adams. Do 609 \n\n1844. July 4. Peleg Whitman Chandler. Do 613 \n\n1845. July 4. Charles Sumner. Do 617 \n\nJuly 9. Pliny Merrick. Eulogy on President Jackson. . . . 685 \nOct. 15. Robert Charles Wintheop. Merc. Lib. Assoc 638 \n\n1840). .July 4. Fletchee Webster. City Orator 648 \n\n1847. July 4. Thoimas Greaves Caet. Do 653 \n\n1848. July 4. Joel Giles. Do 666 \n\n1849. July 4. William Whitwell Geeenough. Do 658 \n\nJuly 25. Levi Woodbuey. Eulogy on President Polk 660 \n\n1850. July 4. Edwin Percy Whipple. City Orator 664 \n\n1851. July 4. Chables Theodore Russeli- Do 670 \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nHUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\n\nTo the sages who spoke, \n\nTo the heroes who bled, \nTo the day and the deed, \n\nStrike the harp-strings of glory ! \nLet the song of the ransomed \n\nRemember the dead. \nAnd the tongue of the eloquent \n\nHallow the story. \nO'er the bones of the bold \n\nBe that story long told, \nAnd on Fame's golden tablets \n\nTheir triumphs enrolled. \nWho on Freedom's green hills \n\nFreedom's banner unfurled. \nAnd the beacon-fire raised \n\nThat gave light to the world. \n\nSprague. \n\n\" The origin of our national independence may be traced to the native \nfervid sense of freedom,\" says Tudor, \" which our ancestors brought \nwith them, and fostered in the forests of America, and which, with \npious care, they taught their offspring never to forego ;\" and it was \nnot until the expiration of one century and a half that the colonists \ninflexibly resolved to govern themselves, uncontrolled by the mother \ncountry. Innumerable tendencies accelerated this determination. The \nnoble Avife of the elder Adams, in writing to Mrs. Cranch, remarked, \nwith laudable pride: — \"Amongst those who voted against receiving \nan explanatory charter, in the Massachusetts, stands the name of our \nvenerable grandfather Quincy, accompanied with only one other, to his \nimmortal honor.\" By vesting the governor with the veto power, \nopposmg an elected speaker of the house, and forbidding them to adjourn \nat their own option more than two days, King George the First \n\n1 \n\n\n2 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ninflicted a fatal wound on the dominant power of Old England over \nNew England, and showed himself unworthy an aspiration of holy \nGeorge Herbert, in the days of the Mayflower Pilgrims, — \n\n\" Religion stands on tiptoe in our land, \nReady to pass to the American strand ! \" \n\nIt is evident, however, that Madam Adams was mistaken regaixiing \nthe minority. On turning to the records of the council, we find there \nwere four who voted in the negative ; and the records of the house \nexhibit the names of thirty-two who negatived also the acceptance of \nthis oppressive charter. As it will gratify the descendants of this \nhonored minority to know this fact of their ancestors, we have carefully \ntranscribed their names. The record is dated Jan. 15, 1725 : Isaiah \nTay, Wilham Clark, Esq., Ezekiel Lewis, Thomas Gushing, Boston; \nJohn Wadsworth, Milton; John Quincy, Esq., Braintree; John Torrey, \nWeymouth; Capt. Thomas Loring, Hingham; John Brown, Mendon; \nEdward Wliite, Brookline ; John Sanders, Haverhill ; John Hobson, \nRowley ; Benjamin Barker, Andover ; Joseph Hale, Boxford ; Samuel \nTenney, Bradford ; Capt. William Rogers, Wenham ; Joseph Davis, \nAmesbury ; Richard Ward, Newton ; John Rice, Sudbury ; Capt. \nSamuel Bullard, Sherburne ; Joseph Wilder, Lancaster ; Capt. Edward \nGoddard, Framingham ; John Blanchard, Billerica ; Daniel Pierce, \nWoburn ; Jonathan Sargent, Maiden ; Samuel Chamberlain, Chelmsford ; \nThomas Bryant, Scituate ; Nathaniel Southworth, Middleboro' ; Isaac \nCushman, Plympton ; Ehsha Bisby, Pembioke ; Edward Shove, \nDighton ; William Stone, Norton. There were forty-eight in the \naflSrmative. \n\nAccording to Pemberton's Massachusetts Chronicle, — a manuscript \nof great value, in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, — \nin an article regardingf the odious Writs of Assistance to the officers of \nthe customs, it is stated that the power of the Court of Exclie(|uer had \nnever been exercised by the Superior Court, for a period of about \nsixty years after the act of this province investing them with such \npower had been in force. The writ, which was the first instance of \ntheir exercising that poAver now granted, was never requested ; or, if \nsolicited, was constantly denied for this long course of years, until \nCharles Paxton, Esq., the Commissioner of the Revenue, apphed for it \nin 1754. It was granted .by the court in 1756, sub sileniio, and \ncontinued until the demise of George the Second. \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 3 \n\nThe first clarion notes that aroused to independence were sounded \nby the patriotic James Otis, in the February term of 1761, of the \nSuperior Court, in the council-chamber of the town-house, where he \ndelivered an eloquent argument in opposition to the arbitrary Writs of \nAssistance. The elder Adams said that Otis \"burst forth as with a \nflame of fire, and every man was made ready to take arms against it.\" \nThe name of Liberty-tree owes its origin to a popular gathering under \nits branches, Aug. 14, 1765, expressive of indignation at revenue \noppressions. The event, however, which most eilectually inflamed \npopular wrath, was that of the fifth of March, 1770, when five citi- \nzens were killed in King-street by regulars of the standing army. \nThe people were resolved to assert their rights, though rivers of blood \nrolled down that street. The patriotic Lathrop, of the Second \nChurch, delivered a warm sermon on the Sabbath after the event ; and \nin another, in 1778, said, \"The inhabitants of these States nmst have \nbeen justified by the impartial world, had they resolved, from that \nmoment, never to sufier one in the livery of George the Third to walk \nthis ground.\" \n\nThe immediate origin of the massacre was an attack of a mob on \nthe sentinel who was stationed before the custom-house at the corner \nof Royal Exchange Lane, Avhere the king's treasure was deposited. \nThe regular loaded his gun, and retreated up the steps as far as he \ncould, and often shouted for protection. A corporal and six privates \nof the main guard, stationed near the head of King-street, directly \nopposite the door on the south side of the town-house, were sent \nto his relief, who, after being grossly insulted and attacked, fired upon \nthe crowd. Three men were instantly killed, five men were danger- \nously wounded, and several slightly injured. \n\nThe most exciting causes which urged to a decided disaffection in \nthe people of Boston towards the mother country may bo traced to \nthe circumstances related in the narrative of the town, published \nshortly after the massacre. While the town was surrounded by \nBritish ships of war, two regiments landed, Oct. 1, 1768, and took \npossession of it ; and, to support these, two other regiments arrived, \nsome time after, from Ireland, one of which landed at Castle Island, \nand the other in the town. They were forced upon the people con- \ntrary to the spirit of the Magna Charta, — contrary to the very letter \nof the bill of rights, in which it is declared that the raising or keeping \na standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, unless it be \n\n\n4 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nwith the consent of Parhament, is against law, — and without the desire \nof the civil magistrates, to aid whom was the pretence for sending the \ntroops hither. The conduct of this military force in Boston was \nhighly aggravating. Gov. Bernard, without consulting the Council, \nhaving given up the state-house to the troops at their landing, they \ntook possession of the chambers where the representatives of the \nprovince and the courts of law held their meetings, and (except the \ncouncil-chamber) of all other parts of that house, in which they con- \ntinued a considerable time, to the great annoyance of those courts \nwhile they sat, and of the merchants and gentlemen of the town, who \nhad always used its lower floor as their exchange. They had a right \nso to do, as the property of it was in the town ; but they were deprived \nof that right by mere power. The governor, soon after, by every \nstratagem, and by every method but a forcible entry, endeavored to \nobtain possession of the manufactory house, to make a barrack of it \nfor the troops ; and for that purpose caused it to be besieged by the \ntroops, and the people in it to be used with severity, which created \nuniversal uneasiness, arising from the apprehension that the troops, \nunder the influence of such a man, would be employed to efiect the \nmost dangerous purposes ; but, failing of that, other houses were pro- \ncured, in which, contrary to act of Parliament, he caused the troops \nto be (juartered. After their quarters were settled, the main guard \nAvas posted at one of the said houses, directly opposite the state-house, \nand not twelve yards distant, where the General Court and all the law \ncourts were held, with two field-pieces pointed to the state-house. \nThis situation of the main guard and field-pieces seemed to indicate \nan attack upon the constitution, and a defiance of the law, and to be \nintended to affi'ont the legislative and executive authority of the prov- \nince. \n\nWhen the Superior Court met at the state-house, Nov. 1, 1769, \na motion was made by James Otis, Esq., one of the bar, that the \ncourt Avould adjourn to Faneuil Hall, not only as the stench occasioned \nby the regulars in the representatives' chamber may prove infectious, \nbut as it was derogatory to the honor of the court to administer justice \nat the mouths of cannon and the points of bayonets. \n\nIn a new hberty song at this period, it was sung, — tune \"Kule \nBritannia,\" — \n\n\" No haughty Bernard, swoln with pride, \nShall e'er fair Freedom's sous subdue ; \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 5 \n\nThe rights old Britain — old Britain once denied, \n\nWe bravely purchased in the new. \nGuard, Americans ! Americans, guard your land ! \nAnd spurn a tyrant's iron band ! \" \n\nA particular relation of the occasion of the event which occurred \non the massacre thus appears in the narrative already gleaned. It \nwas probably from the hand of James Bowdoin, chairman of the town's \ncommittee. \"A difference having happened near Mr. Gray's rope- \nwalk, between a soldier and a man belonging to it, the sokher chal- \nlenged the ropemakers to a boxing match. The challenge was \naccepted by one of them, and the soldier worsted. He ran to the \nbarrack in the neighborhood, and returned with several of his com- \npanions. The fray was renewed, and the soldiers were driven oflf. \nThey soon returned, with recruits, and were again worsted. This \nhappened several times, till at length a considerable body of soldiers \nwas collected, and they also were driven off, the ropemakers having \nbeen joined by their brethren of the contiguous ropewalks. By this \ntime, Mr. Gray, being alarmed, interposed, and, with the assistance of \nsome gentlemen, prevented any further disturbance. To satisfy the \nsoldiers, and punish the man who had been the occasion of the first \ndifference, and as an example to the rest, he turned him out of his \nservice, and waited on Col. Dalrymple, the commanding officer of the \ntroops, and with him concerted measures for preventing further mis- \nchief Though this affair ended thus, it made a strong impression on \nthe minds of the soldiers in general, who thought the honor of the \nregiment concerned to revenge those repeated repulses. For this \npurpose, they seem to have formed a combination to commit some out- \nrage upon the inhabitants of the town indiscriminately ; and this was \nto be done on the evening of the fifth of March, or soon after.\" \nAppended to this relation of the town, are the depositions of ninety- \nsix witnesses, clearly unfolding the circumstances of the massacre. \nThe minute evidence in the case advanced at the trials of the regulars \ninvolved in this event is, moreover, of greater importance than the \ntown depositions, and a perpetual evidence of the bh^hting curse of \nstanding armies. \n\nThe most interesting statement that we find of this memorable mas- \nsacre, yet conflicting with that of the town, is gathered from the work \nof a British author, entitled \" The History of the American War. \n1* \n\n\n6 THE HUNDRED BOSTON OBATOES. \n\netc., by C. Stedman,\" wlio served under Sir William Howe, wliich is \nas follows : \n\n\" On the evening of the fifth of March, the same day on which \nthe British minister. Lord North, moved his resolutions in the House \nof Commons for discontinuing the American duties, a quarrel arose at \nBoston between two or three young men of the town and as many \nsoldiers, at or near their barracks. From words, they proceeded to \nblows ; and the soldiers, having vanquished their opponents, were seen \npursuing them through the streets. The alarm to the populace was \ngiven by ringing the bells of the churches, and the people of the town, \nassembling in great numbers at the custom-house, began to crowd \naround the sentinel who was posted there, and not only insulted him, \nbut threatened his hfe. Captain Preston, the officer on duty for the \nday, who had by this time received information of the tumult, pro- \nceeded immediately to the main guard, and hearing that the sentinel \nplaced at the custom-house might be in danger, sent a party, under the \ncommand of a sergeant, to protect the one and secure the other ; and, \nfrom greater precaution, soon afterwards followed, and took command \nof the party himself He endeavored to prevail upon the people to \ndisperse, but in vain. The mob soon became more riotous, not only \nreviling the soldiers with abusive language, but throwing stones at \nthem, and whatever else came in their way. One of the soldiers \nreceived a blow from something that was thrown, and levelled his \nmusket ; the officer, stretching out his arm to prevent the soldier from \nfiring, Avas struck Avith a club, and the musket was discharged. The \nattack from the mob became more violent, and the rest of the soldiers, \nfollowing the example of their comrades, discharged their pieces singly \nand in a scattered manner, by Avhich four of the populace were killed, \nand several others wounded. They were intimidated, and for a \nmoment fled ; but, soon afterwards collecting, took their station in an \nadjoining street. The drums beat to arms, the rest of the troops \nwere assembled, and the whole town was in the utmost confusion. A \ntown-meeting was held, and a deputation was sent to the governor, \nrequesting him to remove the troops from the town. The governor \ncalled together the Council, and the Council giving it as their opinion \nthat the removal of the troops from the town would be for his \nmajesty's service, the commanding officer promised to comply with \ntheir advice. Capt. Preston surrendered himself for trial, and the \nsoldiers under his command at the custom-house were taken into \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 7 \n\ncustody ; the mob dispersed, and the following day the troops were \nremoved to Castle William. \n\nIn the Diary of John Adams, it is recorded as follows: — \"The \nevening of the fifth of March I spent at Mr. Henderson Inches' \nhouse, at the south end of Boston, in company with a club, with whom \nI had been associated for several years. About nine o'clock we were \nalarmed with the ringing of bells, and supposing it to be the signal \nof fire, we snatched our hats and cloaks, broke up the club, and \nwent out to assist in quenching the fire, or aiding our friends who \nmif^ht be in dansrer. In the street we were informed that the British \nsoldiers had fired on the inhabitants, killed some and wounded others, \nnear the town- house. A crowd of people were flowing down the street \nto the scene of action. When we arrived, we saw nothing but some \nfield-pieces before the south door of the town-house, and some engi- \nneers and grenadiers drawn up to protect them. Mrs. Adams was \nthen in circumstances to make me apprehensive of the effect of the \nsurpiise upon her, who was alone, excepting her maids and a boy, in \nthe house. Having, therefore, surveyed round the house, and seeing \nall quiet, I walked down Boylston-alley, into Brattle-square, where a \ncompany or two of regular soldiers were drawn up in front of Dr. \nCooper's old church, with their muskets shouldered, and their bayonets \nall fixed. I had no other way to proceed but along the whole front, \nin ji very narrow space wliich they had left for foot-passengers. Pur- \nsuing my way without taking the least notice of them, or they of me, \nany more than if they had been marble statues, I went directly home \nto Cole-lane.\" \n\nWe will relate particulars of the town-meeting. The excited Bos* \ntonians, overwhelmed with indignation at the outrage of the British \nregulars, on the very next day, as with one tread, repaired to the \nCradle of Liberty. The town record of that day states that the \nselectmen not being present, and the inhabitants being informed that \nthey were at the council-chamber, it was voted that Mr. Wilham \nGreenleaf be desired to proceed there, and acquaint the selectmen that \nthe inhabitants desire and expect their attendance at the hall. The \ntown-clerk, William Cooper, presided at this meeting in the interim. \nThe selectmen forthwith attended, and it was voted that constable \nLindsey George Wallace wait on Rev. Dr. Cooper, and acquaint him \nthat the inhabitants desire him to open the meeting with prayer. \nHon. Thomas Gushing was chosen moderator, by hand vote. \n\n\n8 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nThe first object of this democratic assembly, in defiance of British \ncontrol, -was to hsten to relations of the people respecting the massacre \nof last night ; and, that the same might be recorded by the town-clerk, \nthey were requested to give written statements. The persons that \nappeared to give information relative to the conduct of the soldiers v \nbeing many, it was inconvenient to receive them all at that meeting, \nand William Greenleaf, William Wliitwell and Samuel Whitwell, were \nappointed to take the depositions offered regarding the conduct of the \nregulars. \n\nThe statements of four persons at this meeting are on the town' _ \nrecords in substance as follows : — \" Mr. John S. Copley related that \nMr. Pelham and his wife, and some persons of Mr. Samuel Winthrop's \nfamily, heard a soldier say, after the firing on the last night, that the \ndevil might give quarters — be should give them none.\" Here we \nwill cease a moment to relate further testimony, in order to make \nallusions to John Singleton Copley, who was the most eminent \npainter of his day in Boston, a pupil of Smibei-t, and memorable for \nhis portraits of Hancock and Warren, and for the paintings of the \ndeath of Chatham, and the siege of Gibraltar. The associations that \ntwine around his name are of peculiar interest to the people of Boston, \nwhere he was born, in 1738. The Mr. Pelham to whom he alludes is \nsupposed to have been one Peter Pelham, a writing and dancing \nmaster, whose wife Mary was the widow of Ptichard Copley, a tobac- \nconist, his probable father. Mr. Copley married a daughter of \nKichard Clarke, one of the consignees of the tea destroyed in 1773, \nby whom his son John S., born in Boston, May 21, 1772, known as \nLord Lyndhurst, became Lord Chancellor of England. Gardiner \nGreene, the late millionaire, of Boston, married his daughter Eliza- \nbeth. He was one of the addressers to Gov. Hutchinson in 1774, \nand departed for London in June of that year, where he died, Septem- \nber 25, 1815. Copley's Pasture extended down Beacon, from Walnut \nstreet to the water, and over Chestnut and Mount Yernon streets. \nHis residence was on the present location of David Sears' man- \nsion. \n\nWe will now return to the town-meeting. The next relation was \nthat of John Scott, who reported that a lad of Mv. Pierpont had said \nat Mr. Chardon's, that a soldier was heard to say his officer had \nacquainted them that if they went abroad at night, they should go \narmed and in companies. Mr. Pierpont stated that before the firing \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 9 \n\non the last night, he had disarmed a soldier who, had struck down one \nof the inhabitants. Mr. Pool Spear related that last week he heard \none Kilson, a soldier of O'Hara's company, say that he did not know \nwhat the inhabitants were after, for they had broken the windows of an \nofficer, one Nathaniel Rogers, but they had a scheme which would \nsoon put a stop to our procedure ; that parties of soldiers were ordered \nwith pistols in their pockets, and to fire upon those who should assault \nsaid house again ; and that ten pounds sterling was to be given as a \nreward for their kilHng one of those persons, and fifty pounds sterling \nfor a prisoner. \n\nA committee of fifteen was appointed to inform Lieut. Gov. Hutch- \ninson that it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting that the inhab- \nitants and soldiers can no longer dwell together in safety 1 that nothing \ncan restore the peace of the town, and prevent blood and carnage, but \nthe immediate removal of the troops. The hall was crowded to excess, \nand adjourned to the Old South, to meet in the afternoon. Originally, \nFaneuil Hall could accommodate one thousand persons only. It was \nbuilt of brick, two stories in height, and measured one hundred feet \nby forty. The offices of the town were established there, of the naval \noffice, and of the notary public ; and underneath was the market-house, \nused for that purpose until Aug. 26, 1826, on the erection of the \nsplendid Quincy Market-house. \n\nWe will digress hero to exhibit the prejudiced and slanderous opinion \nof the character of the Coopers, advanced in the London I'olitical Reg- \nister for 1780: — \" William Cooper was formerly town-clerk of Boston, \nand is gne of the great knaves and most inveterate rebels in Ncav Eng- \nland. He is a very hot-headed man, and constantly urged the most \nviolent measures. He was prompted secretly by his brother, the \nRev. Samuel Cooper, who, though a minister of peace, and to all out- \nward appearance a meek and heavenly man, yet was one of the chief \ninstruments in stirring up the people to take arms. Hancock, and \nmany leaders of the rebellion, were his parishioners. When the Boston \nrioters made their concerted attack on the custom-house to plunder the \nmoney-chest, March, 1770, the bell of this reverend rogue's church was \nthe signal which summoned them to the assault.\" This pastor of \nErattle-street church, ever noted as the silver-tongued orator, was \nof such remarkable popularity, that the aisles of the church would be \nthronged with eager listeners, and he was a favorite of royalists and \nrebels. William Cooper had rendered himself specially obnoxious to \n\n\n10 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nthe royalists by his Journal of Occurrences from the time of the \narrival of the regulars to the year 1770; published in the Boston \nGazette. \n\nThe following effusion, characterizing the Boston clergy of 1770. \nascribed to John Fenno, keeper of the granary, and to Joseph Green, \nhas long been famous. It was probably written by more than one \nhand : — \n\nThe Matlier race will ne'er disgrace \n\nTheir ancient pedigree, - \n\nAnd Charles Old Brick,' if well or sick, \n\nAVill cry for Liberty. \nThere 's puffing Pemb,- who does contenm \n\nAll Liberty's noble sons ; \nAnd Andrew Sly ,3 who oft draws nigh \n\nTo Tommy Skin and Bones.^ \nIn Brattle Street we seldom meet \n\nAVith silver-tongued Sam,* \n\"Who gently glides between both sides, \n\nAnd thus escapes a jam. \nLittle Hopper,^ when he thinks proper. \n\nIn Liberty's cause is bold ; \nAnd John Old North,^ though little worth. \n\nWon't sacrifice to gold. \nPenuel PufF^ is hearty enough, \n\nAnd so is Simeon Howard ; \nAnd Long Lane Teague' will join the league, \n\nHe never was a coward. \nTrout's'\" Sunday aim is to reclaim \n\nThose that in sin are sunk ; \nWhen Monday comes he stills them rum, • \n\nAnd gets them woful drunk. \nThere 's punning Byles provokes our smiles, \n\nA man of stately parts ; \nHe visits folk to crack his jokes , \n\nWhich never mend their hearts. \nWith strutting gait, and wig so great, \n\nHe walks along the streets, \nAnd throws out wit, or wliat 's like it, \n\nTo every one he meets. \n\nWe will further quote the Political Register, for the allusions to \nthe moderator of this meeting: — \"Among the rebels in Massachu- \n\n\n' Chauncy. ^ Pemberton. 3 Eliot. * Gov. Hutchiiwon. = Cooper. « Stillmaj). \n' Lathrop. * Bowen. * Moorhead. '\" Troutbee. \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 11 \n\nsetts there are many jealousies. The staunch republicans have placed \nJohn Hancock and Tommy Gushing at the head of their state, — the \nfirst as governor, the second as lieutenant-governor, — chosen since the \nrebellion commenced. Bowdoin, who had been at the head of their \naffairs for these last five years, as president of the Council, was a candi- \ndate for the governorship in opposition to Hancock, but lost it by a \ngreat majority ; he was then ofiered the place of lieutenant-governor, \nbut refused it on a pretence of ill health ; that place was then ofiered \nto Warren, of Plymouth, who also declined it : at length, that the \nplace might not go a-begging any longer, they offered it to Cush \ning, who they were sure would not refuse it.\" We have praise \nenough for Thomas Gushing, to say of him, in the language of John \nAdams in 1765, that he was \"steady and constant, busy in the inter- \nest of liberty and the opposition, famed for secrecy and his talent in \nprocuring intelligence ; \" indeed, he was the chief operator in the \nunder current of liberty. \n\nWe gather from Tudor's Life of James Otis this graphic statement \nof the meeting of the Gouncil: — \"The lieutenant-governor Hutchin- \nson convened the Gouncil : a town-meeting was held March 6, and \nadjourned to the Old South Ghurch, because Faneuil Hall could con- \ntain only a part of the multitude that assembled. The British \nsoldiers were all kept in readiness at their quarters, and all the militia \nof the town were called out. Every brow was anxious, every heart \nresolute. A vote of the town was passed that ' it should be evac- \nuated by the soldiers, at all hazards.' A committee was appointed to \nwait on the lieutenant-governor, to make this demand. Samuel \nAdams was the chairman of this committee, and discharged its duties \nwith an ability commensurate to the occasion. Colonel Dalrymple Avas \nby the side of Hutchinson, who, at the head of the Gouncil, received the \ndelegation. He at first denied that he had the power to grant the \nrequest. Adams plainly, in few words, proved to him that he had the \npower by the charter. Hutchinson then consulted with Dalrymple in \na whisper, the result of which was an ofier to remove one of the \nregiments. At this critical moment, Adams showed the most noble \npresence of mind. The military and civil officers were in reality \nabashed before this plain committee of a democratic assembly. They \nknew the imminent danger that impended ; the very air was filled with \nthe breathings of compressed indignation. They shrunk, fortunately \nshrunk, from all the arrogance which they had hitherto maintained. \n\n\n12 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nTheir reliance on a standing army faltered before the undaunted, irre- \nsistible resolution of free unarmed citizens; and when the orator, \nseeming not to represent, but to personify, the universal feeling and \nopinion, with unhesitating promptness and dignified firmness replied, \n' If the lieutenant-governor or Colonel Dalrymple, or both together, \nhave authority to remove one regiment, they have authority to remove \ntwo ; and nothing short of the total evacuation of the town by all the \nregular troops will satisfy the public mind, or preserve the peace of \nthis province,' the desired effect was produced. The commanding offi-* \ncer pledged his honor that the troops should leave the town, and it \nwas immediately evacuated.\" It is related that when Lord North \nwas informed of this remarkable instance of the dignified energy of \nthe town's chairman, he called the regulars Samuel Adams' two regi- \nments, in a tone of contempt. Hutchinson, who was of a cowardly \nspirit of ambition, had declared publicly that he had no authority over \nthe king's troops ; that the military force had no separate command, \nand he could do nothing without Dalrymple; moreover, Brigadier \nRuggles, the commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts troops, was \nunder the command of a British ensign for an entire campaign. \n\nSamuel Adams was one of the most remarkable men of the Revolu- \ntion, and we cannot resist the pleasure of citing the opinion of his \ncharacter from the hand of Thomas Jefierson, the clearest and best \ncompressed conception of this dauntless patriot ever written : — \n\"I can say that he was truly a great man, — wise in council, fer- \ntile in resources, immovable in his purposes, — and had, I think, a \ngreater share than any other member in advising and directing our \nmeasures in the northern war. As a speaker, he could not be com- \npared with his living colleague and namesake, whose deep conceptions, \nnervous style, and undaunted firmness, made him traly our bulwark \nin debate. But Mr. Samuel Adams, although not of fluent elocution, \nwas so rigorously logical, so clear in his views, abundant in good sense, \nand master always of his subject, that he commanded the most pro- \nfound attention whenever he rose in an assembly by which the froth \nof declamation was heard with sovereign contempt.\" \n\nSamuel Adams was emphatically the man of the people ; and the \neditor, who has had conversation with his namesake, the ancient town- \ncrier, now ninety-two years of age and with clear memory, was \ninformed that Adams once remarked to him, — \"We, the people, are \nlike hens laying eggs ; when they hatch, you must take care of the \n\n\nTHE MASSACKE. 18 \n\nchickens. You are a young man, Samuel, and as you gi'ow old, you \nmust abide by our proceedings.\" At another time, our political patri- \narch observed to him, — \"It is often stated that I am at the head of \nthe Revolution, whereas a few of us merely lead the vray as the people \nfollow, and we can go no further than we are backed up by them ; for, \nif we attempt to advance any further, we make no progress, and may \nlose our labor in defeat.\" Samuel Adams was ever at the head of \nBoston deputations before the Revolution, and conducted the corre- \nspondence with patriots in remote places ; or, to adopt the language of \nthe venerable town-crier, \" Samuel Adams did the writing, and John \nHancock paid the postage.\" \n\nIn order to effect a more clear apprehension of the indignation of \nthe Bostonians at this appalling crisis, and in justice to Lieutenant-gov- \nernor Hutchinson, who descends to a relation of full particulars of the \nimmediate occurrences succeeding the massacre, in his History of Mas- \nsachusetts Bay, we glean at large his statements ; and the reader, in \nobserving discrepancies between his relation and that of the revolu- \ntionists, will bear in mind that Hutchinson was a minion of the throne, \ndesirous to assert British control. He writes in the third person, \nstating that two or three of the men who had seen the action ran to \nthe lieutenant-governor's house, which was about half a mile distant \nin Garden-court, near North-square, and begged for God's sake \nhe would go to King-street, where, they feared, a general action \nwould come on between the troops and the inhabitants. \" He went \nimmediately, and, to satisfy the people, called for Capt. Preston, and \ninc^uired why he fired upon the inhabitants without the direction of a \ncivil magistrate. The noise was so great that his answer could not \nbe understood, and some, who were apprehensive of the lieutenant- \ngovernor's danger, from the general confusion, called out, ' The town- \nhouse ! the town-house ! ' and, with irresistible violence, he was forced \nup by the crowd into the council-chamber. There, demand was imme- \ndiately made of him to order the troops to withdraw from the town- \nhouse to their barracks. He refused to comply ; and, calling from \nthe balcony to the great body of the people which remained in the \nstreet, he expressed his great concern at the unhappy event, assured \nthen: he would do everything in his power in order to a full and impar- \ntial inquiry, that the law might have its course, and advised them to \ngo peaceably to their several homes. Upon this, there was a cry, \n' Home ! home ! ' and a great part separated and went home. He then \n2 \n\n\n14 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nsignified his opinion to Lieut. Col. Carr, that if the companies in arms \n■were ordered to their barracks, the streets would be cleared and the \ntown in quiet for that night. Upon their retiring, the rest of the \ninhabitants, except those of the council-chamber, retired also.\" \n\nThe elegant mansion of Gov. Hutchinson stood on Garden-court, \nadjoining that of Sir Henry Franklyn, in the rear of which was a \nbeautiful garden extending to Hanover and on Fleet street. It was \nerected of brick, painted in stone color. The capital of a Corinthian \npilaster, of Avhich there were six worked into the wall of this edifice, \nis deposited in the Historical Library. The croAvn of Britain sur- \nmounted each window. The hall of entrance displayed a spacious \narch, from the roof of which a dimly-lighted lamp gave a rich twilight \nview. The finely carved and gilded arch, in massy magnificence, \nwas most tastefully ornamented with busts and statues, says Mrs. \nChild, in the Rebels, who visited the structure when it was occupied by \nWilliam Little, Esq. The light 'streamed full on the soul-beaming \ncountenance of Cicero, and playfully flickered on the broAv of Tulliola, \nthe tenderness of whose diminutive appellation delightfully associates \nthe father with the orator, and blends intellectual vigor with the best \naffections of the heart. The panelling of the parlor was of the dark \nrichly-shaded mahogany of St. Domingo, and elaborately ornamented. \nThe busts of George III. and his queen were in front of a splendid \nmirror, with bronze lamps on each side, covered with transparencies of \nthe destruction of the Spanish Armada and the other battle-ships before \nthe rock of Gibraltar. Around the room were arches surmounted with \nthe arms of England. The library was hung with canvas tapestry, \nemblazoning the coronation of George II., interspersed with the royal \narms. The portraits of Anne and the Georges hung in massive \nframes of antique splendor, and the crowded shelves of books were sur- \nmounted with busts of the house of Stuart. In the centre of the \napartment stood a table of polished oak. In the year 1832, this \nbuilding was demolished for modern changes. \n\nLieut. Col. Dalrymple, at the desire of the lieutenant-governor, \ncame to the council-chamber, while several justices were examining \npersons who were present at the transactions of the evening. From \nthe evidence of several, it was apparent that the justices would commit \nCapt. Preston, if taken. Several hours passed before he could be \nfound, and the people suspected that he would not run the hazard of a \ntrial ; but, at length, he surrendered himself to a warrant for appre- \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 1 \n\n\nr \n\n\nbending him, and having been examined, -was committed to prison. \nThe next morning, the soldiers who were upon guard surrendered also, \nand were committed. This was not sufficient to satisfy the people. \nand early in the forenoon they were in motion again. The lieutenant- \ngovernor caused his Council to be summoned, and desired the two \nlieutenant-colonels of the regiments to be present. The selectmen of \nBoston were waiting the lieutenant-governor's coming to Council, and \nbeing admitted, made their representation that, from the contentions \narising from the troops quartered in Boston, and, above all, from the \ntragedy of the last night, the minds of the inhabitants were exceedingly \ndisturbed ; that they would presently be assembled in a town-meeting : \nand that, unless the troops should be removed, the most terrible con- \nsequences were to be expected. The justices, also, of Boston and \nseveral of the neighboring towns, had assembled, and desired to signify \ntheir opinion that it would not be possible to keep the people under \nrestraint, if the troops remained in town. The lieutenant-governor \nacquainted both the selectmen and the justices that he had no author- \nity to alter the place of destination of the king's troops; that he \nexpected the commanding officers of the two regiments, and would let \nthem know the applications which had been made. Presently after their \ncoming, a large committee from the town-meeting presented an address \nor message to the lieutenant-governor, declaring it to be the unanimous \nopinion of the meeting that nothing can rationally be expected to \nrestore the peace of the town, \"and prevent blood and carnage,\" but \nthe withdrawal of the troops. The committee withdrew into another \nroom, to wait for an answer. Some of the Council urged the necessitv \nof complying with the people's demand. The lieutenant-governor \nthereupon declared that he would upon no consideration whatever give \norders for their removal. Lieut. Col. Dalrymple then signified that, \nas the 29th regiment had originally been designed to be placed at the \nCastle, and Avas now peculiarly obnoxious to the town, he was content \nthat it should be removed to the Castle until the general's pleasure \nshould be known. Gen. Gage was commander-in-chief of the British \nforces in America. The committee was informed of this offijr, and the \nlieutenant-governor rose from the Council, intending to receive no \nfurther application upon the subject ; but the Council prayed that he \nwould meet them again in the afternoon, and Col. Dalrymple desii'ing \nit also, he complied. Before the Council met again, it had been inti- \nmated to them that the \"desire\" of the governor and Council to the \n\n\n16 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ncommanding officer (Maj. Gen. Wm. Keppel was colonel of the British \nregiments at Boston and at the Castle) to remove the troops, would \ncause him to do it, though he should receive no authoritative \" order.\" \nAs soon as they met, a committee from the town-meeting attended, \nwith a second message, to acquaint the lieutenant-governor that it was \nthe unanimous voice of the people assembled, consisting, as they said, \nof near three thousand persons, that nothing less than a total and \nimmediate removal of the troops would satisfy them. Here Hutchin- \nson adds, in a note, at the end of this page, as follows : — \"The chair- \nman of the committee, in conversation with Lieut. Col. Dalrymple, \nsaid to him, that if he could remove the 29th regiment, he could \nremove the 14th also, and it was at his peril to refuse it. This was a \nstrong expression of that determined spirit which animated all future \nmeasures.\" \n\nThe Council, continues Hutchinson, who were divided in the \nforenoon, were now unanimous ; and each of them, separately, declared \nhis opinion, and gave his reason for it ; and one or more of them \nobserved to the lieutenant-governor that he would not be able to justify \na refusal to comply with the unanimous advice of the Council, and \nthat all the consequences would be chargeable upon him alone. The \nsecretary of the province, Andrew Oliver, Esq., who thought differ- \nently in the morning, the two lieutenant-colonels, and the commander \nof one of his majesty's ships then upon the station, who were all \npresent in Council, concurred in the necessity of his complying. He \nhad signified his own opinion that, at all events, the governor and \nCouncil should avoid interfering in the destination of the troops, and \nleave it to the commanding officer ; but when he considered that, by \nthe charter, the Council was constituted for advice and assistance to \nhim, — that he had called them together for that purpose, — that his \nstanding out alone would probably bring on a general convulsion, \nwhich the unanimity of the king's servants might have prevented, — \nhe consented to signify his desire, founded upon the unanimous opinion \nand advice of the Council, that the troops might be removed to the \nbarracks in the Castle ; at the same time disclaiming all authority to \norder their removal. \n\nSome of the officers of the regiments appeared, the next day, to be \ngreatly dissatisfied with being compelled by the people to leave the town \nso disgracefully. Expresses were sent away immediately to the gen- \neral. The jealousy that the general would forbid the removal caused \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 17 \n\nfurther measures to force the troops from the town before there could be \nsufficient time for his answer. Roxbury, the next town to Boston, \nassembled, and sent a committee of their principal inhabitants with an \naddress to the lieutenant-governor, praying him to interpose, and to \norder the immediate removal of the troops ; but he refused to concern \nhimself any further in the affair. As the time approached when a return \nmight be expected from New York, it was thought fit to have another \nmeeting of the town of Boston, and a committee Avas appointed further \nto apply to the lieutenant-governor to order the troops out of town ; \nMr. Adams, their prolocutor, pressing the matter with great vehe- \nmence, and intimating that, in case of refusal, the rage of the people \nwould vent itself against the lieutenant-governor in particular. He \ngave a peremptory refusal, and expressed his resentment at the men- \nace. The committee then applied to the commanding officer, and the \nsame day, March 10, the 29th regiment, and the next morning the \n14th, were removed to the Castle. This success, concludes Hutchin- \nson, gave greater assurances than ever that, by firmness, the great \nobject, exemption from all exterior power, civil or military, would \nfinally be obtained. Checks and temporary interruptions might hap- \npen, but they would be surmounted, and the progress of liberty would \nrecommence. \n\nThe time for holding the Superior Court for Suffolk was the next \nweek after the tragical action in King-street. Although bills were \nfound by the grand jury, yet the court, says Hutchinson, considering \nthe disordered state of the town, had thought fit to continue the trials \nto the next tenn, when the minds of people would be more free from \nprejudice, and a dispassionate, impartial jury might be expected, after \nthere had been sufficient time for the people to cool. \n\nA considerable number of the most active persons in all public \nmeasures of the town having dined together, relates Hutchinson, \nwent in a body from table to the Superior Court, then sitting, with \nSamuel Adams at their head, and, in behalf of the town, pressed the \nbringing on the trial at the same term with so much spirit, that \nthe judges did not tliink it advisable to abide by their OAvn order, but \nappointed a day for the trials, and adjourned the court for that pur- \npose. But even this irregularity the lieutenant-governor thought it \nbest not to notice in a public message ; and for the grand point, the rela- \ntion between the Parliament and the colonies, he had determined to \navoid any dispute with the assembly, unless he should be forced into \n\n\n18 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nit. Therefore, after acquainting them that he should transmit the \nremonstrance to be laid before the king, and attempting a vindication \nof his own character from their charges against it, he dissolved the \nassembly, — the time, by charter, for a new assembly approaching. \n\nThe trials of the soldiers implicated in the massacre occurred on the \nOctober term of that year. The evidence against the four persons \ntried for firing from the custom-house being only that of a French \nboy, the jury acquitted them without leaving the bar. It was proved \nthat the boy was at a remote part of the tow^n the whole time that ho \nswore he wag at the custom-house and in King-street. The court \nordered that he should be committed and prosecuted for wilful per- \njury ; and, by his own confession, he Avas convicted. \n\nCaptain Preston had been well advised to retain two gentlemen of \nthe law, says Hutchinson, — Josiah Quincy and John Adams, — who \nwere strongly attached to the cause of liberty, and to stick at no \nreasonable fees for that purpose ; and this measure proved of great \nservice to him. He was also well informed of the characters of the \njury, and challenged such as were most likely to be under bias. \nThree or four witnesses swore that he ordered his men to fire ; but \ntheir evidence was encountered by that of several other witnesses, who \nstood next to him, and were conversing with him at a different place \nfrom that which the witnesses for the crown swore he was in ; and the \njudges, in summing up the evidence to the jury, were unanimous in their \nopinion that he did not order his men to fire ; but if he did, they were \nof opinion that, from the evidence of many other witnesses, the assault \nboth upon the officer and men, while upon duty, was so violent, that \nthe homicide could not amount even to manslaughter, but must be con- \nsidered as excusable homicide. The jury soon agreed upon a verdict \nof not guilty, and the prisoner, being discharged, retired to the Castle, \n:ind remained there until he sailed for England, where he was pen- \nsioned. A few days after the trials, while the court continued to sit, \nan incendiary paper was posted in the night upon the door of the \ntown-house, complaining of the court for cheating the people with a \nshow of justice, and calhng upon them to rise and free the world from \nsuch domestic tyrants. We refer to the printed trials for the results \nin the other cases. \n\nIn order to repel the insinuation of Hutcliinson regarding abundant \nfees, we Avill give the relation of John Adams on this point. After \nstating that he accepted a single guinea as a retaining fee, Mr. Adams \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE, 10 \n\nstates : — \"From first to last, I never said a word about fees, in any of \nthose cases ; and I should have said nothing about them here, if calum- \nnies and insinuations had not been propagated, that I was tempted by \ngreat fees and enormous sums of money. Before or after the trial, \nPreston sent me ten guineas, and at the trial of the soldiers after- \nwards, eight guineas more, which were all the fees I ever rcceived, or \nwere offered to me ; and I should not have said anything on the sub- \nject to my clients, if they had never offered me anything. This was \nall the pecuniary reward I ever had for fourteen or fifteen days' labor \nin the most exhausting and fatiguing causes I ever tried, for hazard- \ning a popularity very general and very hardly earned, and for incur- \nring a clamor of popular suspicions and prejudices, which are not yet \nworn out, and never will be forgotten as long as the history of this \nperiod is read.\" And, on another occasion, Mr. Adams further \nremarked : — \"I have reason to remember that fatal night. The part \nI took in defence of Capt. Preston and the soldiers procured me anxi- \nety and obloquy enough. It was, however, one of the most gallant, \ngenerous, manly and disinterested actions of my whole life, and one of \nthe best pieces of service I ever rendered my country. Judgment \nof death against those soldiers would have been as foul a stain upoii \nthis country as the executions of the Quakers or witches anciently. \nAs the evidence was, the verdict of the jury Was exactly right. This, \nhowever, is no reason why the town should not call the action of that \nnight a massacre ; nor is it any argument in favor of the governor or \nminister who caused them to be sent here. But it is the strongest of \nproofs of the danger of standing armies.\" \n\nThe Boston Athenaeum overlooks the cemetery where were deposited \nthe remains of our fellow-citizens martyred in the cause of liberty, \nMarch 5, 1770. Here repose the ashes of Hancock and Gushing, the \nlatter of whom was lieutenant-governor during the administration of \nthe former. Though Sumner speaks of \" Hancock's broken column,\" \nthe idea is merely poetical, for no monument has ever been erected \nover his remains. It is stated in the Boston News Letter that four \nof the victims were conveyed on hearses, and buried on the eighth of \nMarch, in one vault, in the Middle Burying Ground. The funeral \nconsisted of an immense number of persons in ranks of six, followed \nby a long train of carriages belonging to the principal gentry of the \ntown, at which time the bells of Boston and adjoining towis were \ntolled. It is supposed that a greater number of people of Boston and \n\n\n20 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nvicinity attended this funeral than were ever congregated on this con- \ntinent on any occasion. In this procession emblematical banners were \ndisplayed. The following eifusion appeared in Fleet's Post, March \n12, 1770: \n\n\" With fire enwrapt, surcharged with sudden death, \nLo, the poised tube convolves its fatal breath ! \nThe flying ball, with heaven-directed force, \nRids the free spirit of its fallen corse. \nWell-fated shades ! let no unmanly tear \nFrom pity's eye distain your honored bier. \nLost to their view, surviving friends may mourn. \nYet o'er thy pile celestial flames shall burn. \nLong as in Freedom's cause the wise contend, \nDear to your country, shall your fame extend ; \nWhile to the world the lettered stone shall tell \nHow Caldwell, Attucks, Gray and Maverick fell.\" \n\nOn the fourteenth of March, Patrick Carr, who died of the wound \nreceived in the massacre, was buried from Faneuil Hall, in the same \ngrave in which the other victims were deposited. \n\nThe poet who wrote the effusion above quoted predicts that the let- \ntered stone shall tell the tale of the martyred sons of liberty ; but no \nstone appears on the spot where they were buried. Lideed, if any \nstone were ever erected over their remains, it may have been destroyed \nby the British regulars, or removed in making repairs on the ground. \nLet the prediction be realized by the erection of a beautiful marble \nmonument on the site to the memory of this event, which, with the \nbattles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, insured our independence. \n\nOur venerable native citizen of Boston, the Hon. Thomas Handy- \nside Perkins, probably the only survivor who has any remembrance \nof the Boston massacre, stated to the editor of this work, at an inter- \nview with liim on Jan. 3, 1851, that at that period he was five years \nof age, and asleep at home on the evening of its occurrence. His \nfather, James Perkins, a wine-merchant, resided in King-street, on \nthe present location of Tappan's stone building, opposite Mackerel- \nlane, now Kilby-street. On the next day, his father's man-servant, \nbein<^ desirous that he should witness the effects of this occurrence, \nimprudently, as Mr. Perkins remarked, went with him to the Royal \nExchange Tavern, located on the opposite side of the custom-house, \nnow the site of the Messrs. Gilberts, brokers, kept by Mr. Stone. \nAlexander Cruikshank testified that when he was at the head of \n\n\nTHE MASSACRE. 21 \n\nRoyal Exchange-lane, he stopped at Stone's tavern, and the people \nwere abusing the sentinel, and showed him the dead body of Crispus \nAttacks, one of the victims. He then pointed to him the frozen blood \nin the gutter, opposite the Exchange Tavern, and proceeded with him \nto the residence of Tuthill Hubbard, on Cornhill, a short distance from \nthe north side of Queen-street, where lay the dead body of another of \nthe victims ; and this is the whole of his recollection of the tragical \nevent, which has never been effaced from his mind. Colonel Perkins \nis unable to state which of the victims he saw at Mr. Hubbard's resi- \ndence ; but, as Joseph Hinckley testified, according to the trial, that, \nafter the regulars had fired, he assisted in the removal of Samuel \nGray, who had fallen, to the apothecary's shop of I>r. John Loring, \nwhich was adjoining or very near Mr. Hubbard's dwelling, and could \nnot find admittance, as it was closed, — doubtless, that was the name \nof the other victim whose remains were exhibited to his youthful \neye- \nIn order to a further elucidation of this matter, we have recurred to \nthe papers of the day, by which it appears that Gray was killed on \nthe spot, as the ball entered his head and broke the skull. He was a \nropemaker, and, on the day of interment, his body was conveyed \nfrom the residence of Benjamin Gray, his brother, on the south side \nof the Exchange Tavern. Now, Col. Perkins is either mistaken regard- \ning the house where he saw the pale corpse, or else it was removed \nfrom Mr. Hubbard's dwelling on the next day. James Caldwell, also \nkilled on the spot by two balls entering his breast, was mate of Captain \nMorton's vessel, and his body was removed from the captain's resi- \ndence in Cole-lane on the day of interment. Crispus Attucks being \na stranger, his remains were conveyed from Faneuil Hall. He was \nkilled by two balls entering his breast, and was a native of Framing- \nham ; and Samuel, a son of widow Mary Maverick, a promising youth \nof seventeen years, an apprentice to Mr. Greenwood, a joiner, was \nwounded by a ball that entered his abdomen and escaped through his \nback, which caused his death, and his remains were removed from \nhis mother's house on the day of interment. Patrick Carr, who \ndied a few days after, of a ball that entered near his hip and went out \nat his side, was in the employ of one Mr. Field, leather-breeches \nmaker in Queen-street, and aged about thirty years. Among other \nmatters in the warrant for the annual town-meeting of Boston, March \n12; 1770, is the following clause: — \" Whether the town will take any \n\n\nTHE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nmeasures that a public monument may be erected on the spot where \nthe late tragical scene was acted, as a memento to posterity of that \nhorrid massacre, and the destructive consequences of military troops \nbeing quartered in a well-regulated city.\" We notice, on turning to \nthe records, that no action was taken on this point ; but the town \nvoted their thanks to the towns of Roxbury, Cambridge, Charlestown \nand Watertown, for their kind concern in this deplorable event. As \nthe precise location of this scene will ever be a point of great interest \nto Bostonians, we gather, from the deposition of Samuel Drowne, that \nit occurred between Crooked, now Wilson's lane, and Royal Exchange- \nlane. He states that he was standing on the steps of the Exchange \nTavern, being the next house to the custom-house ; and soon after saw \nCaptain Preston, whom he well knew, with a number of soldiers dra^vn \nnear the west corner of the custom-house, and heard Preston say, \n\" Damn your bloods ! why don't you fire? \" after which they fired. \n\nAt a town-meeting, Boston, March 19, 1771, Hon. Thomas Cush- \ning moderator, the committee appointed to consider of some suitable \nmethod to perpetuate the memory of the horrid massacre perpetrated \non the evening of the fifth of March, 1770, by a party of soldiers of \nthe 29th regiment, reported as their opinion that, for the present, the \ntown make choice of a proper person to deliver an oration at such \ntime as may be judged most convenient, to commemorate the barbarous \nmurder of five of our fellow-citizens on that fatal day, and to impress \nupon our minds the ruinous tendency of standing armies in free cities, \nand the necessity of such noble exertions, in all future times, as the \ninhabitants of the town then made, whereby the designs of the con- \nspirators against the public liberty may be still frustrated ; and the \ncommittee, in order to complete the plan of some standing monument \nof military tyranny, begged leave to be indulged with further time. \nTheir report being accepted, it was voted unanimously that the town \nwill now come to the choice of an orator. A committee was then \nappointed ; Samuel Hunt and James Lovell were nominated as candi- \ndates to deliver the oration. The inhabitants then voted, and the \nlatter was elected. A committee was appointed to wait on James \nLovell, and invite his acceptance. \n\nIn re us. It would be false affectation of \nuniversal benevolence to say I lament the present disgrace of Britain. \n\n\n36 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nWhether she mends upon it or not, I must rejoice at it, though upoB \ndifferent principles.\" \n\nIt is a singular coincidence to this remark, that the editor, •while \nwriting in the book-store of Drake the antiquarian, had his attention \ndirected to a passage in Boswell's Johnson, -which Mr. Drake held in \nhis hand at the moment, where Johnson, in conversing with Misa \nSeward, says, April 15th, 1778, \"I am willing to love all mankind, \nexcept an American.\" Miss Seward, looking at him with mild and \nsteady astonishment, said, \" Sir, this is an instance that we are always \nmost violent against those we have injured.\" \n\nWe find in the London Political Register for 1780 the following \nsevere remarks on the character of Mr. Lovell, because of his repub- \nlican course : \"In the pockets of Warren, the rebel commander, killed \nat Bunker Hill, were found letters from James Lovell, a rebel spy, \nstating the number and disposition of the troops in Boston, with a \nvariety of other information. The spy, instead of being sentenced to \nthe gallows and executed, was only taken up and detained in custody ; \nand when our army was at New York, he was discharged, at the \nrequest of some of the rebel chiefs. The deputy commissary of \nprisoners saw him safely on board the cartel ship, and laid in for him \nthe best provisions the place could supply. Lovell, instead of being \ngrateful for this, the instant he landed in the rebel territory, wrote \nthe commissary a most abusive letter ; and, by this infamous behavior, \nhaving arrived at the -summit of villany, was, in the opinion of the \nrebels of Massachusetts, deemed a fit person to represent them in Con- \ngress ; accordingly, as soon as he set his foot in Boston, he was chosen \none of their delegates to Congress. The rebel spies and prisoners \ntaken by our troops have been always treated with a lenity nearly \nakin to folly ; the rebels never imputed it to our humanity, but to our \ntimidity and dread of them.\" \n\nThe Political Register quotes a passage from an intercepted letter \nof Mr. Lovell, dated Philadelphia, Nov. 20, 1780, addressed to Mr. \nGerry, in which he said : \" Is it not time to pay a visit to Massachu- \nsetts ? Does my wife look as if she wanted a toothless, grayheaded, \nsciatic husband near her 1 I am more benefit to her at a distance \nthan in conjunction, as the almanac has it.\" \n\nIn 1784 Mr. Lovell was appointed receiver of Continental taxes, \nand during the confederacy of 1788 and '89 he was the collector for \n\n\nDR. BENJAMIN CHURCH. 37 \n\nthe port of Boston. He was the naval officer of Boston from 1790 \nuntil his decease, at Windham, Maine, July 14, 1814. \n\nMr. Lovcll published several tracts. In 1760 he delivered an \noration in Latin, to the memory of the venerable Henry Flint, who \nwas fifty-five years a tutor of Harvard College. In 1808, Propaga- \ntion of Truth, or Tyranny Anatomized ; Sketches of Man as He is, \nconnected with the Past and Present Mode of Education ; A Letter \nto the President of the United States, supposed by the writer to be \nfitted specially for the Age and Courage of the Young Federal Repub- \nlicans of Boston, and also to be calculated generally to promote the \ncomfort of all gray-headed as well as green-headed free citizens every- \nwhere : dated, July 4, 1805. \n\n\nDR. BENJAMIN CHURCH. \n\nMARCH 5, 1773. ON THE BOSTON MASSACRE. \n\nDr. Benjamin Church was a son of Deacon Benjamin Church, \nof Mather Byles' church, in Boston; and was born at Newport, R. I., \nAug. 24, 1734. He entered the Latin school in 1745, and graduated \nat Harvard College in 1754. He was a student in the London Med- \nical College, and walked the hospitals, daily visiting all the wards. \nHe married Miss Hannah Hill, of Ross, in Herefordshire, a sister of \nhis early friend, a young student in London. He returned to Boston, \nand had Benjamin, who married a lady of London, and became a \nsurgeon in the British army ; James Miller, born 1759 ; Sarah, \nborn 1761, who married Benjamin Weld, a tory refugee ; Hannah, \nborn 1764, Avho married William Kirkly, a merchant of London, and \nhad sixteen children. It is to a descendant of this branch that the \neditor is indebted for information. \n\nDr. Church was the surgeon who examined the body of Crispus \nAttucks, killed by the British soldiers in the massacre of 1770 ; and \nhis deposition is printed in the narrative of the town. He was the \n\n\n88 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nfirst Grand Master of the Rising Sun Lodge, instituted in 1772. Dr. \nChurch pronounced the oration on the massacre, at the Old South; and \n80 vast was the throng of people to hear it, that the orator, and John \nHancock, the moderator of this adjourned town-meeting, were obliged to \nbe taken in at a window. It was received \"with universal applause,\" \nand directly after its delivery the people unanimously requested a copy \nfor the press. Dr. Eliot says of it, that \" it is certainly one of the \nvery best of the Boston orations.\" He had genius and taste, and was \nan excellent writer in poetry and prose, consisting mostly of essays of \na witty and philological nature, which are scattered in newspapers \nand publications almost obsolete. \n\nOn the evening after the delivery of this oration, the lantern \nexhibition appeared from Mrs. Clapham's balcony, in King-street; and \nin one of the chamber windows was inscribed the following impas- \nsioned effusion : \n\n\" Canst thou, spectator, view this crimsoned scene. \nAnd not reflect what these sad portraits mean ? \nOr can thy slaughtered brethren's guiltless gore \nRevenge, in vain, from year to year implore ? \nAsk not where Preston or his butchers are ! \nBut ask, who brought those bloody villains here ? \nNever for instruments forsake the cause, \nNor spare the wretch who would subvert the laws ! \nThat ruthless fiend, who, for a trifling hire. \nWould murder scores, or set a town on fire, \nCompared with him who would a land enslave, \nAppears an inconsiderable knave. \nAnd shall the first adorn the fat.al tree. \nWhile, pampered and caressed, the last goes free ? \nForbid it, thou whose eye no bribe can blind, \nNor fear can influence, nor favor bind ! \nThy justice drove one murderer to despair ; \nAnd shall a number live in riot here ? \nLive and appear to glory in the crimes \nWhich hand destruction down to future times ? \nYes, ye shall live ! but live like branded Cain, \nIn daily dread of being nightly slain ; \nAnd when the anxious scene on earth is o'er. \nYour names shall stink till time shall be no more ! \" \n\nWe cannot restrain the desire to present the peroration of the \noration so much applauded : \"By Heaven, they die ! Thus nature \nspoke, and the swollen heart leaped to execute the dreadful purpose. \nDire was the interval of rage, — fierce was the conflict of the soul. In \n\n\nDR. BENJAMIN CHURCH. 39 \n\nthat important hour, did not the stalking ghosts of our stern fore- \nfathers point us to bloody deeds of vengeance 7 Did not the con- \nsideration of our cxpii'ing hberties impel us to remorseless havoc? \nBut, hark ! the guardian God of New England issues his awful man- \ndate, — Peace, be still ! Hushed was the burstina^ war ; the lowering \n\n7 7 O ' O \n\ntempest frowned its rage awaj. Confidence in that God, beneath \nwhose wing we shelter all our cares, — that blessed confidence released \nthe dastard, the cowering prey; with haughty scorn we refused to \nbecome their executioners, and nobly gave them to the wrath of \nHeaven. But words can poorly paint the horrid scene. Defenceless, \nprostrate, bleeding countrymen, — the piercing, agonizing groans, — \nthe mingled moan of weeping relatives and friends, — these best can \nspeak, to rouse the hike- warm into noble zeal. — to fire the zealous into \nmanly rage against the foul oppression of quartering troops in pop- \nulous cities in times of peace.\" \n\nThere is but one sentence in this admired production that could bo \nconstrued in the least degree to indicate the fear that this vigorous \nmind would ever forsake the cause of injured humanity, wherein he \nsays, \" The constitution of England I revere to a degree of idolatry.\" \nThis, however, is directly quahfied. for he continues, \"but mj attach- \nment is to the common weal. The magistrate will ever command mj \nrespect by the integrity and wisdom of his administrations.\" \n\nDr. Church was a Boston representative, a member of the Provin- \ncial Congress in 1774, and physician-general to the patriot army in \ntliat year. \n\nAbout the year 1768, Dr. Church erected an elegant mansion at \nRaynham, on the side of Nippahonsit pond, \" allured, perhaps,\" says \nDr. Allen, '\"by the pleasures of fishing.\" Probably it was thus that \nhe created a pecuniary embarrassment, which led to his defection from \nthe cause of his country. A letter written in cipher, to his brother \nin Boston, was intrusted by him to a young woman, with whom he was \nsaid to be living in crime. The mysterious letter was found upon her ; \nbut, the doctor having opportunity to speak to her, it was only by the \nforce of threats that the name of the writer was extorted from her. \nIt was for some time diflScult to find any person capable of decipher- \ning Dr. Church's letter, but at length it was effected by Rev. Dr. \nSamuel West, of New Bedford. When Washington charged him with \nhis baseness, he never attempted to vindicate himself \n\nWashington stated, in a letter to Hancock, dated Cambridge, Oct. 5, \n\n\n40 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\n1775: \" I have now a painful, though a necessary duty to perform, \nrespecting Dr. Church, director-general of the hospital. About a \n■week ago, Mr. Secretary Ward, of Providence, sent up to nie one \nWainwood, an inhabitant of Newport, with a letter directed to Major \nCane, in Boston, in characters ; which, he said, had been left with \nWainwood some time ago, by a woman who was kept by Dr. Church. \nShe had before pressed Wainwood to take her to Capt. Wallace, at \nNewport, Mr. Dudley the collector, or George Rowe, which he \ndeclined. She then gave him a letter, with a strict charge to deliver \nit to either of those gentlemen. He, suspecting some improper cor- \nrespondence, kept the letter, and after some time opened it : but, not \nbeing able to read it, laid it up, where it remained until he received an \nobscure letter from the woman, expressing an anxiety after the original \nletter. He then communicated the whole matter to Mr. Ward, who \n.sent him up with the papers to me. I immediately secured the \n\"woman ; but for a long time she was proof against every threat and \npersuasion to discover the author. However, at length she was \nbrought to a confession, and named Dr. Church. I then immediately \nsecured him, and all his papers. Upon his first examination, he readily \nacknowledged the letter ; said it was designed for his brother Fleming, \nand when deciphered would be found to contain nothing criminal. \nHe acknowledged his never having communicated the correspondence to \nany person here, but the girl, and made many protestations of the \npurity of his intentions. Having found a person capable of decipher- \ning the letter, I, in the mean time, had all his papers searched, but \nfound nothing criminal among them. But it appeared, on inquiry, \nthat a confidant had been among the papers before my messenger \narrived.' \n\nWe select this passage from Dr. Church's intercepted letter: \"For \nthe sake of the miserable convulsed empire, repeal the acts, or Britain \nis undone. This advice is the result of warm affection to my king \nand the realm. Remember, I never deceived you.\" \n\nHe was convicted by court-martial, Oct. 3, 1775, of which Wash- \nington was president, \"of holding a criminal correspondence with the \nenemy.\"' He was imprisoned at Cambridge. On Oct. 27, he was \ncalled to the bar of the House of Representatives, and examined. His \ndefence before the house, printed in the Historical Collections, was a \nspecimen of brilliant talents and great ingenuity. That the letter was \ndesigned for his brother, but, not being sent, he had communicated no \n\n\nDR. BENJAMIN CHURCH. 41 \n\nintelligence : that there was nothing in the letter hut notorious facts : \nthat his exaggerations of the American force could only be designed \nto favor the cause of liberty : and that the object was purely patriotic. \n\"Confirmed,\" said he, \"in assured innocence, I stand prepared for \nyour keenest searchings. The warmest bosom here does not flame with \na brighter zeal for the security, happiness, and liberties, of America.\" \nHe was expelled from the house ; and the Continental Congress after- \nwards resolved that he should be confined in jail in Connecticut, and \n\"debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper.\" He was afterwards \nallowed to occasionally ride out, under a trusty guard. Madam \nAdams, in alluding to the treachery of Dr. Church, remarked at \nthat time: \"You may as well hope to bind up a hungry tiger with \na cobweb, as to hold such debauched patriots in the visionary chains \nof decency, or to charm them with the intellectual beauty of truth \nand reason.\" His residence, in Boston, was at the south corner of \nAvon-place. Dr. Thatcher says, \"There were not a fcAV among the \nmost respectable and intelligent in the community who expressed \nstrong doubts of a criminal design in his conduct.\" Our readers, \nhowever, need only to examine the statement of Paul Revere, in the \nsucceeding paragraphs, to have their minds satisfied of his treacherous \nconduct. It appears in a letter to Rev. Dr. John Eliot, corresponding \nsecretary of the Massachusetts Historical Society, dated Boston, Jan. \n1, 1798: \"In the M of 1774, and winter of 1775, I was one of \nupwards of thirty, chiefly mechanics, who formed ourselves into a \ncommittee, for the purpose of watching the movements of the British \nsoldiers, and gaining every intelligence of the movements of the tories. \nWe held our meetings at the Green Dragon Tavern. We were so care- \nful that our meetings should be kept secret, that every time we met, \nevery person swore upon the Bible that they would not discover any \nof our transactions, but to Hancock, Adams, Drs. Warren, Church, \nand one or two more. About November, when things began to grow \nserious, a gentleman who had connections with the tory party, but \nwas a whig at heart, acquainted me that our meetings were discovered, \nand mentioned the identical words that were spoken among us the \nnight before. We did not then distrust Dr. Church, but supposed it \nmust be some one among us. We removed to another place, which \nwe thought was more secure ; but here we found that all our transac- \ntions were communicated to Gov. Gage. This came to me through \n\nthe then secretary, Flucker. He told it to the gentleman mentioned \n\n4* \n\n\n42 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nabove. It was then a common opinion that there was a traitor in the \nProvincial Congress, and that Gage was possessed of all their secrets. \nDr. Church appeared to be a high son of liberty. He frequented all \nthe places where they met ; was encouraged by all the leaders of the \nsons of liberty ; and it appeared he was respected by them, though I \nknew that Dr. Warren had not the greatest respect for him. Though \nit was known that some of the liberty songs which he composed were \nparodized by him in favor of the British, yet none dare charge him \nwith it. I was a constant and critical observer of him, and I must \nsay that I never thought him a man of principle, and I doubted much, \nin my own mind, whether he was a real whig. I knew that he kept \ncompany with a Capt. Price, a half-pay British officer ; and that he \nfrequently dined with him and Robinson, one of the commissioners. \nI know that one of his intimate acquaintance asked him why he was \ngo often with Robinson and Price. His answer was, that he kept \ncompany with them on purpose to find out their plans. The day after \nthe battle of Lexington, I met him in Cambridge, when he shew me \nsome blood on his stocking, which, he said, spirted on him from a man \nwho was killed near him, as he was urging the militia on. I well \nremember that I argued with myself, if a man will risk his life in a \ncause, he must be a friend to that cause ; and I never suspected him \nafter, till he was charged with being a traitor. \n\n\" The same day, I met Dr. Warren. He was president of the \nCommittee of Safety. He engaged me as a messenger to do the out- \nof-doors business for the committee, which gave me an opportunity of \nbeing frequently with them. The Friday evening after, about sunset, \nI was sitting with some or near all that committee, in their room, \nwhich was at Mr. Hastings' house, in Cambridge. Dr. Church, all at \nonce, started up. ' Dr. Warren,' said he, ' I am determined to go \ninto Boston to-morrow.' It set them all a staring. Dr. Warren \nreplied, ' Are you serious, Dr. Church? They will hang you, if they \ncatch you in Boston.' He replied, 'I am serious, and am determined \nto go, at all adventures.' After a considerable conversation, Dr. War- \nren said, ' If you are determined, let us make some business for you.' \nThey agreed that he should go to get medicine for their and our \nwounded officers. He went the next morning, and I think he came \nback on Sunday evening. After he had told the committee how \nthings were, I took him aside, and inquired particularly how they \ntreated him. He said, that ' as soon as he got to their lines, on \n\n\nDR. BENJAMIN CHURCH. 43 \n\nBoston Neck, they made him a prisoner, and carried him to Gen. \nGage, where he was examined ; and then he was sent to Gould's bar- \nracks, and was not suffered to go hOme but once. After he was taken \nup for holding a correspondence with the British, I came across Dea. \nCaleb Davis. We entered into conversation about him. He told me \nthat the morning Church went into Boston, he (Davis) received a \nbillet for Gen. Gage ; — (he then did not know that Church was in \ntown.) When he got to the general's house, he was told the general \ncould not be spoke with, — that he was in private with a gentleman ; \nthat he waited near half an hour, when Gen. Gage and Dr. Church \ncame out of a room, discoursing together like persons who had been long \nacquainted. He appeared to be quite surprised at seeing Dea. Davis \nthere ; that he (Church) went where he pleased, while in Boston, only \na Major Caine, one of Gage's tools, went with him. I was told by \nanother person, whom I could depend upon, that he saw Church go into \nGen. Gage's house at the above time ; that he got out of the chaise \nand went up the steps more like a man that was acquainted than a \nprisoner. \n\n\" Some time after, — perhaps a year or two, — I fell in company \nwith a gentleman who studied with Church. In discoursing about him, \nI related what I have mentioned above. He said he did not doubt that \nhe was in the interest of the British, and that it was he Avho informed \nGen. Gat^e : that he knew for certain that, a short time before the \nBattle of Lexington, — for he then lived with him, and took care of hia \nbusiness and books, — he had no money by him, and was much drove \nfor money; that, all at once, he had several hundred new British \nguineas; and that he thought at the time where they came from.\" \n\nWhen released from his imprisonment in Norwich jail, Conn., May, \n1776, he set sail from Boston for London, — some say for the West \nIndies ; and, according to a family tradition, the vessel was Avrecked \nnear the Boston Light-house, and all on board perished. Our prin- \ncipal authorities state, however, that after he left Boston he was never \nheard from. His family was pensioned by the crown. \n\nWe cannot conclude this article before introducing an incident. \nCol. Revere was the first President of the Massachusetts Mechanics' \nCharitable Association, and a copper-plate engraver. In the year \n1768, the Legislature of Massachusetts voted to send a circular letter \nto the several Provinces, on the alarming state of this country, and \ninviting a convention to oppose a taxation without the consent of the \n\n\n44 THE HUNDRED BOSTON OKATORS. \n\nrepresentatives of the people. The king directed Governor Bernard \nto demand that the said vote be rescinded and obUterated. A vote was \npassed, June 30, 1768, not to conform to it, seventeen members only \nvoting in favor of it, and ninety-two in the negative. The seventeen \nmembers were stigmatized with the name of Rescinders, and treated \nwith contempt. Paul Revere engraved a caricature, entitled \"A Warm \nPlace — Hell.\" The delineation was a pair of monstrous open jaws, \nresembling those of a shark, with flames issuing ; and Satan, with a \nlarge pitchfork, driving the seventeen Rescinders into the flames, \nexclaiming, \"Now I've got you! A fine haul, by Jove!\" As a \nreluctance is shown by the foremost man at entering, who is supposed \nto represent the lion. Timothy Ruggles, afterward a brigadier-general \nof Worcester county, another devil is drawn, with a fork, flying \ntowards him, and crying out, \" Push on, Tim ! \" Over the upper \njaw is seen, in the back-ground, the cupola of the Province-house, \nwith the Indian and bow and arrow, the arms of the Province, where \nwas the residence of the governor. When Revere was engaged in \nexecuting this caricature, Dr. Benj. Church came into his ofiice, and \nseeing what he was about, took a pen and wrote the following hnes aa \nan accompaniment : \n\n*• On, brave Rescinders I to yon yawning cell, — \nSeventeen such miscreants sure will startle hell. \nThere puuy villains, damned for petty sin, \nOn such distinguished scoundrels gaze and grin ; \nThe outdone Devil will resign his sway, — \nHe never curst liis millions in a day.\" \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 45 \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. \n\nMARCH 5, 1773. ON THE BOSTON MASSACRE. \n\nThe name of Warren appears on the Roll of Battle Abbey, as \nbeing of those engaged in the Battle of Hastings, under William the \nConqueror, Oct. 14, 1066. It appears also in Doomsday Book, pub- \nhshed in 1081. William de Warrene, the first of the name according \nto Duncan's Dukes of Normandy, related to Duke William on the side \nof his mother, who Avas niece to the Duchess Gouner, took his name \nfrom the fief of Varenne, or Warrene, in the district of St. Aub-in-le- \nCauf Warrene received from the Conqueror two hundred and ninety- \neight manors, and in 1073 he was adjoined to Richard de Bienfaitc \nas Grand Justiciary of England. He was created Earl of Surrey, by \nWilham Rufus, in 1089, and died shortly afterwards. He was buried \nin the Abbey of Lewes, in Sussex, which he had founded. \n\nThe ancestry of General Joseph Warren has long been a subject of \ndoubtful speculation, as it could not be traced to the ancient families \neither of Plymouth or Watertown. After careful research, Ave believe \nit traceable to the public records of Boston. Doubtless the ancestor of \nthis family was Peter Warren, a mariner, Avho, according to Suffolk \nDeeds, purchased an estate of Theodore Atkinson, of Boston, March \n8, 1659, \" situated on the south side of Boston, next the water-side, \nopposite and against Dorchester Neck.\" This was a part of ancient \nMattapan, now South Boston. On his decease, he gave his dwelling- \nhouse and land to his widow Esther, for and during her natural life, in \ncase she continue a widow, and not otherwise. In case she happen to \nmarry again, the estate should revert to his son Joseph ; or, at her \ndecease, if a widow, he bequeathed the same to him. He married \nthree times, and died at Boston, Nov. 15, 1704, aged 76 years. His \nwill is in Suffolk Probate. His son Joseph, according to Suffolk Deeds, \nconveyed, April 15, 1714, this estate to Henry Hill, distiller, for eighty \npounds, with the reserve, that his widowed mother Esther should have \na life occupancy, and profits and benefits of the same. It was located \nin Boston, at the south part of the town, and bounded southerly at \nthe front by Essex-street, fifty-seven feet ; westerly by the land of \n\n\n46 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nIsaac Goose, eighty-one feet ; northerly hy the land of Henry Cole, \nthirty-one feet ; easterly by the land of Whitman, eighty-four feet ; — \nwith the buildings, wells, water-courses, &c. A distillery has long \nbeen located on this estate, bounded by South-street, and is improved \nby William E. French. This was doubtless the ancestral residence. \nWe find no conveyance of real estate to Peter Warren at any other \nperiod. \n\nSarah, the first wife of Peter Warren, was admitted to the Old \nSouth Church, by dismission. May 22, 1670. His second wife, Han- \nnah, was received in the same church, by dismission also, April 30, \n1675 ; and his third wife, Esther, was admitted to that church, also \nby dismission, Oct. 11, 1687. \n\nThe baptisms of the children are on the records of the Old South \nChurch, and correspond with the births on the records of Boston, as \nfollows : Peter Warren married Sarah, a daughter of Robert Tucker, \nof Dorchester, Aug. 1, 1660, by whom he had John, born Sept. 8, \n1661 ; Joseph, born Feb. 19, 1662; Benjamin, born July 25, 1665; \nEhzabeth, born Jan. 4, 1667; Robert, born Dec. 14, 1670 ; Ebenezer, \nborn Feb. 11, 1672; Peter, born April 20, 1676; Hannah, by his \nwife Hannah, born May 19, 1680 ; Mary, born Nov. 24, 1683 ; \nRobert, born Dec. 24, 1684. \n\nJose})h, the second son of Peter, who, according to Suffolk Deeds, \nwas a housewright, married Deborah, a daughter of Samuel Wilhams, \nof Roxbury, where he settled, and had eight children ; among whom \nwas Joseph, born Feb. 2, 1696. He died at Roxbury, July 13, 1729, \naged QQ ; and this corresponds with the Boston record of his birth. \nHis will was proved August 1st of that date. \n\n/ Joseph, Jr., son of Joseph of Roxbm-y, married Mary, daughter of \nDr. Samuel Stevens, of that town, May 29, 1740. He is named, on \nSuffolk Probate, as \"gentleman.\" He was a respectable farmer, and \nwas the first person who cultivated an apple, with a fine blush on one \nside, famous as the Warren Russet. The Boston News-Letter thus \nrelates the tale of his decease, in a note dated Roxbury, Oct. 25, 1755: \n\n\" On Wednesday last a sorrowful accident happened here. As Mr. \nJoseph Warren, of this town, was gathering apples from a tree, standing \nupon a ladder at a considerable distance from the ground, he fell from \nthence, broke his neck, and expired in a few moments. He was \nesteemed a man of good understanding, industrious, upright, honest, \nand faithful, — a serious, exemplary Chi'istian, a useful member of \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 47 \n\nsociety. Ho was generally respected amongst us, and his death is \nuniversally lamented.\" \n\nJoseph, 3d, a son of Joseph, Jr., was born at Roxbury, June 11, \n1741. He graduated at Harvard College, 1759, and was a public- \nschool teacher at Roxbury, in 17G0. The old mansion in which ho \nwas born has been demohshcd, and an exact model of it, made partly \nof the original materials, is retained in the family of Dr. Brown, who \nmarried a daughter of Dr. John Warren. A painting of the estate \nis in the family of Dr. John C. Warren. An elegant stone building \nhas been erected on the location. The inscriptions herewith are chis- \neled on the front side of the second story of the edifice ; that on the \nright hand is as follows : \n\n\" On this spot stood the house erected in 1720 by Joseph Warren, of \nBoston, remarkable for being the birthplace of General Joseph War- \nren, his grandson, who was killed at the Battle of Bunker Hill, June \n17, 1775.\" The inscription on the left hand is as follows: \"John \nWarren, a distinguished physician and anatomist, was also born here. \nThe original mansion being in ruins, this house was built by John C. \nWarren, M. D., in 1846, son of the last named, as a permanent \nmemorial of the spot.\" The estate is in Warren-street, on Warren- \nplace, opposite St. James' -street. \n\nWarren was\" ever remarkable for fearless intrepidity. When at \ncollege, some of his classmates were engaged in a merriment which \nthey knew Warren would not approve, and adopted a plan to prevent \nhis attendance. They fastened the door of the apartment, which was \nin the upper story of a college building. Warren, finding that he \ncould not get in at the door, and perceiving that there was an open \nwindow, determined to efiect his entrance by that way, from the roof. \nHe accordingly ascended the stairs to the top of the building, and, getting \nout upon the roof, let himself down to the eaves, and thence, by the \naid of a spout, to a level with the open window, through which ho \nleaped into the midst of the conspirators. The spout, which was of \nwood, was so much decayed by time, that it fell to the ground as \nWarren relaxed his hold upon it. His classmates, hearing the crash, \nrushed to the window, and when they perceived the cause, loudly con- \ngratulated him upon the escape. He coolly remarked that the spout \nhad retained its position just long enough to serve his purpose ; and. \nwithout further notice of the accident, proceeded to remonstrate with \n\n\n48 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nthem on the mischief they intended to perpetrate, which had the \ndesired effect. \n\nIn the period of the Revolution a gallows \"was erected on the Neck, \nnear Roxbury, for the public execution of criminals. One day, when \nhe was passing the spot, he met three British officers, one of whom \ncalled to him, saying, \"Go on, Warren; you will soon come to the \ngallows ! \" It was very evident they meant to insult him, as they \nburst into a loud laugh as soon as it was uttered. Warren was not a \nman to submit to an insult from any one, least of all from them. He \nimmediately turned back, Avalked up to them, and calmly requested to \nknow which of them had thus addressed him. Not one of them had \nthe courage to avoAv his insolence. Finding he could obtain no answer, \nhe at last left them, ashamed of themselves and each other, but pleased \nto escape so easily. This is related on the authority of Dr. John C. \nWarren. \n\nGen. Warren resided several years in Boston, on the location of \nthe present American House, nearly opposite Elm-street. Wired \nskulls, from his anatomical room, were discovered, in excavating the \nearth, about the year 1835. He was a member of Rev. Dr. Cooper's \nchurch, in Brattle -street, and his pew was located opposite the old \nsouthern door, in the body of the house, which he selected for the pre- \nvention of disturbance, when abruptly called on for medical aid. \n\nThe late Governor Eustis, who was, in 1774, a student of medicine \nunder Warren, relates that, in returning to his dwelling, he passed \nseveral British officers in Queen-street, among whom Avas Col. Wol- \ncott, who subsequently became notorious for a paltry insult, in address- \ning General Washington as \"Mr. Washington,\" in a letter on the \nsubject of prisoners ; and, as the friends of Warren were then con- \nstantly expecting that some attempt would be made to seize him by \nthe regulars, Eustis stated the circumstance, and advised him not to \nleave the house. Warren replied, \" I have a visit to make to a lady in \nCornhill, this evening, and I will go at once; come with me.*' He \nthen put his pistols in his pocket, and they Avent out. They passed \nseveral British officers, Avithout molestation from them. It was ascer- \ntained, the next day, that they were watching for two pieces of cannon \nwhich had been removed by some Bostonians, of which a relation is \ngiven in the outline of John Hancock. Warren, having his spirit \nfretted, one day, by some of the taunts frequently uttered by British \nofficers, exclaimed, \" These fellows say we won't fight. By heavens ! \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 49 \n\n\nI hope I shall die up to my knees in blood ! \" This was spoken but a \nfew weeks before the Battle of Bunker Hill. \n\nGen. Warren married Elizabeth, a daughter of the late Dr. Richard \nHooton, of Boston, Sept. 6, 1764. Their children were Joseph, who \ngraduated at Harvard College, in 1786, — died single in 1790 ; Richard, \nwho died at twenty-one years of age ; Elizabeth, who was the wife of \nGen. Arnold Welles; and Mary, wife of Judge Newcomb, of Greenfield, \nwho died Feb. 7, 1826. Their son Joseph Warren Newcomb. coun- \nsellor at Springfield, has two children, the last living descendants. The \nthree younger children of Gen. Warren were for a period under the \ncare of Miss Mercy Scollay, of Boston, a lady to whom he was betrothed \nfor a second wife. His wife died April 29, 1773, aged twenty-six years. \nThis impressive tribute to the virtues of his lamented partner appeared \nin the Boston Gazette of that year : \n\n\"If fading lilies, when they droop and die, \nRobbed of each charm that pleased the gazing eye. \nWith sad regret the grieving mind inspire. \nWhat, tlien, when virtue's brightest lamps expire? \nEthereal spirits see the systems right, \nBut mortal minds demand a clearer sight. \nIn spite of reason's philosophic art, \nA tear must fall to indicate the heart. \nCould reason's force disarm the tyrant foe, \nOr calm the mind that feels the fatal blow. \nNo clouded thought had discomposed the mind \nOf him whom Heaven ordained her dearest friend. \nGood sense and modesty with virtue crowned \nA sober mind, when fortune smiled or frowned ; \nSo keen a feeling for a friend distressed. \nShe could not bear to see a worm oppressed. \nThese virtues fallen enhance the scene of woe, \nSwell the big drops that scarce confinement know. \nAnd force them down in copious showers to flow. \nBut know, thou tyrant Death, thy force is spent, — \nThine arm is weakened, and thy bow unbent. \nSecured from insults of your guilty train \nOf marshalled slaves, inflict disease and pain, \nShe rides triumphant on the aerial course, \nTo land at pleasure's inexhausted source ; \nCelestial Genii line the heavenly way. \nAnd guard her passage to the realms of day. ' ' \n\nGen. Warren, in the year 1766, addressed the following letter to \nthe Rev. Edmund Dana, a graduate of Harvard College in 1759, who \n\n5 \n\n\n50 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nbecame the Rector of Wroxeter, Salop, in England, where he died \nin 1823, and was a brother of Judge Francis Dana. This letter \npassed into the care of his grandson, Thomas Oatlej, Esq., of Bishton \nHall, Salop, and has recently been brought to this country by Edmund \nTrowbridge Hastings, Esq., a relative of the Dana family. It is a \nprecious relic, as presenting a view of the state of feeling in New \nEngland in relation to the odious Stamp Act. \n\n''Boston, Nero England, March 19, 1766. \n\n\" Dear Sir : — I have not had the pleasure of a line from you since \nyou left this country. I wrote to you soon after I knew of your arrival \nin England, and I have not at any time been negligent in inquiring \nconcerning you, whenever an opportunity presented. I have, with \ngreat satisfiction, heard of that agreeable life which you lead amidst \nall the gayeties and diversions of that jovial city, London; but I \nreceived a peculiar pleasure from the intelligence Avhich I have lately \nhad of your happy marriage with a lady of noble birth, and every \naccomplishment, both natural and acquired. Accept the sincerest \nwishes of your long absent (but I hope not forgotten) friend, that you \nmay long enjoy, with your charming consort, that unequalled happi- \nness which must arise from an union of persons so amiable. \n\n\" Perhaps it may not be disagreeable at this time to hear something \nof the present state of your native country. Never has there been a \ntime, since the first settlement of America, in which the people had so \nmuch reason to be alarmed, as the present. The whole continent is \ninflamed to the highest degree. I believe this country may be \nesteemed as truly loyal in their principles as any in the universe ; but \nthe strange project of levying a stamp duty, and of depriving the peo- \nple of the privilege of trials by juries, has roused their jealousy and \nresentment. They can conceive of no liberty Avhere they have lost \nthe power of taxing themselves, and where all controversies between \nthe crown and the people are to be determined by the opinion of one \ndependent ; and they think that slavery is not only the greatest mis- \nfortune, but that it is also the greatest crime (if there is a possibility \nof escaping it). You are sensible that the inhabitants of this country \nhave ever been zealous lovers of their civil and religious liberties. For \nthe enjoyment of these, they fought battles, left a pleasant and pop- \nulous country, and exposed themselves to all the dangers and hardships \nin this new world; and their laudable attachment! to freedom has hith- \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 51 \n\n^0 been transmitted to their posterity. Moreover, in all new coun- \ntries (and especially in this, which was settled by private adventurers), \nthere is a more equal division of property amongst the people ; in con- \nse(juence of which, their influence and authority must be nearly equal, \nand every man will think himself deeply interested in the support of \npu])lic liberty. Freedom and equality is the state of nature; but \nslavery is the most unnatural and violent state that can be conceived \nof, and its approach must be gradual and imperceptible. In many old \ncountries, where, in a long course of years, some particular families \nhave been able to acquire a very large share of property, from which \nmust arise a kind of aristocracy, — that is, the power and authority \nof some persons or families is exercised in proportion to the decrease \nof the independence and property of the people in general ; — had \nAmerica been prepared in this manner for the Stamp Act, it might \nperhaps have met with a more favorable reception ; but it is absurd to \nattempt to impose so cruel a yoke on a people who are so near to the \nstate of original equality, and who look upon their liberties not merely \nas arbitrary grants, but as their unalienable, eternal rights, purchased \nby the blood and treasure of their ancestors, — which liberties, though \ngranted and received as acts of favor, could not, without manifest \ninjustice, have been refused, and cannot now, or at any time hereafter, \nbe revoked. Certainly, if the connection was rightly understood, \nGreat Britain would be convinced that, without laying arbitrary taxCvS \nupon her colonies, she may and does reap such advantages as ought to \nsatisfy her. Indeed, it amazes the more judicious people on this side \nthe water, that the late minister was so unacquainted with the state of \nAmerica, and the manners and circumstances of the people ; or, if he \nwas acquainted, it still surprises them to find a man, in his high station, \nso ignorant of nature, and of the operations of the human mind, as \nmadly to provoke the resentment of millions of men who would esteem \ndeath, with all its tortures, preferable to slavery. Most certainly, in \nwhatever light the Stamp Act is viewed, an uncommon want of policy is \ndiscoverable. If the real and only motive of the minister was to raise \nmoney from the colonies, that method should undoubtedly have been \nadopted which was least grievous to the people. Instead of this, the \nmost unpopular that could be imagined is chosen. If there was any \njealousy of the colonies, and the minister designed by this act more effect- \nually to secure their dependence on Great Britain, the jealousy was first \ngroundless. But if it had been founded on good reasons, could any- \nthing have been worse calculated to answer this purpose ? Could not \n\n\n52 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nthe ministei- have found out, either from history or from his ovm \nobservation, that the strength of any country depended on its being \nunited within itself 7 Has he not, by this act, brought about what the \nmost zealous colonist never could have expected ? The colonies, until \nnow, were ever at variance, and foohshly jealous of each other. They \nare now, by the refined policy of Mr. George Grenville, united for \ntheir common defence against what they believe to be oppression ; nor \nwill they soon forget the weight which this close union gives them. \nThe impossibility of accounting in any other way for the imposition of \nthe stamp duty has induced some to imagine that the minister designed \nby this act to force the colonies into a rebellion, and from thence to \ntake occasion to treat them with severity, and, by mihtary power, \nreduce them to servitude. But this supposes such a monstrous degree \nof wickedness, that charity forbids us to conclude him guilty of so black \na villany. But, admitting this to have been his aim (as it is known \nthat tyrannical ministers have at some time embraced even this hellish \nmeasure to accomplish their cursed designs), should he not have con- \nsidered that every power in Europe looks with envy on the colonies \nwhich Great Britain enjoys in America 7 Could he suppose that \\ the \npowerful and politic France would be restrained by treaties, when so \nfair an opportunity oifered for the recovery of their ancient possessions 1 \nAf least, was he so ignorant of nature as not to know that when the \nrage of the people is raised by oppre&sioi^ to such a height as to break \nout in rebellion, any new alliance would be preferred to the miseries \nwhich a conquered country must necessarily expect to suffer 7 And \nwould no poAver in Europe take advantage of such an occasion 1 And, \nabove all, did he not knoAV that his royal, benevolent master, when he \ndiscovered his views, would detest and punish him ? But whatever \nwas proposed by the Stamp Act, of this I am certain, that the regard \nwhich the colonies still bear to His Majesty arises more from an \nexalted idea of His Majesty's integrity and goodness of heart than \nfrom any prudent conduct of his late minister. \n\n\" I have written, sir, much more than I intended when I first sat \ndown, but I hope you will pardon my prolixity upon so important a \nsubject. \n\n\" I am, sir, your most sincere friend and humble servant, \n\n\"Joseph Warren. \n•' To Mr. Edmund Dana. \n\n\" P. S. I hope for the favor of a line from you, the first opportu- \nnity.\" \n\n\nJOSEPH WAKREN\", M. D. 53 \n\nGen. Warren published tlu'ee highly spirited articles, in the Boston \nGazette, originated by the exercise of the arbitrary powers of Gov. \nBernard, in negativing councilloi-s elected by the representatives; and \nfurther, for severe censures on leading members of the house, unjustly \nexpressed in letters addressed to Lord Shelburae, the king's minister \nof state, \"vvho, in reply, unequivocally sanctioned his measures, and also \nexpressed displeasure that the house should object to the lieutenant- \ngovernor, who was not a member of the council, taking a seat in that \nbody. In the first of these articles, Warren's quotation from Roches- \nter excited the ire of Bernard, who sent a message to the house, and \nanother to the council, declaring the article hbellous, and calling it to \ntheir serious consideration. The council pronounced it an insolent and \nlicentious attack, and that the author deserved punishment. The house \nexpressed a different opinion, and that the liberty of the press is a \ngreat bulwark of the liberty of the people. There were fifty-six in \nthe affirmative, to eighteen in the negative. It was introduced to the \ngrand jury, who would not find a bill of indictment. As these are all \nof the political newspaper productions of Warren that we have discov- \nered, and as they are strongly characteristic of his energy of charac- \nter, they are here presented entire. Bradford, in his History of Mas- \nsachusetts, not appearing to be aware that Warren was the .author, \nremarks of the first communication, that it was \"a very scurrilous \npiece.\" Pemberton, Dorr, and Rees, in the Cyclopedia, ascribe them \nto him. Hutchinson alludes to it as \" a most abusive piece against the \ngovernor.\" \n\nFrom Boston Gazette, Feb. 29, 1768. \n\n\" Messrs. Edes k Gill, \n\n\" Please insert the following : \n\n\"May it please your . We have for a long time known your \n\nenmity to this province. We have had full proof of your cruelty to a \nloyal people. No age has perhaps furnished a more glaring instance \nof obstinate perseverance in the path of mahce than is now exhibited \n\nin your . Could you have reaped any advantage from injuring \n\nthis people, there would have been some excuse for the manifold abuses \nwith which you have loaded them. But when a diabohcal thirst for \nmischief is the alone motive of your conduct, you must not wonder if \nyou are treated with open dislike ; for it is impossible, how much \nsoever we endeavor it, to feel any esteem for a man like you. Bad \nas the world may be, there is yet in every breast something which \n5* \n\n\n54 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\npoints out the good man aa an object worthy of respect, and marks \nthe guileful, treacherous man-hater, for disgust and infamy. \n\n\" Nothing has ever been more intolerable than your insolence on a \nlate occasion, Avhen you had, by your Jesuitical insinuations, induced \na worthy minister of state to form a most unfavorable opinion of the \nprovince in general, and some of the most respectable inhabitants in \nparticular. You had the effrontery to produce a letter from his lord- \nship, as a proof of your success in calumniating us. Surely you \nmust suppose we have lost all feeling, or you would not dare thus \ntauntingly to display the trophies of your slanders, and upbraidingly \nto make us sensible of the inexpressible misfortunes which you have \nbrought upon us. But I refrain, lest a full representation of the hard- \nships suffered by this too long insulted people should lead them to an \nunAvarrantable revenge. We never can treat good and patriotic rulers \nwith too great reverence. But it is certain that men totally aban- \ndoned to wickedness can never merit our regard, be their stations ever \n80 high. \n\n'If such men are by God appointed, \nThe devil may be the Lord's anointed.' \n\n\" A True Patriot.\" \n\n\nFrom Boston Gazette, March 7, 1768. \n\n\" Messrs. Edes & Gill, \n\n\" Please to insert the following : \n\n\" My first performance has, by a strange kind of compliment, been \nby some applied to his excellency Gov. Bernard. It is not for me to \naccount for the construction put upon it. Every man has a right to \nmake his own remarks, and if he satisfies himself, he will not displease \nme. I will, however, inform the public that I have the most sacred \nregard to the characters of all good m-n, and would sooner cut my \nhand from my body than strike at the reputation of an honest member \nof the community. But there are circumstances, in which not justice \nalone, but humanity itself, obliges us to hold up the villain to view, \nand expose his guilt, to prevent his destroying the innocent. AVhoever \nhe is whose conscience tells him he is not the monster I have por- \ntraited, may rest assured I did not aim at him ; but the person who \nknows the black picture exhibited to be his own, is welcome to take it \nto himself The imputation of disaffection to the king and the govern- \nment, brought against me by His Majesty's Council, I shall answer \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 55 \n\n\nonly by a quotation from the paper -whicli they have been pleased to \ncensure, where I say, ' We can never treat good and patriotic rulers \nwith too great reverence.' In which sentence I hope the honorable \nboard will not say I have omitted to declare my sentiments of the duty \nwhich every good subject owes to his present majesty, and all worthy \nsubordinate magistrates ; and I flatter myself that the sentiments of \nthe board coincide with mine. If they do not, I must dissent from \nthem. Their charge of profaneness, I humbly apprehend, was occa- \nsioned by their forcing a sense upon the two last lines totally different \nfrom what I intended they should convey. My design was to compare \nwicked men, and especially wicked magistrates, to those enemies to \nmankind, the devils ; and to intimate that the devils themselves might \nboast of divine authority to seduce and ruin mankind, with as much \nreason and justice as wicked rulers can pretend to derive from God, or \nfrom his word, a right to oppress, harass, and enslave their fellow- \ncreatures. The beneficent Lord of the universe delights in viewing \nthe happiness of all men. And so far as civil government is of divine \ninstitution, it was calculated for the greatest good of the whole com- \nmunity ; and whenever it ceases to be of general advantage, it ceasea \nto be of divine appointment, and the magistrates in such a community \nhave no claim to that honor which the Divine Legislator has assigned \nto magistrates of his election. I hope the honorable board will not \ncondemn a man for expressing his contempt for the odious doctrines \nof divine hereditary right in princes, and of passive obedience, which \nhe thinks dishonorary to Almighty God, the common and impartial \nFather of the species, and ruinous both to kings and subjects ; and \nwhich, if adhered to. would dethrone his present majesty, and destroy \nthe British nation. The honorable board is humbly requested to \nexamine whether the above is not the most natural and obvious sense \nof the quoted lines. Certainly, when I read them, I thought it tho \nonly sense ; and I shall think myself very unhappy in my readers, \nshould they generally put that construction upon them which the \nhonorable board have been pleased to adopt. \n\n•' I shall, at all times, write my sentiments with freedom, and with \ndecency too, — the rules of which I am not altogether unacquainted \nwith. While the press is open, I shall publish whatever I think con- \nducive to general emolument ; when it is suppressed, I shall look upon \nmy country as lost, and, with a steady fortitude, expect to feel the \ngeneral shock. A TiiuE Patriot.\" \n\n\n.'JO\" THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nFrom Boston Gazette, March 14, 1768. \n\n•' Messrs. Edes & Gill. \n\n\"Please insert the following: \n\n\" With pleasure I hear the general voice of this people in favor of \nfreedom ; and it gives uie solid satisf^iction to find all orders of unplaced, \nindependent men, firmly determined, as far as in them lies, to support \ntheir own rights and the liberty of the press. \"The honorable House \nof Representatives have showed themselves resolute in the cause of \njustice. -The Grand Jurors have convinced us that no influence is \nable to overcome their attachment to their country, and our free consti- \ntution. They deserve honor. But this is one of those cases in which, \nby doing as they have done, they really merit praise ; yet the path \nwas so plain, that to have done otherwise would have rendered them \nindeed ! \n\n'•While this people know their true interest, they will be able to \ndistinguish their friends from their enemies ; and, with uniform cour- \nage, will defend from tyrannic violence all those who generously offer \nthemselves volunteers in the cause of truth and humanity. But if \never a mistaken complaisance leads them to sacrifice their privileges, or \nthe well-meaning asscrtors of them, they will deserve bondage, and \nsoon will find themselves in chains. \n\n\"Every society of men have a clear right to refute any unjust asper- \nsions upon their characters, especially when they feel the ill effects of \nsuch aspersions ; and, though they may not pursue the slanderer from \nmotives of revenge, yet are obliged to detect him, that so he may be \nprevented from injuring them again. This province has been most \nbarbarously traduced, and now groans under the weight of those mis- \nfortunes which have been thereby brought upon it. We have detected \nsome of the authors ; we will zealously endeavor to deprive them of \nthe power of injuring us hereafter. We will strip the serpents of their \nstings, and consign to disgrace all those guileful betrayers of their \ncountry. There is but one way for men to avoid being set up as \nobjects of general hate, which is — not to deserve it. \n\n\"A True Patriot.\" \n\nIn the Diary of John Adams, it is stated that he was frequently \nsolicited to attend the town-meetings, in 1768, after the British troops \nhad arrived in Boston, and harangue there, which was constantly \nrefused ; and Dr. Warren the most frequently urged him to this, and \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M, D. 57 \n\nhis reply to him always was, \" That way madness lies.\" The symp- \ntoms of our great friend Otis, at that time, suggested to Warren a \nsufficient comment on those words, at which he always smiled, and \nsaid, '• It was true.\" \n\nGen. Warren once said of John Adams, that he thought he was \nrather a cautious man, but he could not say he was ever a trimmer. \nWhen he spoke at all, he always spoke his sentiments. \n\nHutchinson remarks, in his history, under date of 1772, that \"Mr. \nAdams had been pressed to pronounce the oration upon the Boston \nMassacre, but declined it; and Dr. Warren, whose popularity was \nincreasing, undertook it. Though he gained no great applause for his \noratorical abilities, yet the fervor, which is the most essential part of \nsuch compositions, could not fail of its effect upon the minds of the \ngreat concourse of people present.\" It was delivered in the Old \nSouth Church. We will select a passage from this performance, Avith \none remark of wonder and admiration, — that he could have the courage \nto express such opinions in the presence of a British governor, amid \nthe glare of royal bayonets. Here is reasoning of greater value than \nsplendid declamation : \n\n\" I would ask Avhcther the members of the British House of Com- \nmons are the democracy of this province? If they are, they are \neither the people of this province, or are elected by the people of this \nprovince to represent them, and have therefore a constitutional right \nto originate a bill for taxing them. It is most certain they are neither, \nand therefore nothing done by them can be said to be done by the \ndemocratic branch of our constitution. I would next ask, whether the \nlords, who compose the aristocratic branch of the legislature, are peers \nof America ? I never heard it was, even in these extraordinary times, \nso much as pretended ; and if they are not, certainly no act of theirs \ncan be said to be the act of the aristocratic branch of our constitution. \nThe power of the monarchic branch, we with pleasure acknowledge, \nresides in the king, who may act either in person or by his represent- \native ; and I freely confess that I can see no reason why a proclama- \ntion for raising money in America, issued by the king's sole authority, \nwould not be equally consistent with our own constitution, and there- \nfore equally binding upon us, with the late acts of the British Parlia- \nment for ta.xing us, — for it is plain, that, if there is any validity in \nthose acts, it must arise altogether from the monarchical branch of the \nlegislature. And I further think that it would be at least as equita- \n\n\n68 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nble ; for I do not conceive it to be of the least importance to us by \nwhom our property is taken away, so long as it is taken without our \nconsent. And I am very much at a loss to know by what figure of \nrhetoric the inhabitants of this province can be called free subjects, \nwhen they are obliged to obey implicitly such laws as are made for \nthem by men three thousand miles off, whom they know not, and whom \nthey never have empowered to act for them ; or how they can be said \nto have property, Avhen a body of men, over whom they have not the \nleast control, and who are not in any way accountable to them, shall \noblige them to deliver up any part or the Avhole of their substance, with- \nout even asking their consent : and yet, whoever pretends that the late \nacts of the British Parliament for taxin'r America ought to be deemed \nbinding upon us, must admit at once that we are absolute slaves, \nand have no property of our own, — or else that we may be freemen, \nand at the same time under a necessity of obeying the arbitrary \ncommands of those over whom we have no control or influence ; and \nthat we may have property of our own which is entirely at the disposal \nof another. Such gross absurdities, I believe, will not be relished in \nthis enlightened age ; and it can be no matter of wonder that the peo- \nple quickly perceived and seriously complained of the inroads which \nthese acts must unavoidably make upon their liberty, and of the hazard \nto which their whole property is by them exposed, — for, if they may \nbe taxed without their consent, even in the smallest trifle, they may \nalso, without their consent, be deprived of anything they possess, \nalthough never so valuable — never so dear. Certainly it never \nentered the hearts of our ancestors, that, after so many dangers in \nthis then desolate wilderness, their hard-earned property should be at \nthe disposal of the British Parliament ; and as it was soon found that \nthis taxation could not be supported by reason and argument, it seemed \nnecessary that one act of oppression should be enforced by another ; \nand, therefore, contrary to our just rights as possessing — or, at least, \nhaving a just title to possess — all the liberties and immunities of \nBritish subjects, a standing army was established among us in a time \nof peace, and evidently for the purpose of effecting that which it waa \none principal design of the founders of the constitution to prevent, \nwhen they declared a standing army, in a time of peace, to be against \nlaw, — namely, for the enforcement of obedience to acts which, upon \nfair examination, appeared to be unjust and unconstitutional.\" \n\nOn the evening after the delivery of this eflfective oration, a lantern \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 59 \n\nof transparent paintings was exhibited on the balcony at Mrs. Clap- \nham's, in King-street, well drawn by an ingenious young artist, repre- \nsenting in front the melancholy scene which occurred near that spot, \nover which was inscribed, \" The Fatal Effects of a Standing Army in a \nFree City.\" At the east end was a representation of a monument, \ninscribed to the memory of those who were killed, with their names, \netc. ; at the west end was the figure of America, sitting in a mourning \nposture, and looking down on the spectators, Avith this label, \" Behold \nray sons!\" At a quarter after nine, the painting was taken in, and \nthe bells tolled from that time until ten o'clock. \n\nOn the 21st of November, 1774, Gen. Warren addressed a highly \npatriotic letter to Josiah Quincy, from Avhich we select this remarkable \npassage : \n\n\"It is the united voice of America to preserve their freedom, or \nl(»e their lives in defence of it. Their resolutions are not the effects \nof inconsiderate rashness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and \ndeliberation. I am convinced that the true spirit of liberty was never \n80 universally diffused through all ranks and orders of people, in any \ncountry on the face of the earth, as it now is through all North \nAmerica.\" \n\nWhen Warren pronounced his second oration on the Massacre, \nMarch 5, 1775, at the Old South Church, the Boston papers of the \nday merely stated that it was an elegant and spirited performance. \nThe pulpit stairs and the pulpit itself were occupied by ofBccrs and \nsoldiers of the garrison, who were doubtless stationed there to overawe \nthe orator, and perhaps prevent him by force from proceeding. War- \nren, to avoid interruption and confusion, entered from the rear by the \npulpit window ; and, unmoved by the hostile military array that sur- \nrounded him and pressed upon his person, delivered the bold and \nthrilling oration, which was published, in winch he said : \"If pacific \nmeasures are ineffectual, and it appears that the only way to safety is \nthrough fields of blood, I know you will not turn your faces from your \nfoes, but will, undauntedly, press forward, until tyranny is trodden \nunder foot, and you have fixed your adored goddess Liberty fast by \nBrunswick's side, on the American throne.\" The editor of this work \nhas seen the original manuscript, which is in the care of Dr. John C. \nWarren, his nephew, and is written on white English laid folio post, in \na handsome round hand, with but few interlineations, and is in a black \npaper cover. We know no rehc, of ancient or modern date, tending to \n\n\n60 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ninspire more thrilling sensations of veneration, than this fervent defence \nof freedom. The Rev. Dr. Homer, late of Newton, who was present \nat its delivery, states there was at least one silent, but not wholly \ninsignificant, demonstration of feeling from the military. While the \noration was in progress, a captain of the Royal Welsh Fusileers, who \nwas seated on the pulpit stairs, held up one of his hands in view of \nWarren, with several pistol bullets on the open palm, and, with a vehe- \nment and fierce exclamation, endeavored to alarm the audience with \nthe cry of fire. Warren observed the action, and, without discontin- \nuing his discourse, dropped a white handkerchief upon the officer's \nhand ; and William Cooper, the town-clerk, with a voice of thunder, \nappeased the tumult, which, being silenced, the exercises were con- \ncluded without much further disturbance. \n\nWe will now revert to the abusive statement of the royalists, regard- \ning this celebration, published in Rivington's New York Gazetteer, \nMarch 16, 1775 : \"On Monday, the 5th instant, the Old South meet- \ning-house being crowded with mobility and fame, the selectmen, with \nAdams, Church and Hancock, Cooper and others, assembled in the \npulpit, which was covered with black ; and we all sat gaping at one \nanother, above an hour, expecting ! At last, a single horse chair \nstopped at the apothecary's, opposite the meeting, from which descended \nthe orator (Warren) of the day ; and, entering the shop, was followed \nby a servant with a bundle, in which were the Ciceronian toga, etc. \n\n\" Having robed himself, he proceeded across the street to the meeting, \nand, being received into the pulpit, he was announced by one of his fra- \nternity to be the person appointed to declaim on the occasion. He then \nput himself into a Demosthenian posture, with a white handkerchief in \nhis right hand, and his left in his breeches, — began and ended without \naction. He was applauded by the mob, but groaned at by people of \nunderstanding. One of the pulpiteers (Adams) then got up and pro- \nposed the nomination of another to speak next year on the bloody \nmassacre, — the first time that expression was made to the audience, — \nwhen some officers cried, 0 fie, fie ! The gallerians, apprehending \nfire, bounded out of the windows, and swarmed down the gutters, like \nrats, into the street. The 43d regiment, returning accidentally from \nexercise, with drums beating, threw the whole body into the greatest \nconsternation. There were neither pageantry, exhibitions, processions, \nor bells tolling, as usual, but the night was remarked for being the \nquietest these many months past.\" \n\n\nJOSEPH WARUEN, M. D. 61 \n\nWe have seen an original letter of Gen. Warren, addressed to Dr. \nBenjamin Franklin, London, accompanied with a pamphlet, probably \nhis oration delivered on the 5th of March, 1775, Avhich he very mod- \nestly -wishes was more deserving of his notice. We will quote the \nwhole letter. \n\n'•^Boston. Aprils, 1775. \n\n\" Sir, — Although I have not the pleasure either of a personal or \nepistolary acquaintance with you, I have taken the liberty of sending \nyou, by Mr. Dana, a pamphlet which I wish was more deserving of \nyour notice. The ability and firmness with which you have defended \nthe rights of mankind, and the liberties of this country in particular, \nhave rendered you dear to all America. Ma3^ you soon see your \nenemies deprived of the power of injuring you, and your friends in a \nsituation to discover the grateful sense they have of your exertions in \nthe cause of freedom. \n\n\" I am, sir, with the gi'eatest esteem and respect, \n\n\" Your most obedient, humble servant, \n\n\" Doctor Franklin. Joseph Warren.\" \n\nOn the day after the Battle of Lexington, when the British troops \nreached West Cambridge, on their return from Concord, Warren was \nat this place, in attendance on the Committee of Safety. When the \nBritish regulars were near, he went out, in company Avith Gen. Heath, \nto repel them ; and, on descending the elevated ground of Menotomy, \nin West Cambridge, toward the plain, the firing was brisk, and at this \ninstant a musket-ball came so near the head of Warren as to strike the \npin from the hair of his forelock, and took away one of the long, close, \nhorizontal cui'ls, which, according to the fashion of the times, he wore \nabove the ears. \n\nWhen Gov. Gage issued an extraordinary proclamation, on June \n12, 1775, denouncing \"the present unnatural rebellion,\" remarking, \n\" In this exigency of complicated calamities, I avail myself of the last \neffort within the bounds of my duty to spare the effusion of blood, to \noffer, — and I do hereby offer in His Majesty's name, — offer and promise \nHis Majesty's most gracious pardon to all persons who shall forthwith \nlay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects ; \nexcepting only from the benefit of such pardon Samuel Adams and \nJohn Hancock, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit \nof any other consideration than that of condign punishment; \" — the \n6 \n\n\n62 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nPro^^ncial Congress appointed a committee, on the next day, of Tvhich \nJoseph Warren, — a delegate from Boston, in 1774, elected its pi\"esi- \ndent, May 31, 1775, — was the chairman, to report on the subject, ■who \nprepared also a dignified proclamation, adopted by Congress on the day \nbefore its president was killed at Bunker Hill, recounting a statement \nof the oppressions inflicted on the people, and the treachery of Gov. \nGage ; extending \" a full and free pardon to all persons who have fled to \nthe town of Boston for refuge, and to all other public offenders against \nthe rights and liberties of this country, of what kind or denomination \nsoever, — excepting only from the benefit of such pardon, Thomas \nGage, Samuel Graves; those councillors who were appointed by \nmandamus, and have not signified their resignation, namely, Jonathan \nSewall, Charles Paxton. Benjamin Hallowcll ; and all the natives of \nAmerica, not belonging to the navy or army, who Avent out with the \nregular troops on the 19th of April last, and were countenancing, aid- \ning, and assisting them in the robberies and murders then committed, \nwhose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other con- \nsideration than that of condign punishment : provided that they take \nthe benefit hereof by a surrender of themselves,\" and subscribe a \ndeclaration of their readiness to support and abide by the decisions of \nCongress and of the State Legislature, within thirty days from date. It \nis probable that this was the last public act of Joseph Warren in the \nProvincial Congress. \n\nThe following noble passage from a letter of Dr. Warren to Arthur \nLee, dated May, 1775, expresses a sentiment that should be inscribed \non the Bunker Hill INIonument, or on the base of a statue of his per- \nson, in old Faneuil Hall : \n\n\" God forbid that the nation should be so infatuated as to do any- \nthing further to irritate the colonies ! If they should, the colonies \nwill sooner throw themselves into the arms of any other power on \nearth, than ever consent to an accommodation with Great Britain. \nThat patience, which I frequently told you would be at last exhausted, \nis no longer to be expected from us. Danger and war are become \npleasing ; and injured virtue is now armed to avenge herself\" \n\n\"I verily believe,\" said Warren to Reed, in a letter of May 15, \n1775, \" that the night preceding the barbarous outrages committed by \nthe soldiery at Lexington, Concord, etc., there were not fifty people in \nthe whole colony that ever expected any blood would be shed in the \ncontest between us and Great Britain.\" \n\n\nV \n\n\nJOSEPH WARRBNj M. D. 63 \n\nThis \\Yas one of Warren's last letters prevnous to the Battle of Bun- \nker Hill. We have the evidence of Dr. John Jeffries, who was a \nBurgeon in the British service, under Gen. Howe, at Boston, for stating \nthat five days previous to the Battle of Bunker Hill the noble Warren \nhad, with his accustomed fearlessness, ventured in a small canoe to \nBoston, that he might personally gather information of the designs of \nthe British, and urged the surgeon to return and espouse the cause of \n\nliberty. \n\nGen. Warren, on the 16th of June, had a conversation with \nElbridge Gerry, at Cambridge, with Avhom he slept all night, respect- \ning the determination of Congress to take possession of Bunker's \nHill. He said that for himself he had been opposed to it, but \nthat the majority had decided upon it, and he Avould hazard his life \nto effect this. Mr. Gerry expressed, in strong terms, his disapproba- \ntion of the measure, as the situation was such that it would be in vain \nto attempt to hold it; adding, '' But if it must be so, it is not worth \nwhile for you to be present. It will be madness for you to expose \nyourself, where your destruction will be almost inevitable.\" \" I know \nit,\" he answered, •'■ but I live within the sound of their cannon. How v \ncould I hear their roaring in so glorious a cause, and not be there ! \" \nAgain Mr. Gerry remonstrated, and concluded with saying, \"As \nBurely as you go there, you will be slain.\" Warren replied, enthu- \nsiastically, \" Dulce et decorum, est pro patria mori.\" — It is pleasant \nand honorable to die for one's country. — The next day his princi- \nples Avere sealed with his blood. Having spent the greater part of the \nnight in public business at Watertown, he arrived at Cambridge at \nabout five o'clock in the morning, and being unwell, threw himself on a \nbed. About noon he was informed of the state of preparation for \nbattle at Charlestown. He directly arose, saying he ^vas avcII again, \nand mounting a horse, rode to the place. lie arrived at Breed's Hill \na short time before the action. Col. Prescott, the brave, as Washing- \nton was afterwards in the habit of calling him, was then in command. \nHe came up to Gen. Warren to extend it to him, and asked what were \nhis orders. Gen. Warren told him he came not to command, but \nto learn ; he had not received his commission. And having, as it is \nsaid, borrowed a musket and cartouch-box from a sergeant, who was \nretiring, he mingled in the thickest of the fight, animating and encour- \naging the men more by his example than it was possible to do in any \nother way. \n\n\n64 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nThe revolationary play, previously alluded to, relates of Warren, \n\" His nervous arm, like a giant refreshed with wine, hurled destruction \nwhere'er he came, breathing heroic ardor to adventurous deeds ; and \nlonff time in even scale the battle hung.\" After Col. Prescott \nordered a retreat, says Everett, it was not without the greatest reluc- \ntance that Warren quitted the redoubt ; and he was slowly retreating \nfrom it, being still at a few rods distance only, when the British had full \npossession. His person, of course, was in imminent danger. At this \ncritical moment, Maj. Small, whose life had been saved in a similar \nemergency by the intervention of Gen. Putnam, attempted to requite \nthe service, by rendering one of a like character to Warren. Col. \nSwett relates, that Maj. Small called to Warren, for God\"s sake, to \nstop and save his life. He turned, and seemed to recognize him, but \nstill continued on. Small ordered his men not to fire at him, and \nthrew up the muskets with his sword. But in vain, — the fatal ball \nhad sped ! Eighty yards from the redoubt, Warren received a musket- \nball through the head, which killed him instantly. Everett further \nrelates, that Gen! Howe, though slightly Avounded in the foot, passed \nthe night upon the field of battle. The next morning, as he was rest- \ning, wrapped in his cloak, upon a mound of hay, word was brought to \nhim that the body of Warren was found among the dead. It had been \nrecognized liy Gen. Winslow, then a youth. Howe refused, at first, to \ncredit the intelligence. It was impossible that the president of Con- \ngress could have exposed his hfe in such an action. When assured \nof the fact, he declared that his death was an ofiset for the loss of five \nhundred men. Col. Swett relates that Dr. Jeffries was on the field, \ndressing the British Avounded and the wounded American prisoners, \nwith his usual humanity and skill. Gen. Howe inquired of him if he \ncould identify Warren. He recollected that he had lost a finger-nail, \nand wore a false tooth ; and the general was satisfied of its identity. \nThe Cambridge N. E. Chronicle, of April 25, 1776, remarking on \nthe identity of the remains of Gen. Warren, relates that, \" though the \nbody, which our savage enemies scarce privileged with earth enough to \nhide it from the birds of prey, was disfigured Avhen taken up, yet was \nsufficiently known by two artificial teeth, which were set for him a \nshort time before his glorious exit.\" Everett states Warren was \nburied at the place where he fell. Rev. Dr. Allen states of Warren : \nJust as the retreat commenced; a ball had struck him on the head, and \n\"he died in the trenches.\" \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 65 \n\nThe Hon. Needham Maynard, of Whitestown, N. Y., a native of \nFramingham, who states that he acted as Warren's aid in the battle, \ntestified, on June 20, 1843, — then aged 88 years, — that on the \nnight of the 16th of June, 1775, Col. Prescott was sent oflF with a \ndetachment of men to break ground on Bunker Hill. It was found \nthat Breed's was better, and so they laid the fort, and went back to \nwork there. We were ordered out early in the morning. I was in \nJonathan Brewer's regiment. We came there, at last, and found them \nat work. We found Col. Prescott there, and Col. Brewer. The balls \nwere then flying about us very thick. At about eleven o'clock, Gen. \nWarren came on; and when Col. Brewer met him, he said, \" General, if \nyou have come to take the command, I am glad to see you.\" \" No,\" \nsaid Warren, \" I have come only as a volunteer. I did not come to \ntake the command, but to act as a volunteer, in any station. Our \nperils are commencing, and I have come to take my part.\" \" Well,' \nthey said' to him, \" do you mean to stay with us, general! \" \"Yes,\" \nsaid Warren, \"I mean to stay;\" and then the other officers insisted \nupon his taking the command. They said, We have no officer to lead, \n— that we ought to have some particular one for the orders to come \nfrom, — and they urged him to take the command ; and he replied that \nhe did not think it would be proper. Then Col. Brewer said, \" Wo \nmust have a head, and he ought to be a general. We are all colonels \nhere, and one colonel is as good as another.\" Then he found Prescott \nwas there, and Warren said, \" If you will continue to act as a council, I \nwill give you my views as commander ; and if you approve them, they \ncan go as commands.\" And they said that amounted to the same \nthing as if he was commander ; and so he went on, when anything was \ndone, giving the orders. Col. Maynard was not with Warren when he \nfell, having gone into the redoubt, and he was there detained by Pres- \ncott, who said to him, \" Stop ; I may want to send you, in a minute ; \" \nand then the new contest of their breaking into the redoubt began. \nMr. Maynard gave an account of an interview between Washington \nand the oflBcers, on Bunker Hill, subsequently, when Washington, \nalluding to Warren, said, \"You lost your commander-in-chief.\" \n\"Why,\" continued Mr. Maynard, \"in that time, there was nobody \nso lamented ; \" and Col. Brewer went on to relate to Washington, how \nhe lost sight of Warren as he was going towards the redoubt, and sup- \nposed that he was gone on ahead, and followed on with as much speed as \nhe could, but found nothing of him. Then he thought he must have \n6* \n\n\n66 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nbeen shot down by a dead shot, not many steps where they started \nfrom. They had started together from the place they had occupied \nduring the battle, just on the other side of the gap, against the hay \nbreastwork, only about one rod from the gap. \" Warren had a dark \neye, was a little under six feet in height, well formed, with a pleasant \nface, and a remarkable countenance.\" \n\nCol. John Trumbull, of New York, who visited Col. John Small, at \nLondon, in 1786, received of him the relation herewith, which is too \ninteresting to be kept out of view : At the moment when the troops \nsucceeded in carrying the redoubt, and the Americans were in full \nretreat. Gen. Howe, who had been hurt by a spent bullet which \nbruised his ankle, was leaning upon my arm. He called suddenly to \nme, \" Do you see that elegant young man who has just fallen 7 Do \nyou know him? \" I looked to the spot to which he pointed. \" Good \nGod ! \" he exclaimed ; \"I believe it is my friend Warren. Leave me, \nthen, instantly — run — keep off the troops — save him, if possible.\" \n1 flew to the spot. \" My dear friend,\" I said to him, \" I hope you are \nnot badly hurt.\" He looked up, seemed to recollect, smiled, and \ndied. A musket-ball had passed through the upper part of his head. \n\nDea. Samuel Lawrence, of Groton, the father of the Minister to the \nCourt of St. James, who Avas a minute-man in the Battle of Bunker \nHill, testified, in 1818, in relation to Gen. Warren, that, just before \nthe battle commenced, Gen. Warren came to the redoubt. He had on \na blue coat, white waistcoat, and I think a cocked hat, — but of this I \nam not certain. Col. Prescott advanced to him, said he was glad to \nsee him, and hoped he would take the command. Gen. Warren \nreplied, \" No, — he came to see the action, but not to take command; \nthat he was only a volunteer on that day.\" Afterwards I saw him \nwhen the ball struck him, and from that time until he expired. No \nBritish officer was within forty or fifty rods of him, from the time the \nball struck him until I saw he was dead. This statement utterly \nrefutes that of Col. Small, who says he spoke to Warren, as he looked \nat him and expired. Dr. John Warren, his brother, has related that, \nwhen the dead body of the general was discovered after the battle, his \nright hand was covered with blood, though there was no wound upon \nit, occurring as if he had raised his hand to the back of his head, on \nthe right side, when the ball fractured his skull. What an affecting \nscene ! A small piece of granite, on which is inscribed in gilt letters, \n\"Here fell Warren, June 17, 1775,\" laid in the ground on Bunker \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 67 \n\nHill, designates the spot where it is supposed he was killed. It is on \nConcord-street, nearly opposite the high-school. \n\nThe identical bullet by which Warren was said to be killed was \nexhibited to the audience, by Alexander H. Everett, on the delivery \nof an oration at Charlestown, June 17, 1836, in which he exclaimed, \n\" This is the one, fellow-citizens, which I now hold in my hand ! The \ncartridge-paper, which still partly covers it, is stained, as you see, with \nthe hero's blood.\" This ball, enclosed in linen cartridge-paper, is depos- \nited in the library of the New England Genealogical and Historical \nSociety. If this be not the ball that entered his skull, it is highly \nprobable that it was one of the balls that entered his body. We will \npresent the affidavit which is declared by Rev. William Montague, \npastor of Christ Church, Boston, from 1786 to '91 : \"I, William \nMontague, of Dedham, County of Norfolk, State of Massachusetts, \nclergyman, do certify to whom it may concern, that, in the year 1789 \nor 1790, I was in London, and became acquainted with Mr. Savage, \nformerly an officer of the customs for the port of Boston, and who left \nthere when the royalists and royal troops evacuated that town in 1776. \nWhen in London, Mr. Savage gave me a leaden ball, which is now \nin my possession, with the following account of it, namely : • On the \nmorning of the 18th of June, 1775, after the battle of Bunker or \nBreed's Hill, I, with a number of other royalists and British officei-s, \namong whom was Gen. Burgoyne, went over from Boston to Charles- \ntown, to view the battle-field. Among the fallen, we found the body \nof Dr. Joseph Warren, with whom I had been personally acquainted. \nWhen he fell, he fell across a rail. This ball I took from his body ; \nand, as I never shall visit Boston again, I will give it to you to take \nto America, where it Avill be valuable as a relic of your Revolution.' \nHis sword and belt, with some other articles, were taken by some of \nthe officers present, and I believe brought to England. \n\n\"(Signed) William Montague.\" \n\n\" Norfolk ss. \n\n\" Dedham, March 5, 1833. The above-named William Montague \nappeared before me, and made oath to the above statement \n\n\" (Signed) Sherman Leland, \n\nJustice of the Peace. ^^ \n\nThe Rev. Mr. Montague received the bullet of Arthur Savage, at \nthe residence of Harrison Gray, formerly Treasurer of Massachusetts \n\n\n68 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATOKS. \n\nProvince ; and Mr. Gray, in a letter dated London, 1792, addressed \nto Rev. Mr. Montague, alluding to the bullet supposed to have killed \nGen. Warren, wrote: \"I hope you will take good care to preserve \nthat relic which was given you at my house, for in future time it will \nbe a matter of interest to you rebels.\" This letter was found, by his \nson, Mr. William Henry Montague, among the papers of Rev. Mr. \nMontague, who was a frequent correspondent with Mr. Gray. \n\nLetter from Hon. Judge JSTewcovib. \n\n''Greenfield, Mass., April U, 1843. \n\"William H. Montague, Esq., Boston. \n\n'■'■ My Dear Sir, — I have just seen, in the ' Boston Daily American ' \nof the 8th inst., a note under your name, addressed to Edward War- \nren, Esq., junior editor of that paper, stating that you have deposited \n■vvith him, till called for, the ball that put an end to the life of Gen. \nJoseph Warren. My object, in this communication, is to inquire \nwhether you are Avilling or feel at liberty to part with that fatal piece \nof lead. My late wife, Mary, was the youngest and only surviving \nchild of the late Gen. J. Warren. She died on Feb. 7, 1826, leaving \nan only child, — a son, — who bears the name of his grandfather, Joseph \nWarren. He is an attorney at law, and now lives at Springfield, in \nthis State. He, with the exception of his two children, is the only \ndescendant, in the direct line, of him who fell on Bunker Hill, by force \nof that ball. If consistent with your views of propriety, it would be \ngrateful to his feelings, as well as my own, if some arrangement could \nbe made by Avhich the ball might be confided to his keeping, as a fam- \nily relic. The interest I feel in the subject is my apology for \nintruding myself upon a stranger. \n\n\" I am, with much respect, your obed't serv't, \n\n\"Richard E. Newcomb. \n\n\" N. B. For any inquiries you may wish to make, I would refer \nyou to Dr. John C. Warren and Dr. John B. Brovm, Boston. \n\n\"R. E. K\" \n\nA British soldier, on his return to London, exhibited a Psalm-book \nto Rev. Dr. Samuel Wilton, of that city, stating that he took the vol- \nume from the pocket of Gen. Warren, after the battle of Bunker Hill. \nThe clergyman, knowing that it would be a treasure to the Warren \nfamily, purchased the book of the soldier, and transmitted it to the \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 69 \n\n\nRev, Dr. William Gordon, of Roxbury, the historian, with a request \nthat it might be given to the nearest relative of the general. It was, \ntherefore, given to his youngest brother, Dr. Jolm Warren, of Boston, \nMarch 15, 1778. The title of the volume, which the editor has exam- \nined, is as follows: \"The Boke of Psalmes, wherein are contained \npraires, meditations and thanksgivings to God, for his benefits toward \nhis Church, translated faithfully according to the Hebrew. With brief \nand apt annotations in the margin. Printed at Geneva, by Rowland \nHall. 1559.\" It is less than the 32mo. size. On the inside cover \nof this book is inscribed, — \" Taken at ye Battle of Bunker Hill, June \n17, 1775, out of Dr. Warren's pocket.\" On the inside cover, at the \nend of the book, is written, \"Thomas Knight,\" — probably the regu- \nlar who secured the book. Warren's signature was on a blank leaf, \nbut it has been abstracted. \n\nOn the session of Congress after the decease of Warren, it was \nresolved that a monument should be erected to his memory in Boston, \nand that the'eldest son should be educated at the national expense ; \nand, in July, 1786, Congress resolved further, — that it should be \nrecommended to the executive of Massachusetts Bay, to make pro- \nvision for the maintenance and education of his three younger chil- \ndren ; and that Congress would defray the expense, to the amount of \nthe half-pay of a major-general, to commence at the time of his death, \nand continue till the youngest of the children should be of age. Yet, \nto this day, no monument or statue has been erected to his memory. \nIf the statue of Brutus was placed among those of the gods, who were \nthe preservers of Roman freedom, should not that of Warren fill a. lofty \nniche in old Faneuil Hall, — that temple for the perpetuation of our \nbirth-right as a nation of freemen ? Mrs. Perez Morton, who gives a \ndescription of this world-renowned battle, in a poem, — Beacon Hill, — \ngays of Wai-ren : \n\n\" The prophetic poet's piercing eyes \nWill guard the sod where wounded valor lies, \nTill a victorious country's grateful claim \nShall bear his relics to eternal fame ; — \nAnd genius, rising o'er the rescued bier. \nWake every worth, and hallow every tear ; \nWith all the light that eloquence can give, \nShine round his deeds, and bid their glory live.\" \n\n\n7d' THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS, \n\n\nTHE GODLIKE WARREN. \nFrom an Elegy, published July 3, 1775. \n\nSure, godlike Warren, on thy natal hour \nSome star propitious shed its brightest power ; \nBy nature's hand with taste and genius formed. \nThy generous breast with every virtue warmed ; \nThy mind endued with sense, thy form with grace. \nAnd all thy virtues pencilled in thy face. \nGrave wisdom marked thee as his favorite child. \nAnd on thy youth indulgent science smiled ; \nWell pleased, she led thee to her sacred bower. \nAnd to thy hands consigned her healing power. \nIllustrious shade ! forgive our mingled woes. \nWhich not for thee, but for our country, flows. \nWe mourn her less^ — we mourn our hero gone ; \nWe mourn thy patriot soul, thy godlike virtue flowo. \n\n\nwarren's ghost. \n\nFrom the Public Ledger, JVovember, 1775. \n\nLet little tyrants, conscience gored. \n\nTheir sable vigils keep ; \nBute on his downy pillow snored, — \n\nThus greater tyrants sleep ! \nAn hour ere day began to break, \n\nThere Warren's spectre stood ; \nThe curtains shook, — it cried, \" Awake ! ** \n\nAwake ! — thou log of wood ! \nThy veins hath apathy congealed, \n\nUnthawed by pity's tear ; \nOne spark a flinty heart may yield. \n\nStruck by the steel of fear ! \nFor know, that head so proud of crest. \n\nSunk on the cygnet's plume. \nMay for an eminence be dressed, \n\nTo meet a Strafibrd's doom ! \nOr, crouched in abject, careworn plight. \n\nBeneath its sorrows low. \nIts bread by day, its rest by night. \n\nTo Bourbon's bounty owe. \nSpeak, minion, which of Stuart's race \n\nCould match thy cruel work ? \nGo, read where Strafibrd was in place, — \n\nA Jeffries, and a Kirk. \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN, M. D. 71 \n\nThen, foiling history's modern page, \n\nSkilled in her ancient lore. \nTell if Bejanus in his age — \n\nIf Borgia could do more ? * \n\nTyrant ! dismiss your rebel clans, — \n\nThe impious task forbear. \nNor let that blood imbrue thine hands \n\nWhich brought a sceptre there. \nThat liberty you would invade \n\nGave George his only right ; \nThus in their sons our sires are paid. \n\nWhilst you for slavery fight. \nShall not for thee, sunk deep in hell. \n\nGrim Satan forge his tongs. \nAnd fiends, who guard his inmost cell. \n\nTwine scorpions round their throngs ? \nBut, hark ! I hear the ill-omened cock, — \n\nThe Gallic Sun shall rise ; \nLo ! commerce founders on a rock, \n\nThe British Lion dies I \nBute felt the dream, — fetched many a shriek, — \n\nAnd, though the ghost is gone. \nStarts from his bed, — still hears it speak, — \n\nA cold, damp sweat comes on. \nWith that, like Gloster in his tent. \n\nHe throws him on the ground. \nAnd by these words, seems to repent, \n\n\" Boston ! bind up thy wound '. \nJust Heaven, give back the blood that 's spilt \n\nBostonians' lives restore ! \" \nHe wakes, — and to atone his guilt. \n\nBids Gage go slaughter more. \n\n\nACROSTIC ON WARREN. \nCambridge Almanac for 1776. \n\nJust as Joseph took his flight \nOnward to the realms of light, \nSatan hurled his hellish darts, — \nEvil spirits play their parts. \nPercy, Burgoyne, Howe, and Gage, \nHove about infernal rage. \nWarren stept beyond their path. \nAwed by none, nor feared their wrath \nRan his race to joy and rest, — \nRose 'mongst the royal blest ; \nEntered in the rolls of fame, — \nNorth and devil miss their aim. \n\n\n72 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. \n\nMARCH 5, 1774. ON THE BOSTON MASSACRE. \n\nWas born at Braintree, Jan. 17, 1737, the son of Rev. John Han- \ncock, of that town, whose wife was Mary Hawke, of Hinghara. He was \na grandson of Rev. John Hancock, of Lexington. His father deceased \nwhen he was but seven years of age, on which he was removed to the \nfamily of his grandfather, at Lexington, who attended to his early \neducation. He entered the Boston Latin School in 1745, and grad- \nuated at Harvard College in 1754. His uncle, Thomas Hancock, a \nBoston bookseller, who became one of the Avealthiest merchants in \nthe province, and died in August 1764, bequeathed him more than \nfifty thousand pounds sterling, besides the reversion of twenty thou- \nsand pounds at the decease of his widow, who was a daughter of \nDaniel Henchman, in whose bookstore he had been a clerk. When \nyoung, John visited London, in 1760, on mercantile business, in com- \npany with Gov. Pownal, who was recalled. He witnessed the funeral \nobsequies of George the Second, and subsequently the coronation of \nGeorge the Third, not anticipating that he beheld the monarch who \nwas destined to offer a reward for his head. Young Hancock learned \nthe art of swimming, in the river Thames. Gov. Hutchinson, who \nvery naturally indulged detracting views of John Hancock, who became \na powerful opponent of his administration, remarks, in the History of \nMassachusetts Bay, that his ruling passion was a fondness for popular \napplause ; and he changed the course of his patron's business, in whose \ncounting-room he had been a clerk, and built and employed in trade \na great number of ships, — and in this Avay, and by building at the same \ntime several houses, he found work for a great number of tradesmen, \nmade himself popular, was chosen selectman, representative in 1769, \nmoderator of town-meetings, etc. Li relation to the demeanor of \nHancock, it is stated by John Adams, that Dr. Eliot Rawson thinks \nHancock vain, — told a story : I was at school with him, and then \nupon a level with him. My father was richer than his. But I was \nnot long since at his store, and said to Mr. Glover, whom I knew, \n\" This. I think, is Mr. Hancock. He just asked my name, and nothing \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. TS\" \n\nmore, — it was such a piece of vanity ! There is not the merest crea- \nture that comes from your way, but I take notice of him, — and I \nought. What though I am worth a little more than they 7 I am \nglad of it, and that I have it, that I may give some of it.\" I told the \ndoctor that Mr. Hancock was far from being arrogant. \n\nIn order to gratify persons of antiquarian taste, we transcribe the \nfollowing advertisement of John Hancock, when in commercial business, \nwhich is inserted in the Boston Evening Post of Dec. 25, 1764 : \n\n\" To be sold by John Hancock, at his Store No. 4, at the East End \nof Faneuil Hall Market, A general Assortment of English and India \nGoods, also choice Newcastle Coals, and Irish Butter, cheap for Cash. \nSaid Hancock desires those persons who are still indebted to the Estate \nof the late Hon. Thomas Hancock, Esq., deceased, to be speedy in paying \ntheir respective balances, to prevent trouble. N. B. In the Lydia, \nCapt. Scott, from London, came the following packages : I W. No. 1, \na Trunk, No. 2, a small Parcel. The owner, by applying to John \nHancock and paying freight, may have his Goods.\" \n\nThis store was last occupied by Jabez Fisher & Co., and in 1824 \nwas demolished, on the erection of the Quincy Market. It was located \non the present South Market-street. His warehouses for the storage of \nforeign merchandise were located on the wharf well known as Hancock's \nWharf \n\nOne day, John Adams and Samuel Adams, relates Waterhouse, were \nwalking in the Boston Mall, and when they came opposite the stately \nmansion of John Hancock, the latter, turning to the former, said, with \nemphasis. \" I have done a very good thing for our cause, in the course \nof the past week, by enlisting the master of that house into it. He is \nwell disposed, and has great riches, and we can give him consequence \nto enjoy them.\" And Mr. Hancock did not disappoint his expecta- \ntions ; for, in spite of his occasional capriciousness, owing partly to \ndisease, he threw all the weight of his fortune and extraordinary pop- \nularity into the scale of opposition to British encroachments. \n\n\"The natural powers of Hancock were moderate,\" says Hutchin- \nson, \"and had been very little improved by study or application to any \nkind of science. His ruling passion kept him from ever losing sight \nof his object, but he was fickle and inconstant in the means of pur- \nsuing it ; and though for the most part he was closely attached to Mr. \nSamuel Adams, yet he was repeatedly broken off from all connection \nwith him for several months together. Partly by inattention to his \n7 \n\n\n74 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nprivate affairs, and partly from want of judgment, he became greatly \ninvolved and distressed, and the estate was lost with much greater \nrapidity than it had been acquired.\" He was unboundedly lavish in \nhis liberality. At the time of a great fire in Boston, when many of \nhis tenements were destroyed, his tenants gathered around him, and \nexpressed sympathy at his loss, knowing that was a way to reach his \nheart ; on which he remarked, they were the greatest sufferers, having \nbeen almost ruined, while he was able to erect new buildings, — at the \nsame time passing a shower of guineas around them. His generous \nspirit appeared in a multitude of forms. He presented the Bostonians \na valuable fire-engine. He distributed deck-loads of wood to the suf- \nfering poor, in times of great peril, and gave the poor the free use of \nhis extensive wood-lot in the town of Milton ; and in Adams' Diary we \nhave an incident arising from his liberality, related by James Otis, who \nstated that Col. Irving having met Parson Moorhead near his meet- \ning-house, \"You have a fine steeple and bell,\" says he, \"to your \nmeeting-house, now.\" \"Yes, by the liberality of Mr. Hancock, and \nthe subscriptions of some other gentlemen, we have a very handsome \nand convenient house of it, at last.\" \" But what has happened to the \nvane, Mr. Moorhead? It don't traverse, — it has pointed the same \nway these three weeks.\" \"Ay, I did n't know it; I '11 see about it.\" \nAway goes Moorhead, storming among his parish and the tradesmen \nwho had built the steeple, for fastening the vane so that it could not \nmove. The tradesmen were alarmed, and went to examine it ; but \nBoon found that the fault was not in the vane, but the weather, the \nwind having set very constantly at east three weeks before. \n\nHutchinson was a native of Boston, and a graduate of the same col- \nlege as Hancock and the two Adamses, toward each of whom his \ndetracting spirit was parallel. He was dark, intriguing, insinuating, \nhaughty, and ambitious, the extreme of avarice marking each feature. \nOxenbridge Thacher gave Hutchinson the soubriquet of \"Summa \nPotestatis.\" Hutchinson said of Samuel Adams that \"he acquired \na talent of artfully and fallaciously insinuating into the minds of his \nreaders a prejudice against the characters of all whom he attacked, \nbeyond any other;\" and he said of John Adams, that \"his ambition \nwas without bounds, and he has acknowledged to his acquaintance that \nhe could not look with complaisance upon any man who was in pos- \nsession of more wealth, more honors, or more knowledge, than him- \nself\" These are evidently the carpings of disappointed ambition; \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 7$ \n\nand it is related that when Hutchinson fled to England, he experienced \nthe neglect and contempt of the House of Lords, and died at Bramp- \nton, June, 1780, in melancholy despondence. \nTrumbull thus alludes to Hutchinson, who \n\n•' Affirmed he never wrote a line, \nYour chartered rights to undermine ; \nWhen his own letters then were by, \nThat proved his message all a lie. \nHow many promises he sealed \nTo get the oppressive acts repealed ! \nYet once arrived on England's shore. \nSet on the premier to pass more.\" \n\nWhen the two regiments of British troops debarked in Boston, Oct., \n1768, they were received as unwelcome intruders, and the selectmen \nabsolutely refused to grant them quarters. One of the regiments \nencamped on Boston Common. The other, after a fruitless attempt to \nobtain possession of the Manufiictory House, marched at sunset to Fan- \neuil Hall, where they waited several hours, before they had leave of \noccupation ; Col. Dalrymple having pledged his honor that Faneuil \nHall should be cleared as soon as possible, otherwise they must have \nsuffered in the streets. The next day, the State-house, in King- \nstreet, was opened, by order of Gov. Bernard, for their reception. \nJohn Hancock being well known as a decided advocate of the Provin- \ncialists, and the wealthiest merchant of Boston, an attempt was made \nto stigmatize his character. A writer in the Boston Gazette, of Nov. \n7, 1768, remarked, in an article: \"I have lately heard, from good \nauthority, of an attempt to sully the reputation of a gentleman of \ngreat merit, as well as superior fortune, in this town, — a gentleman \nwho has the entire confidence of his fellow-citizens, in various public \nstations ; — Avho has repeatedly served them in the General Assembly, \nand the last May had the honor of being chosen a member of His \nMajesty's Council, by a great majority of the suffrages of the two \nHouses of Assembly, though it must be acknowledged he was neg- \natived by Gov. Bernard. What could induce a scribbler to forge a \nletter, and publish it in a coffee-house, in New York, under the name \nof that gentleman, requesting Gen. Gage that he might supply the \ntroops now in town or expected, — so unwelcome to the inhabitants, \nconsidering the errand on which all agree they are come, — unless it \nwas to induce a belief in the minds of gentlemen in New York that, \n\n\n76. THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\n« \nfrom a sordid love of gain, he had counteracted his professed senti- \nments, and so to render him ridiculous there 7 I doubt not but that \nboth the general and Mr. Hancock know it to be a falsehood.\" The \ncharge was reijelled as follows, in the very next Gazette : \n\n\"Messrs. Edes & Gill: \n\n\" I observe in your last paper a piece signed Veritas, the writer \nof which says he had it from good authority, that a letter under \nmy hand was published in a coffee-house, at New York, requesting \nHis Excellency Gen. Gage that I might supply the troops then \nexpected, and which have since arrived in this town. If such a letter \nhas been produced there, or anywhere else, I declare it to ha 'Ol forgery; \nfor I have never made application to any for the supply of said troops, \nnor did I ever desire any person to do it for me. The person who pro- \nduced the letter could have no other design but to injure my reputa- \ntion, and abuse the gentlemen of New York. I therefore desire you \nwould give this a place in your next, in which you will oblige \n\n\" Your humble servant, John Hancock. \n\n''Boston, Nov. 12, 1768.\" \n\nIn the fall of this year, a great uproar was raised in Boston on \naccount of the unlading in the night of a cargo of wines from the \nsloop Liberty, from Madeira, belonging to John Hancock, without pay- \ning the customs. Mr. Hancock was prosecuted upon a great number \nof libels, for penalties upon acts of Parliament, amounting to ninety or a \nhundred thousand pounds sterling. \" He thought fit to engage me as \nhis counsel and advocate,\" says John Adams, \"and a painful drudgery \nI had of his cause. There were few days, through the whole winter, \nwhen I was not summoned to attend the Court of Admiralty. It \nseemed as if the officers of the crown were determined to examine the \nwhole town as witnesses. Almost every day a fresh witness Avas to be \nexamined upon interrogatories. They interrogated many of his near \nrelations and most intimate friends, and threatened to summon his \namiable and venerable aunt, the relict of his uncle, Thomas Hancock, \nwho had left the greatest part of his fortune to him. I was thoroughly \nweary and disgusted with the court, the officers of the crown, the \ncause, and even with the tyrannical bell that dangled me out of my \nhouse every morning; and this odious cause was suspended at last only \nby the Battle of Lexington, which put an end forever to all such pros- \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 77 \n\necutlons.\" Hutchinson, who enlarges on this affair, remarks, that an \nentry was made at the custom-house, upon oath, of four or five pipes \nonly as the whole cargo ; and this Avas as much a submission to the \nauthority of the act as if the whole cargo had been entered. The \nremainder was landed in the night, or evening ; and the wines, or \nfreight, were sent to the owners, and no duty demanded. A furious \nriot ensued. , The collector and comptroller had their windows broken, \nand a boat, belonging to the custom-house, was drawn in triumph \nthrough the streets of Boston, and burnt on the Common. \n\nHancock constantly associated with the avowed advocates of liberty, \nand was an active member of the North End Caucus, which frequently \ngathered at William Campbell's house, near the North Battery, orig- \ninated by Dr. Joseph Warren, who, with another person, drew up the \nregulations of the caucus. Here the committees of pubhc service \nwere formed, the plan for military companies and means of defence, \nand the resolves for the destruction of the detestable tea. Dr. Thomas \nYoung was its first president, when it consisted of sixty-one members. \nIt was here, when the best mode of expelling the regulars from Boston \nwas discussed, that Hancock exclaimed, '-Burn Boston, and make \nJohn Hancock a beggar, if the public good requires it!\" \n\nKing George the Third sanctioned Lord North's bill repealing \nduties, excepting that on tea, April 12, 1770. Shortly after this \ndecision, several cargoes of tea had arrived in Boston, and nothing \nwould satisfy the people but its immediate return. The ladies signed \na pledge not to drink any tea, except in sickness ; and John Hancock \noffered one of his vessels, freight free of expense, for that purpose, and \na load of the detestable weed was conveyed to the London consignees. \nSamuel Adams was the chief counsellor in the destruction of the tea, \nDec, 1773, and the hall of council was the back room of the Boston \nGazette, at the corner of Queen and Brattle streets. Li Thomas' Spy \nwe find a poetical effusion on this subject : \n\n\" Farewell the tea-board, witli its equipage \nOf cups and saucers, cream-bucket and sugar-tongs ; \nThe pretty tea-chest, also, lately stored \nWith hyson, Congo, and best double fine. \nFull many a joyous moment have I sat by you, \nHearing the girls tattle, the old maids talk scandal. \nAnd the spruce coxcomb laugh at may-be nothing. \nNo more shall I dish out the oac6-loved liquor, \nThough now detestable, \n\n7* \n\n\n78 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nBecause I am taught, and I believe it true, \n\nIts use will fasten slavish chains upon my country; \n\nAnd Liberty 's the goddess I would choose \n\nTo reign triumphant in America ! \" \n\nIn the year 1772 Hancock was elected to the command of the inde- \npendent Cadets, well known as the governor's guard ; and we find, by the \nBoston Gazette of May 12, at this date, the announcement of the elec- \ntion of John Hancock as a Boston representative, as moderator of the \nto^vn-meeting, and his appointment by Gov. Hutchinson as commander \nof the Cadets, Avhich is stated as follows : \" His Excellency the Captain \nGeneral has been pleased to commissionate John Hancock, Esq., to be \nCaptain of the Company of Cadets, with the rank of Colonel :\" and \nthe promptness with which Col. Hancock entered upon the duties of his \noffice is shown by the following advertisement, which appears in the \nnext column of the Gazette: \"Wanted, Immediately, For his \nExcellency's Company of Cadets, Two Fifers that understand Play- \ning. Those that are Masters of Musick, and are inclined to engage \nwith the Company, are desired to apply to Col. John Hancock.\" \n\nWhen Thomas Gage landed at Long Wharf, May 19, 1774, this \ncompany escorted the new governor, in an extensive civil and military \nprocession, to the council-chamber, at the old State-house, in King- \nstreet, after which they conducted Gage, under Col. Hancock, to the \nProvince-house, then the governor's residence. Gov. Gage soon \nbecame jealous of Hancock, for in August of this year he was noti- \nfied, by Secretary Flucker, that the governor had no further occasion \nfor his services as the commander ; on which, the corps disbanded \nthemselves, and deputed a committee to wait on Gage, at Danvers, \nsurrendering to him the standard with his arms, which his excellency \nhad presented them on his arrival from London, informing him that they \nno longer considered themselves as the governor's Independent Cadets. \nIn an address to Hancock, Aug. 18, 1774, signed by fifty-two mem- \nbers, they remark, \"At a period when the post of honor is a private \nstation, it cannot be thought strange that a gentleman of your distin- \nguished character should meet with every discouragement from men in \npower;\" and Col. Hancock said, in reply, \"I am ever ready to \nappear in a public station, when the honor or the interest of the com- \nmunity calls me ; but shall always prefer retirement in a private sta- \ntion, to being a tool in the hand of power to oppress my countrymen.\" \nGage and Hancock never came together again as political friends. \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 79 \n\nThe orator on the Massacre, in the year 1774, was Col. John Han- \ncock. His performance was remarkably bold and eflfective, giving \ngreat offence to the executive, and more especially to the officers of the \nstanding army ; indeed, it was a striking act of intrepidity. At the \nclose of the exercises, a very generous collection was taken up for the \nunfortunate Christopher Monk, now about twenty-three years old, then \npresent, who was wounded on the fatal evening of the Massacre, and \nwas a shocking monument of that horrid catastrophe. This produc- \ntion was elegant, pathetic, and spirited. The allusion of Hancock to \nthe attempt of Parliament to enforce obedience to acts which neither \nGod nor man ever authorized them to make, forcibly reminds us of \nJames Otis, their most effective opponent, who was as \"a wedge to \nspht the lignum vitse block of parliamentary usurpation.\" John \nAdams, who was present on the occasion, remarks, the composition, \nthe pronunciation, the action, all exceeded the expectation of every- \nbody. They exceeded even mine, which were very considerable. \nMany of the sentiments came with great propriety from him. His \ninvective, particularly against a preference of riches to virtue, came \nfrom him with a singular grace and dignity : \" Despise the glare of \nwealth. The people who pay greater respect to a wealthy villain than \nto an honest, upright man in poverty, almost deserve to be enslaved. \nThey plainly show that wealth, however it may be acquired, is in their \nesteem to be preferred to virtue.\" The lantern exhibition occurred on \nthe succeeding Monday. In one of the windows at Mrs. Clapham's, \nwas a painting of Gov. Hutchinson and Judge Peter Oliver, in the \nhorrors occasioned by the appearance of the ghosts of Empson and \nDudley, advising them to think of their fate : \n\n\" Ye traitors ! Is there not some chosen curse, — \nSome hidden thunder in the stores of heaven, \nRed with uncommon wrath, to blast the men \nWho owe their greatness to their country's ruin ? \" \n\nOn turning to Hutchinson, it is related that, on the evening after \nthe delivery of the oration, \"a select number of persons, styled in the \nnewspapers friends of constitutional liberty, assembled at a house in \nKing-street, Boston. Among them were the speaker and divers mem- \nbers of the House of Representatives. Figures were exhibited, through \nthe windows of the room, to the people in the street, of the governor \nand chief-justice, in derision. Such abuse of private characters it is \n\n\n80 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ngenerally best to treat -with contempt ; \" and the Boston Post printed \nan original song for the Fifth of March, written in eight verses, the \nfirst of which says : \n\n« ' When the foes of the land our destruction had planned, \nThey sent ragged troops for our masters ; \nBut, from former defeat, they must now understand \nTheir wolves shall not prowl in our pastures.\" \n\nAs an embodiment of the condition and spirit of the Bostonians is \nindicated in this passage, we make no apology for its insertion here : \n\" It was easy to foresee the consequences which so naturally followed \nupon sending troops into America, to enforce obedience to acts of the \nBritish Parliament which neither God nor man ever empowered \nthem to make. It was reasonable to expect that troops who knew the \nerrand they were sent upon would treat the people whom they were to \nsubjugate with a cruelty and haughtiness which too often buries the \nhonorable character of a soldier in the disgraceful name of an unfeel- \ning ruffian. The troops, upon their first arrival, took possession of our \nsenate-house, and pointed their cannon against the judgment- hall, and \neven continued them there whilst the Supreme Court of judicature for \nthis province was actually sitting to decide upon the lives and fortunes \nof the king's subjects. Our streets nightly resounded with the noise \nof riot and debauchery ; our peaceful citizens were hourly exposed to \nshameful insults, and often felt the effects of their violence and out- \nrage. But this was not all. As though they thought it not enough \nto violate our civil rights, they endeavored to deprive us of our rehgious \nprivileges ; to vitiate our morals, and thereby render us deserving of \ndestruction. Hence the rude din of arms which broke in upon your \nsolemn devotions in your temples, on that hallowed day by Heaven, and \nset apart by God himself for his peculiar worship. Hence impious \noaths and blasphemies so often tortured your unaccustomed ear. \nHence all the arts which idleness and luxury could invent were used \nto betray our youth of one sex into extravagance and efleminacy, and \nof the other to infamy and ruin. And did they not succeed but too \nwell ? Did not a reverence for religion sensibly decay 7 Did not our \ninfants almost learn to lisp out curses before they knew their horrid \nimport 7 Did not our youth forget they were Americans, and, regard- \nless of the admonitions of the wise and aged, servilely copy from their \ntyrants those vices which must finally overthrow the empire of Great \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 81 \n\nBritain ? And must I be compelled to acknowledge that even the \nnoblest, fairest part of all the lower creation, did not entirely escape \nthe cursed snare 1 When virtue has once erected her throne within \nthe female breast, it is upon so solid a basis that nothing is able to \nexpel the heavenly inhabitant. But have there not been some — few, \nindeed, I hope — whose youth and inexperience have rendered them a \nprey to wretches, whom, upon the least reflection, they would have \ndespised and hated, as foes to God and their country ? I fear there \nhave been such unhappy instances ; or why have I seen an honest \nfather clothed with shame 1 — or why a virtuous mother drowned in \ntears'?\" \n\nMr. Hancock was a delegate from Suftblk to the first Provincial \nCongress, which convened at Concord, Oct. 11, 1774, Avhen he was \nelected its president. He was also president of the second Provincial \nCongress, until he was succeeded by Dr. Joseph Warren. \n\nWhen Gov. Gage sent the regular troops to Concord, for the \ndestruction of the stores of the provincials, another design Avas to \napprehend John Hancock and Samuel Adams, his most formidable \nfoes. \n\nIn the narrative of Col. Revere, we find a statement of the escape \nof Hancock and Adams, at Lexington : \"On Tuesday evening, the 18th \nof April, 1775, it was observed that a number of soldiers were march- \ning towards Boston Common. About ten o'clock, Dr. Warren sent in \ngreat haste for me, and begged that I would immediately set off for \nLexington, where were Hancock and Adams, and acquaint them of \nthe movement, and that it was thought they were the objects. When \nI got to Dr. Warren's house, I found he had sent an express by land \nto Lexington — a Mr. William Dawes. The Sunday before, by desire \nof Dr. Warren, I had been to Lexington to see Hancock and Adams, \nwho were at Rev. Mr. Clark's. I returned at night, through Charles- \ntown. There I agreed with a Col. Conant, and some other gentlemen, \nthat if the British went out by water, we would show two lanterns in \nthe North Church steeple, and if by land, one, as a signal ; for we \nwere apprehensive it would be difficult to cross the Charles River, or \nget over Boston Neck. I left Dr. Warren, called upon a friend, and \ndesired him to make the signals. I then went home, took my boote \nand surtout, went to the north part of the town, where I had kept a \nboat. Two friends rowed me across Charles River, a little to the \neastward, where the Somerset man-of-war lay. It was then young \n\n\n82 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nflood ; the ship was winding, and the moon was rising. They landed \nme on the Charlestown side. When I got into town, I met Col. \nConant and several others. They said they had seen our signals. I \ntold them what was acting, and went to get me a horse. I got a horse \nof Dea. Larkin. While the horse was preparing, Richard Devens, \nEsq., who was one of the Committee of Safety, came to me, and told \nme that he came down the road from Lexington, after sundown, that \nevening ; that he met ten British oflScers, all well mounted and armed, \ngoing up the road. \n\n\"I set off upon a very good horse. It was then about eleven o'clock, \nand very pleasant. After I had passed Charlestown Neck, and got \nnearly opposite where Mark was hung in chains, I saw two men on \nhorseback, under a tree. When I got near them, I discovered they \nAverc British officers. One tried to get ahead of me, and the other to \ntake me. I turned my horse very quick, and galloped towards Charles- \ntown Neck, and then pushed for the Medford road. The one who \nchased me, endeavoring to cut me off, got into a clay-pond, near where \nthe new tavern is now built. I got clear of him, and went through \nMedford, over the bridge, and up to Menotomy. In Medford, I \nawaked the captain of the minute-men ; and after that, I alarmed \nalmost every house, till I got to Lexington. I found Hancock and \nAdams at the Rev. Mr. Clark's. I told them my errand, and inquired \nfor Mr. Dawes. They said he had not been there. I related the \nstory of the two officers, and supposed that he must have been stopped, \nas he ought to have been there before me. After- 1 had been there \nabout half an hour, Mr. Dawes came. We refreshed ourselves, and \nset off for Concord, to secure the stores, etc., there. We were over- \ntaken by a young Dr. Prescott, whom we found to be a high son of \nliberty. I told them of the ten officers that Mr. Devens met, and that \nit was probable we might be stopped before we got to Concord ; for I \nsupposed that after night they divided themselves, and that two of \nthem had fixed themselves in such passages as were most likely to \nstop any intelligence going to Concord. I likewise mentioned that we \nhad better alarm all the inhabitants till Ave got to Concord. The \nyoung doctor much approved of it, and said he would stop with either \nof us, for the people between that and Concord knew liim, and would \ngive the more credit to what we said. We had got nearly half way. \nMr. Dawes and the doctor stopped to alarm the people of a house. I \nwas about one hundi-ed rods ahead, when I saw two men in nearly the \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 83 \n\nsame situation as those officers were near Charlestown. I called for \nthe doctor and Mr. Dawes to come up. In an instant I was sur- \nrounded bj four. They had placed themselves in a straight road that \ninclined each way. They had taken down a pair of bars on the north \nside of the road, and two of them were under a tree in the pasture. \nDr. Prescott, being foremost, came up, and we tried to get past them ; \nbut they being armed with pistols and swords, they forced us into the \npasture. The doctor jumped his horse over a low stone-wall, and got \nto Concord. I observed a wood at a small distance, and made for \nthat. When I got there, out started six officers on horseback, and \nordered me to dismount. One of them, who appeared to have the \ncommand, examined me, where I came from, and what my name was. \nI told him. He asked me if I was an express. I answered in the \naffirmative. He demanded what time I left Boston. I told him ; and \nadded, that their troops had catched aground in passing the river, and \nthat there would be five hundred Americans there in a short time, for \nI had alarmed the country all the way up. He immediately rode \ntowards those who stopped us, when all five of them came dowTi upon \na full gallop. One of them, whom I afterwards found to be a Maj. \nMitchell, of the 5th regiment, clapped his pistol to my head, called \nme by name, and told me he was going to ask me some questions, and \nif I did not give him true answers, he would blow my brains out. He \nthen asked me similar questions to those above. He then ordered me \nto mount my horse, after searching me for arms. He then ordered \nthem to advance, and to lead me in front. AVhen we got to the road, \nthey turned down towards Lexington. When we had got about one \nmile, Maj. Mitchell rode up to the officer that was leading me, and told \nhim to give me to the sergeant. As soon as he took me, the major \nordei-ed him, if I attempted to run, or anybody insulted them, to blow \nmy brains out. We rode till we got near Lexington meeting-house, \nwhen the militia fired a volley of guns, which appeared to alarm them \nvery much. The major inquired of me how far it was to Cambridge, \nand if there were any other road. After some consultation, the major \nrode up to the sergeant, and asked if his horse was tired. He answered \nhim, he was. He was a sergeant of grenadiers, and had a small horse ; \nthen said he, Take that man's horse. I dismounted, and the sergeant \nmounted my horse, when they all rode towards Lexington meeting- \nhouse. I went across the burying-ground and some pastures, and came \nto the Rev. Mr. Clark's house, where I found Hancock and Adams. I \n\n\n84 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATOKS. \n\ntold them of my treatment, and they concluded to go from that house \ntowards Woburn. I went with them and a Mr. Lowell, who was a \nclerk to Mr. Hancock. When we got to the house where they intended \nto stop, Mr. Lowell and myself returned to Mr. Clark's, to find what \nwas going on. When we reached there, an elderly man came in. He \nsaid he had just come from the tavern, — that a man had come from \nBoston, who said there were no British troops coming. Mr. Lowell \nand myself went towards the tavern, when we met a man, on a full \ngallop, who told us the troops were coming up the rocks. We after- \nwards met another, who said they were close by, Mr. Lowell asked \nme to go to the tavern with him, to get a trunk of papers belonging to \nMr. Hancock. We Avent up chamber, and while we were getting the \ntrunk, we saw the British \\ery near, upon a full march. We hurried \ntowards Mr. Clark's house. In our way, we passed through the \nmilitia. There were about fifty. When we had got about one hun- \ndred yards from the meeting-house, the British troops appeared on \nboth sides of the meeting-house. In their front was an officer on \nhorselxick. They made a short halt, when I saw and heard a gun fired, \nwhich appeared to be a pistol. Then I could distinguish two guns, \nand then a continued roar of musketry, when we made off with the \ntrunk.\"' \n\nIn Frothiniiham's Siejre of Boston we find it stated that Hancock \nand Adams, whose safety was regarded as of the utmost importance, \nwere persuaded to retire to the then second precinct of Woburn, to the \nhouse occupied by Madam Jones, widow of Rev. Thomas Jones, and \nRev. I\\Ir. Marett, which is now standing in Burlington, and occupied \nby Rev. Samuel Sewell, a descendant of the venerable chief-justice, \nDorothy Quincy accompanied her intended husband — Hancock. \nHere, at noon, they had just sat down to an elegant dinner, when \na man broke suddenly in upon them with a shriek, and they believed \nthe regulars were upon them. Mr. Marett then piloted Adams and \nHancock along a cartway to Mr. Amos Wyman's house, in a corner \nof Billerica, where they were glad to dine off of cold salt pork and \npotatoes, served in a Avooden tray. Thus the proud anticipations of \nthe British troops, in regard to their capture, were blasted. As John \nHancock was accustomed to wear a scarlet coat of red velvet, with \nruffles on his sleeves, after the fashion of the judges of the court. Gov. \nGage is made to say, in the old revolutionary play, at the period of \nthe Battle of Lexington, \" If Col. Smith succeeds in his embassy,— \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 85 \n\nand I think there is no doubt of it, — I shall have the pleasure this \nevening, I expect, of having my friends Hancock and Adams' good \ncompany. I '11 make each of them a present of a pair of handsome \niron ruffles, and Maj. Provost shall provide a suitable entertainment.\" \nIn another passage of the same play, it is said, \" Let us have one good \ndinner before we part, and leave us half a dozen pipes of Hancock's \nwine to drink your health ; and don't let us part with dry lips.\" On \nthe 12th of June succeeding, Gov. Gage issued a proclamation offering \npardon to all the rebels, excepting Samuel Adams and John Hancock, \n\"whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other \nconsideration than that of condign punishment : \n\n\n55 \n\n\n\" As for their king, John Hancock, \nAnd Adams, if they 're taken, \nTheir heads for signs shall hang up high \nUpon that hill called Beacon ;\" — \n\nand the Provincial Congress, as noticed more especially in the memoir \nof Gen. Warren, issued a proclamation of like nature, excepting Thomas \nGage, Admiral Graves, and others. \n\nThere is no doubt that Gov. Gage was alarmed at his position, some \nmonths previous to this date, as, in his despatches to the throne, to the \n18th of March, acknowledging the king's orders to apprehend Messrs. \nGushing, Adams, and Hancock, and send them over to London for \ntrial (the second order, which was to hang them in Boston, he had \nnot received), he expressed his fears on the occasion; and, hoping a \nreverse of the order, he stated that he should delay the execution a \nwhile longer, because, if the order were fulfilled, he must come to an \nengagement, the event of which he had every reason to apprehend \nwould be fatal to the king's troops and to himself, as the Massachusetts \nprovincials had at least fifteen thousand men ready for the onset, and \nevery public and private road occupied for defence. He earnestly \nrequested a reinforcement of regulars , if that disagreeable order must \nbe enforced. \n\nAbout this period, a party of British soldiers entered the residence \nof John Hancock, according to the Gazette, who began to pillage and \nbreak down the fences ; but on complaint being made by the selectmen \nto Gov. Gage, he ordered the fences to be repaired, and appointed Earl \nPercy to take possession of the premises. We find additional partic- \nulars, in relation to this affair, in the letter of a gentleman to a friend \n8 \n\n\n86 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nin New York, dated March 22, 17T5 : \" In the evening of the 17th \ninstant, Col. Hancock's elegant seat, situate near the Common, was \nattacked by a number of officers, who, with their swords, cut and \nhacked the fence before his house in a most scandalous manner, and \nbehaved very abusively, by breaking people's windows, and insulting \nalmost every person they met. On the 19th instant. Col. Hancock \nwas again insulted b}'^ a number of inferior officers and privates, who \nentered his enclosures, and refused to retire, after his requesting them \nso to do, telling him that his house and stables would soon be theirs, \nand then they Avould do as they pleased. However, on his application \nto the general, he immediately sent one of his aids-de-camp to the \nofficer of the guard, at the bottom of the Common, to seize any officer \nor private who should molest Col. Hancock, or any inhabitant, in their \nlawful calling.\" \n\nThe editor of the New York Knickerbocker, who once enjoyed the \nhospitality of the present Hancock family, remarks : \" From this house \nwas driven the fair and noble-looking lady whose portrait hangs in the \ndrawing-room below, that the Percy, who \n\n* Fought for King George at Lexington, \nA major of dragoons,' \n\nmight here establish his quarters. As I sat there, in what was for- \nmerly the state-chamber, conjuring up thoughts of that past time, I \ncould almost fancy that I heard the measured tread of the red-coated \nsentinel in the grand old entrance-hall below, and saw the glancing \nbavonets in the remains of the British intrenchments on the Common, \nnearly opposite the house. \n\n' I vrandered through the lofty halls \n\nTrod by the Percys of old fame, \nAnd traced upon the chapel walls \n\nEach high heroic name, — \nFrom him who once his standard set \nWhere now, o'er mosque and minaret. \n\nGlitter the Sultan's crescent moons. \nTo him who, when a younger son. \nFought for King George at Lexington, \n\nA major of dragoons ! ' \" \n\nMr. Hancock married, at Fairfield, Conn., Dorothy, daughter of \nEdmund Quincy, of Boston, Sept. 4, 1775. He had a daughter, who \ndied in infancy, at Philadelphia, 1776 ; and one son, John George \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 87 \n\nWashington, who yyaa killed at Milton, when skating on the ice, \nJan. 27, 1787, aged nine years. He left no descendant. The quaint \nconceit of Lord Bacon may be applied to Hancock: \" Surely, man \nshall see the noblest works and foundations have proceeded from child- \nless men, who have sought to express the images of their minds where \nthose of their bodies have failed : so the care of posterity is most in \nthem that have no posterity.\" \n\nIn Quincy's History of Harvard University appears a statement \nof the difficulties of the college with John Hancock, who was the \ntreasurer from 1773 to 1777, which exhibits a dark shade in his his- \ntory ; — not that he was wilfully dishonorable, but he could not be \naroused to an adjustment of financial duties towards the institution ; \nand Rev. Dr. Gray, of Roxbury, relates, that Dr. Samuel Cooper and \nDr. William Gordon agreed that, at an overseers' meeting, the former \nshould introduce a motion for the immediate settlement of the treas- \nurer's accounts, and which was seconded by the latter. But Dr. Gor- \ndon- spoke so plainly his mind of the singular neglect of the treasurer, \nthough so often urged to do it, that the manner was thought by Dr. \nCooper, who was perfectly mild and polite in everything, to be as gross ; \nand therefore he forbore to utter a syllable upon the subject, and it \npassed off at the meeting in perfect silence. This circumstance so \ngreatly offended Gov. Hancock, that he removed immediately from \nJamaica Plain to his residence in Boston, and ceased all future inter- \ncourse with Dr. Gordon. \n\nNo name stands emblazoned on the records of the corporation, \nremarks Quincy, as a benefactor, with more laudatory epithets, than \nthat of John Hancock. But his title to this distinction must depend \nupon the view which is taken of his first subscription of .£500. In \nJuly, 1767, when no motives of policy influenced the corporation, this \ndonation is stated to be \" the proposed gift of Thomas Hancock ;\" his \n\" signified intention to subscribe, towards the restoration of the library, \nthe sum of five hundred pounds sterling, the completion of which was \nprevented by his sudden death;\" the act of John Hancock is recorded \nas a demonstration of his generous affection to the college, and as hav- \ning done honor to the memory of his uncle, by voluntarily fulfilling \nhis noble intention. \" In the donation-book of the college, collected by \norder of the corporation in 1773,\" the year in which Mr. Hancock, as \ntreasurer, took his seat in that board, and when he was at the height \nof his popularity, this gift is recorded on one page as exclusively \" the \n\n\n88 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ngift of Jolin Hancock;\" and on the next but one, as \"his gen- \nerous fulfihnent of the intentions of his late uncle, the Honorable \nThomas Hancock.\" It was generally regarded, and probably by Mr. \nHancock, as an indispensable obligation; and it would have been \nalmost impossible for a young man ambitious of popularity and power, \non receiving an estate, estimated at X70,000 sterling, from the bounty \nof a relative, to refuse to fulfil \" his signified intention \" to subscribe \n-£500 in favor of an institution which every man of influence in the \nprovince was laboring to raise from its ruins. \n\nIf the subscription be placed to the account of its avowed origin, \nthe good will of Thomas Hancock, the college was indebted to the \nbounty of John Hancock, as stated in the records of the college, \"for \na curious dipping needle,\" and, after that event, for the sum of <£54 \n4s. sterling, being the excess of the cost of the books ordered by the \ncorporation beyond the X500 derived from the good will of his uncle ; \nfor -'a full-length picture of that benefactor,\" and also for a set of \nthe most elegant carpets to cover the floor of the library, the apparatus \nand philosophy chambers, and covering the walls of the latter with a \nrich paper ; \"for an Account of London and its Environs, in six vol- \numes,\" and \" a curious Coralline in its natural bed.\" The entire \nvalue of these donations certainly did not greatly exceed — and was \nprobably less than — the actual loss sustained, according to the state- \nment of treasurer Storer, his successor, \"by Mr. Hancock's long denial \nof the rights of the college, and withholding its property.\" He says \nthat \"justice to a public institution, which he essentially embarrassed \nduring a period of nearly twenty years,\" etc., requires a statement of \nthe facts. \n\nA very obvious apology for the delinquency of John Hancock is to \nbe ascribed to the great financial distress of the Old Bay State, inci- \ndent upon the war of the Revolution, rendering it almost impossible to \ncommand funds for the liquidation of large demands, until long after \nthe peace of 1783. Did not treasurer Hancock secure an estate on \nMerchant's-row, by mortgage, to Harvard College, Dec. 29, 1785? — \nand, in two years after his decease, did not his nephew, John Hancock, \nEsq., make a payment of nine years' interest due the college? — and, \nDec. 13, 1802, did not he discharge the payment of the principal due, \nand the interest in full to that date, as appears by the records in the ofiice \nof the Suffolk Register of Deeds ? But treasurer Storer complains that \nthe heirs refused to pay compound interest, whereby the college was a \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 89 \n\nloser of five hundred and twenty-six dollars. This was a very natural \ndecision of the heirs ; but we will not censure the memory of Gov. \nHancock for this act of the heirs, which Avas their legal right. \" Per- \nhaps there is not a person in America,\" remarked the Rev. Peter \nThachcr, his pastor, in the sermon at his funeral, '\" who has done more \ngenerous and noble actions than Gov. Hancock, and who has, upon all \noccasions, contributed more liberally to public institutions. Besides \nthe grand and hospitable manner in which he entertained foreigners \nand others in his house, he expended large sums for every patriotic \npurpose, and for the benefit of our university, and equalled the gen- \nerosity of his worthy patron to it by his own donations. I should be \nguilty of base ingratitude,\" continues Dr. Thacher, \"did I not thus \npublicly acknowledge numberless instances of kindness, attention, and \nliberality, which I have received at his hands. These now lie heavy \nat my heart, and increase my sorrow for his loss, though they have not \nbribed me to exceed the truth in delineating his character.\" America \nnever iiad a more devoted patriot than John Hancock ; and the secret \nmotive of his soul was disclosed in the declaration he made on taking \nthe oath of office in the old State-house, in King-street, Oct. 26, 1780, \nwhen he became the first governor under the new constitution, which \nis another apology for delay, where he remarked, \"Having, in the \nearly stage of this contest, determined to devote my whole time and \nservices, to the utter exclusion of all private business, even to the end \nof the war, and being ever ready to obey the call of my country, I \nventure to offer myself, and shall endeavor strictly to adhere to the \nlaws of the constitution.\" \n\nBefore we continue the history of John Hancock, we will revert a \nwhile to an incident that occurred in Boston when it was a besieged \ntown, as his name is associated with it. At the close of 1774, and in \nthe early part of 1775, Gov. Gage began to take possession of all the \narms and military stores belonging to individuals and the public. These \nmeasures, which accelerated hostilities, occasioned a transaction which \nillustrates the popular feeling. The General Court, in Nov., 1766, \nordered four brass cannon to be purchased for the use of the artillery \ncompanies in Boston. Two of these guns, which were three-pounders, \nwere kept in a gun-house that stood opposite the Mall, at the corner \nof West-street. A school-house was the next building, and a yard, \nenclosed with a high fence, was common to both. Maj. Adino Pad- \ndock, who then commanded the artillery, having been heard to express \n8* \n\n\nso THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nhis intention of surrendering these guns to the governor, a few indi- \nviduals resolved to secure for the country a property which belonged \nto it, and which at this time was of great value. Maj. Paddock was a \ncoach-maker, and a devoted loyahst. The row of elm-trees in front \nof the Granary Cemetery was planted by him, and long known as \nPaddock's Walk. He left Boston with the royal troops, in March, \n\n1776. \n\nHaving concerted their plan, the party passed through the school- \nhouse into the gun-house, and were able to open the doors Avhich were \nupon the yard by a small crevice, through which they raised the bar \nthat secured them. The moment for the execution of the project was \nthat of the roll-call, when the sentinel, who was stationed at one door \nof the building, would be less likely to hear their operations. The \nguns were taken off their carriages, carried into the school-room, and \nplaced in a large box under the master's desk, in which wood was \nkept. Directly after the roll-call, a lieutenant and sergeant came into \nthe gun-house, to look at the cannon, previously to removing them. A \nyoung man — Samuel Gore, captain of the governor's troop of horse, \nof whom this narration was received, and who had assisted in their \n•removal — remained by the building, and followed the officer, as an \ninnocent spectator. The persons Avho aided in the plot were Nathaniel \nBalch, Jeremiah Gridley, Whiston, and others, together Avith master \nAbraham Holbrook, the schoolmaster. When the carriages were \nfound without the guns, the sergeant exclaimed, with an oath, \" They \nare gone ! These fellows will steal the teeth out of your head, while \nyou are keeping guard.\" They then began to search the building for \nthem, and afterwards the yard ; and when they came to the gate, and \nopened into the street, the officer observed that they could not have \npassed that way, because a cobweb across the opening was not broken. \nThey went next into the school-house, which they examined all over, \nexcept the box, on which the master placed his foot, which was lame, \nand the officer, with true courtesy, on that account excused him from \nrising. Some boys were present, but not one lisped a word. The \nofficers went back to the gun-room, when their volunteer attendant, \nin kind sympathy for their embarrassment, suggested to them that \nperhaps they had been carried into Mr. Greenleaf 's garden, opposite, \n— afterwards the \"Washington Garden.\" On this, the sergeant took \nhim by the collar, gave him a push, and said, it was very likely that \nhe was one of the daring rebels who helped to get them off, and that \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 91 \n\nhe had better make himself scarce. This was too near a guess to \nmake it worth while to wait for a second hint, and he left them. Thej \nsoon after retired, in vexation. \n\nThe guns remained in that box for a fortnight, and many of the boys \nwere acquainted with the fact, but not one of them betrayed the secret. \nAt the end of that time, the persons who had withdrawn them came, \nin the evening, with a large trunk on a wheelbarrow. The guns were \nput into it, and carried up to Whiston's blacksmith's shop, at the south \nend, and there deposited under the coal. After lying there for a \nwhile, they Avere put into a boat in the night, and safely transported \nwithin the American lines. The guns were in actual service through \nthe whole war. After the peace, the State of Massachusetts applied \nto Congress for their restoration, which was granted, according to this \nresolve, dated May 19, 1788 : \" Congress assembled. Present — New \nHampshire. Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir- \nginia, and South Carolina; and from Rhode Island, Mr. Arnold; \nfrom New York, Mr. Hamilton ; from North Carolina, Mr. William- \nson ; and from Georgia, Mr. Baldwin. The Secretary at War having \nrepresented to Congress that there are in the arsenals of the United \nStates two brass cannon, which constituted one moiety of the field \nartillery with which the last war Avas commenced on the part of Amer- \nica, and which were constantly on service throughout the war ; that \nthe said cannon are the property of the Commonwealth of Massachu- \nsetts, and that the governor thereof hath requested that they bo \nreturned; Therefore, Resolved, that the Secretary at War cause a \nsuitable inscription to be placed on the said cannon ; and that he \ndeliver the same to the order of his Excellency the Governor of the \nCommonwealth of Massachusetts.\" \n\nGen. Knox, then Secretary at War, who had commanded the artillery \nof the American army during the Revolution, — one of the most gallant, \ngenerous, high-minded men that the army contained, — well knew the \nhistory of these cannon, as they were the fellow-townsmen of his native \ntown of Boston. In pursuance of the orders of Congress, he caused \nthe arms of Massachusetts, and the inscription herewith, to be chiselled \nupon them in bold relief These two cannon were in charge of the \n\"Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company\" of Boston, and called \nthe Hancock and Adams, in honor of the two patriots proscribed by \nGov. Gage, from whose grasp they were rescued ; and John Hancock \nwas governor of Massachusetts when the cannon were returned to the \n\n\n92 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nState. They are deposited on the wall inside of the top of the Bun- \nker Hill Monument, where they hang perpendicularly suspended. \n\nThe Hancock : \n\nSacred to Liberty. \n\nThis is one of four cannon, \n\nwhich constituted the whole train \n\nof Field Artillery \npossessed by the British Colonies of \n\nNorth America, \n\nat the commencement of the war, \n\non the I'Jth of April, 1775. \n\nThis cannon \n\nand its fellow, \n\nbelonging to a number of citizens of \n\nBoston, \n\nwere used in many engagements \n\nduring the war. \n\nThe other two, the property of the \n\nGovernment of Massachusetts, \n\nwere taken by the enemy. \n\nBy order of the United States \n\nin Congress assembled, \n\nMay 19, 1788. \n\nThe Other cannon referred to were concealed in the stable of the second \nhouse west from the court-house, on the south side of Queen-street. \nMr. Williams, a respectable farmer of Roxbury, drove in his own team \nwith a load of hay, which was taken into that stable ; the cannon \nwere then put in the bottom of the cart, which was loaded with manure, \nand in this way they were taken out of town Avithout opposition. The \nBritish officers heard, on the same day, that the cannon were concealed \nin that street, and were to be removed in the evening ; and, in conse- \nquence, many of them patrolled the street for several hours, but the \nguns were already safe within the American lines. \n\nHancock was a delegate to the Continental Congress convened at \nPhiladelphia, May 10, 1775. During his tour to that city, he remained \nat Worcester two days, waiting for a suitable escort, and for the approach \nof his colleagues, when he addressed the following letter to the gentle- \nmen Committee of Safety, among whom were Joseph Warren and Ben- \njamin Church, besides himself: \n\n\" Worcester, April 24, 1775, Monday evejiing. \n\"(jENTLEMEN: Mr. S. Adams and myself, just arrived here, find \nno intelligence from you, and no guard. We just hear an express haa \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 93 \n\nju9t passed through this place to you, from New York, informing that \nadministration is bent upon pushing matters ; and that four regiments \nare expected there. How are we to proceed 1 Where are our brethren 1 \nSurely, we ought to bo supported. I had rather be with you ; and, at \npresent, am fully determined to be with you, before I proceed. I beg, \nby the return of this express, to hear from you ; and pray, furnish us \nwith depositions of the conduct of the troops, the certainty of their \nfiring first, and every circumstance relative to the conduct of the \ntroops from the 19th instant to this time, that we may be able to give \nsome account of matters as we proceed, especially at Philadelphia. \nAlso, I beg you would order your secretary to make out an account \nof your proceedings since what has taken place : what your plan is ; \nwhat prisoners we have, and what they have of ours ; who of note was \nkilled, on both sides ; who commands our forces, &c. \n\n\"Are our men in good spirits ? For God's sake, do not suffer the \nspirit to subside, until they have perfected the reduction of our ene- \nmies. Boston must be entered ; the troops must be sent away, or \n\n* * * Our friends are valuable, but our country must be saved. \nI have an interest in that town. What can be the enjoyment of that \nto me, if I am obliged to hold it at the will of Gen. Gage, or any one \nelse 7 I doubt not your vigilance, your fortitude, and resolution. Do \nlet us know how you proceed. We must have the Castle. The ships \nmust be * * Stop up the harbor against large vessels coming. \nYou know better what to do than I can point out. Where is Mr. \nGushing? Are Mr. Paine and Mr. John Adams to be with us? \nWhat are we to depend upon ? We travel rather as deserters, which I \nwill not submit to. I will return and join you, if I cannot detain this \nman, as I want much to hear from you. How goes on the Congress ? \nWho is your president ? Are the members hearty ? Pray remember \nMr. S. Adams and myself to all friends. God be with you. \n\"I am, gentlemen, your faithful and licarty countryman, \n\n\"John Hancock.\" \n\nOn May loth of this date, he was chosen successor to Peyton Ran- \ndolph, as president of that assembly. When the unanimous election \nwas declared, he felt deeply embarrassed ; and it was not until Ben- \njamin Harrison, a strong-nerved man and noble-hearted, a member \nfrom Virginia, had borne him in his vigorous arms, amid the general \nacclamation, to the chair, that his wonted self-possession returned. \n\n\n94 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nWhen the Declaration of Independence first appeared on the floor of \nCongress, it was circulated over the name of John Hancock, singly and \nalone, as President of the Congress ; and the bold and striking char- \nacters -syhich form his signature were the first to proclaim the fact. \nHe resigned this station in October, 1777, owing to the severity of the \ngout. \n\nThe nomination of Washington to be the commander-in-chief was \nfirst made by John Adams. The president, John Hancock, was then \nin the chair, and Washington himself was present. Hancock was \nambitious for that appointment. The effect of Mr. Adams' motion \nupon the two patriots is thus related by himself. Washington was at \na subsequent period, May 26, 1775, unanimously chosen. At the \nconclusion of a speech on the state of the colonics, after making a \nmotion that Congress would adopt the army before Boston and appoint \nCol. Washington commander of it, Mr. Adams remarked, that he was \n\"a gentleman whose skill as an ofiicer, whose independent fortune, \n2reat talents, and excellent universal character, Avould command the \napprobation of all America, and unite the cordial exertion of all the \ncolonies better than any other person in the Union. Mr. Washington, \nwho happened to be near the door, as soon as he heard me allude to him, \nfrom his usual modesty, darted into the library-room. Mr. Hancock, \nwho was our president, which gave me an opportunity to observe his \ncountenance, while I was speaking on the state of the colonies, the army \nat Cambridge, and the enemy, heard me with visible pleasure ; but \nwhen I came to describe Washington for the commander, I never \nremarked a more sudden and striking change of countenance. Morti- \nfication and resentment were expressed as forcibly as his face could \nexhibit them. Mr. Samuel Adams seconded the motion, and that did \nnot soften the president's physiognomy at all.\" \n\nThe announcement herewith is copied from a Hartford journal, under \ndate Nov. 19, 1777 : \" On Friday last, passed through this town, \nescorted by a party of light dragoons, the Hon. John Hancock, Pres- \nident of the American Congress, with his lady, on his way to Boston, \nafter an absence, on public business, of more than two and a half \nyears.\" \n\nPresident Hancock addressed a letter to Gen. Washington, July 10, \n1775, in which he proposed as follows : \"I must beg the favor that \nyou will reserve some berth for me, in such department as you may \njudge most proper ; for I am determined to act under you, if it be to \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 95 \n\ntake the firelock and join the ranks aa a volunteer.\" It does not \nappear, however, that he joined the army, under Washington, in any \nmilitary capacity. Washington addressed the following reply to Han- \ncock, dated \n\n''Cambridge, Jvhj 21, 1775. \n\"Dear Sir: I am particularly pleased to acknowledge that part \nof your favor of the 10th instant wherein you do me the honor of \ndetermining to join the army under my command. I need certainly \nmake no professions of the pleasure I shall have in seeing you. At the \nsame time, I have to regret that so little is in my power to offer equal \nto Col. Hancock's merits, and Avorthy of his acceptance. I shall be \nhappy, in every opportunity, to show the regard and esteem with which \n\" I am, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, \n\n\" George Washington.\" \n\nThe official correspondence of John Hancock, as President of Con- \ngress, is rich in patriotic fervor. In a letter to Washington, dated \nDec. 22, 1775, he writes : \" For your future proceedings, I must beg \nleave to refer you to the enclosed resolutions. I would just inform \nyou that the last resolve, relative to an attack upon Boston, passed \nafter a most serious debate in a committee of the whole house. You \nare now left to the dictates of prudence and your own judgment. \nMay God crown your attempt with success. I most heartily wish it, \nthough, individually, I may be the greatest sufferer.\" In an address \nto the inhabitants of Canada, Hancock says : \" Let it be the pride of \nthose whose souls are warmed and illuminated by the sacred flames of \nfreedom, to be discouraged by no check, and to surmount every obsta- \ncle that may be interposed between them and the darling object of their \nwishes. We anticipate, in our pleased imaginations, the happy period \nwhen the standard of tyro.nny shall find no place in North America.\" \nIn addressing Gen. Philip Schuyler, after the surrender of Montreal \nHancock Avrites : \" You have hitherto risen superior to a thousand dif- \nficulties, in giving freedom to a great and an oppressed people. You \nhave already reaped many laurels, but a plentiful harvest still invites \nyou. Proceed, therefore, and let the footsteps of victory open a way \nfor the blessings of liberty and the happiness of a well-ordered govern- \nment to visit that extensive dominion. Consider that the road to glory \nis seldom strewed with flowers; and that, when the black and bloody \nstandard of tyranny is erected in a land possessed by freemen, patriots \n\n\n96 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ncease to remain inactive spectators of their country's fall.\" In an \naddress to Gen. Montgomery, in relation to the surrender of Montreal, \nHancock writes : \" The Congress, utterly abhorrent from every species \nof cruelty to prisoners, and determined to adhere to this benevolent \nmaxim till the conduct of their enemies renders a deviation from it \nindispensably necessary, will ever applaud their officers for beautifully \nblending the Christian with the conqueror, and never, in endeavoring \nto acquire the character of the hero, to lose that of the man.\" \n\nHancock thus writes to Gen. Washington, under date of Philadel- \nphia, March 25, 1776 : \" Sir, — I had the honor of receiving yester- \nday yours of the 19th, containing the agreeable information of the \nministerial troops having abandoned Boston. The partial victory we \nhave obtained over them in that quarter, I hope, will turn out a happy \npresage of a more general one. Whatever place may be the object of \ntheir destination, it must certainly give a sincere pleasure to every friend \nof the country to see the most diligent preparations everywhere making \nto receive them. What may be their views, it is, indeed, impossible to \ntell with any degree of exactness. We have all the reason, however, \nfrom that rage of disappointment and revenge, to expect the worst. \nNor have I any doubt that, as far as their power extends, they will \ninflict every species of calamity upon us. The same Providence that \nhas baffled their attempt, against the Province of Massachusetts Bay \nwill, I trust, defeat the deep-laid scheme they are now meditating \nagainst some other part of our country. \n\n\" The intelligence that our army had got possession of Boston, you \nwill readily suppose, gave me heartfelt pleasure. I beg, sir, you will \nbe pleased to accept my warmest thanks for the attention you have \nshowed to my property in that town. I have only to request that \nCapt. Cazneau will continue to look after and take care that it be \nnoways destroyed or damaged. This success of our arms naturally \ncalls upon me to congratulate you, sir, to whose wisdom and conduct it \nhas been owing. Permit me to add, that if a constant discharge of \nthe most important duties, and the fame attending thereon, can afford \ngenuine satisfaction, the pleasure you feel must be the most rational \nand exalted.\" \n\nHancock says, on the 80th April, 1776 : \" The unprepared state \nof the colonies, on the commencement of the war, and the almost \ntotal want of everything necessary to carry it on, are the true sources \nfrom whence all our difficulties have proceeded. This fact, however, \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 9T \n\nfurnishes a proof most striking of the weakness or wickedness of those \nwho charge them with an original intention of withdrawing from the \ngovernment of Great Britain, and erecting an independent empire. \nHad such a scheme been formed, the most warlike preparations would \nhave been necessary to effect it.\" \n\nHancock, in a letter to Gen. Washington, dated Philadelphia, May \n21, 1776, where he renews an invitation to receive a visit from him, \nstating, \"I reside ^in an airy, open part of the city, in Arch-street \nand Fourth-street,\" says: '^ Your favor of the 20th inst. I received \nthis morning, and cannot help expressing the very great pleasure it \nwould afford both Mrs. Hancock and myself to have the happiness of \naccommodating you during your stay in this city. As the house I \nlive in is large and roomy, it will be entirely in your power to live in \nthat manner you should wish. Mrs. Washington may be as retired \nas she pleases, while under inoculation, and Mrs. Hancock will esteem \nit an honor to have Mrs. Washington inoculated in her house ; and, as \nI am informed Mr. Randolph has not any lady about his house to take \nthe necessary care of Mrs. Washington, I flatter myself she will be as \nwell attended in my family. In short, sir, I must take the freedom to \nrepeat my wish, that you Avould be pleased to condescend to dwell under \nmy roof I assure you, sir, I will do all in my power to render your \nstay agreeable, and my house shall be entirely at your disposal. I \nmust, however, submit this to your determination, and only add that \nyou will peculiarly gratify Mrs. H. and myself, in affording me an \nopportunity of convincing you of this truth, that I am, with every \nsentiment of regard for you and your connections, and with much \nesteem, dear sir, your faithful and most obedient humble servant.\" \n\nIn a letter to the convention of New Hampshire, dated June 4, \n1776, Hancock writes: \"The mihtia of the United Colonies area \nbody of troops that may be depended upon. To their virtue their del- \negates in Congress now make the most solemn appeal. They arc called \nupon to say whether they will live slaves, or die freemen. They arc \nrequested to step forth in defence of their wives, their children, their \nliberty, and everything they liold dear. The cause is certainly a most \nglorious one, and I trust that every man of New Hampshire is deter- \nmined to see it gloriously ended, or to perish in the ruins of it. In \nshort, on your exertions, at this critical period, together with those of \nthe other colonies, in the common cause, the salvation of America evi- \n9 \n\n\n98 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ndently depends. Your colony, I am persuaded, will not be behindhand. \nExert, therefore, every nerve to distinguish yourselves. Quicken your \npreparations, and stimulate the good people of your government, and \nthere is no danger, notwithstanding the mighty armament with whicli \nwe are threatened, but you will be able to lead them to victory, to \nliberty, and to happiness.\" \n\nUnder date of July 4, 1776, John Hancock writes to the govern- \nments of Maryland and Delaware, in language breathing the fervor of \nburning patriotism. We select a passage from this truly noble docu- \nment: \"Gen. Howe having taken possession of Staten Island, and \nthe Jerseys being drained of their militia for the defence of New York, \nI am directed by Congress to request you will proceed immediately to \nembody j^our militia for the establishment of the flying camp, and \nmarch them, with all possible expedition, either by battalions, detach- \nments of battalions, or by companies, to the city of Philadelphia. The \npresent campaign, I have no doubt, if we exert ourselves properly, will \nsecure the enjoyment of our liberties forever. All accounts agree that \nGreat Britain Avill make her greatest effort this summer. Should we, \ntherefore, be able to keep our ground, we shall afterwards have little \nto apprehend from her. I do, therefore, most ardently beseech and \nrequest you, in the name and by the authority of Congress, as you \nregai'd your own freedom, and as you stand etigaged by the most solemn \nties of honor to support the common cause, to strain every nerve to \nsend forward your militia. This is a step of such infinite moment, \nthat, in all human probability, your speedy compliance will prove the \nsalvation of your country. It is impossible we xjan have any higher \nmotives to induce us to act. We should reflect, too*, that the loss of \nthis campaign will inevitably protract the war; and that, in order to \ngain it, we have only to exert ourselves, and to make use of the means \nwhich God and nature have given us to defend ourselves. I must, \ntherefore, again repeat to you, that the Congress most anxiously expect \nand request you Avill not lose a moment in carrying into effect this \nrequisition, with all the zeal, spirit, and despatch, which are so indis- \npensably required by the critical situation of our affairs.\" On the 6th \nof July, 1776, Hancock, in writing to Washington, thus emphasizes : \n\" The Congress, for some days past, have had their attention occupied \nby one of the most interesting and important subjects that could pos- \neibly come before them, or any other assembly of men. Although it \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 99 \n\nS3 not possible to foresee the consequences of human actions, yet it is, \nnevertheless, a duty we owe ourselves and posterity, in all our public \ncounsels, to decide in the best manner Ave are able, and to trust the \nevent to that Being, who controls both causes and events, to bring \nabout his own determinations. Impressed with this sentiment, and at \nthe same time fully convinced that our affairs may take a more favora- \nble turn, the Congress have judged it necessary to dissolve all connec- \ntion between Great Britain and the American Colonies, and to declare \nthem free and independent States, as you will perceive by the enclosed \nDeclaration, which I am directed by Congress to transmit to you, and \nto request you will have proclaimed at the head of the army, in the way \nyou shall think most proper.\" Hancock says to Washington, in \nanother letter, written on the memorable 4th of July: \"Sir, — The \nenclosed resolves, to which I must beg leave to refer your attention, \nwill inform you of the steps Congress has taken to establish the flying \ncamp. To the unhappy confusion that has prevailed in this colony \nmust be principally ascribed the delays that have hitherto attended \nthat salutary measure. However, I flatter myself things will now take \na different turn, as the contest to keep possession of power is now at \nan end, and a new mode of government, equal to the exigencies of our \naffairs, will soon be adopted, agreeably to the recommendations of Con- \ngress to the United Colonies.\" \n\nIn an eloquent appeal to the thirteen United States, dated at Phil- \nadelphia, Sept. 24, 177G, our spirited Hancock says : \" Let us con- \nvince our enemies that, as we are entered into the present contest \nfor the defence of our liberties, so we are resolved, with the firmest \nreliance on Heaven for the justice of our cause, never to relinquish it. \nbut rather to perish in the ruins of it. If we do but remain firm,' — \nif we are not dismayed at the little shocks of fortune, and are deter- \nmined, at all hazards, that we will be free, — I am persuaded, under the \ngracious smiles of Providence, assisted by our own most strenuous \nendeavors, we shall finally succeed, agreeably to our wishes, and thereby \nestablish the independence, the happiness, and the glory, of the United \nStates of America.\" \n\nIn the same letter, he writes: \"You will perceive, by tlic \nenclosed resolves, which I have the honor to forv/ard in obedience to \nthe commands of Congress, that they have come to a determination to \naugment our army, and to engage the troops to serve during the con- \ntinuance of the war. As an inducement to enlist on these terms, the \n\n\n100 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nCongress have agreed to give, besides a bounty of twenty dollars, a \nhundred acres of land to each soldier : and, in case he should fall in \nbattle, they have resolved, that his children, or other representatives, \nshall succeed to such land. The many ill consequences arising from \na short and limited enlistment of troops are too obvious to be men- \ntioned. In general, give me leave to observe, that to make men well \nacquainted with the duties of a soldier requires time ; and to bring \nthem under proper subordination and discipline, not only requires time, \nbut has always been a work of much difficulty. We have had too fre- \nquent experience that men of a few days' standing will not look for- \nward, but, as the time of their discharge approaches, grow careless \nof their arms, ammunition, &c., and impatient of all restraint. The \nconsequence of which is, the latter part of the time for which the sol- \ndier was engaged is spent in undoing what the greatest pains had been \ntaken to inculcate at first. Need I add to this, that the fall of the late \nGen. Montgomery before Quebec is undoubtedly to be ascribed to the \nlimited time for which the troops were engaged, — whose impatience to \nreturn home compelled him to make the attack, contrary to the convic- \ntion of his own judgment. This fact alone fui-nishes a striking argu- \nment of the danger and impropriety of sending troops into the field \nnnder any restriction as to the time of the enlistment. The noblest \nenterprise may be left unfinished by troops in such a predicament, or \nabandoned at the very moment success must have crowned the attempt. \nThe heavy and enormous expenses consequent upon calling forth the \nmilitia, the delay attending their motions, and the difficulty of keeping \nthem in camp, render it extremely improper to place our whole depend- \nence upon them. Experience hath uniformly convinced us of this, \nsome of the militia having actually deserted the camp at the very \nmoment their services were most wanted. In the mean time, the \nstrength of the British army, which is great, is considered much more \nformidable by the superior order and regularity which prevail in it.\" \n\nIn a manly letter to Gen. Schuyler, dated Philadelphia, Oct. 4, \n1776, Hancock writes, transmitting the resolve of Congress expressive \nof their high sense of his past conduct, that \" Congress cannot give \ntheir consent to your retiring from the army in its present situation. \nSuch a step would give your enemies occasion to exult, as they might \nsuppose you were induced to take it from an apprehension of the truth \nand reality of their charges against you. The unmerited reproaches \nof ignorance and mistaken zeal are mfinitely overbalanced by the sat- \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 101 \n\nisfaction arising from a conscious integrity. As long, therefore, as \nyou can wrap yourself in your innocence, I flatter myself you will \nnot pay so great a regard to the calumnies of your enemies as to \ndeprive your country of any services which you may have it in your \npower to render his.\" In a spirited letter to six of the States, dated \nPhiladelphia, Oct. 9, 1776, Hancock writes : \" The Congress, for very \nobvious reasons, are extremely anxious to keep the army together. \nThe dangerous consequences of their breaking up, and the difiiculty \nof forming a new one. are inconceivable. Were this barrier once \nremoved, military power would quickly spread desolation and ruin \nover the face of our country. The importance, and, indeed, the abso- \nlute necessity, of filling up the army, of providing for the troops, and \nengaging them to serve during the war, is so apparent, and has been \nso frequently urged, that I shall only request your attention to the \nresolves of Congress on this subject ; and beseech you, by that love you \nhave for your country, her rights and liberties, to exert yourselves to \ncarry them speedily and effectually, as the only means of preserving \nher in this her critical and alarming situation.\" In a letter to four of \nthe States, dated Baltimore, Dec. 25, 1776, Hancock writes: \"It is \nneedless to use arguments on this occasion, or to paint the dreadful \nconsequences, to gentlemen already fully acquainted with them, of leav- \ning the back settlements of the New England States open to the rav- \nages of our merciless foes. If anything can add to your exertions, at \nthis time, it must be the reflection that your own most immediate safety \ncalls upon you to strain every nerve. Should we heedlessly abandon \nthe post of Ticonderoga, we give up inconceivable advantages. Should \nwe resolutely maintain it, — and it is extremely capable of defence, — \nwe may bid defiance to Gen. Carleton, and the northern army under \nhis command. But our exertions for this purpose must be immediate, \nor they will not avail anything. The 31st of this inst. the time will \nexpive for which the troops in that important garrison were enlisted, \nand Lake Champlain will, in all probability, be frozen over soon after. \nFor the sake, therefore, of all that is dear to freemen, be entreated to \npay immediate attention to tliis requisition of Congress, and let nothing \ndivert you from it. The aflTairs of our country are in a situation to \nadmit of no delay. They may still be retrieved, but not without the \ngreatest expedition and vigor.\" \n\nGov. Hancock, in writing to the Hon. Robert Morris, Financier \nGeneral at Washington, under date Philadelphia, Sept. 24, 1781, says: \n9* \n\n\n102 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\n\" Pray, my friend, when will be the properest time for me to be con- \nsidered for my expenses while President of Congress? They wrote \nme on the subject some two years ago ; but I waived troubling them, \nknowing the delicacy of their situation. Indeed, I kept no account of \nmy expenses ; nor had I time for it, as you well know how my time \nwas engrossed, and the labors and fatigue I underwent, and the expenses \nI must have necessarily incurred. I can speak plain to you : confident \nI am that fifteen hundred pounds sterling would not amount to the \nexpenses I incurred as president. In this I think I merit considera- \ntion, more especially as grants have been made to all my successors.\" \nHad Congress remitted Hancock twice that amount, it would have \nbeen no equivalent to the sacrifices of this devoted patriot. \n\nPresident Hancock was appointed, by the General Court of his \nnative State, Feb. 8, 1778, first Major-general of the Massachusetts \nMilitia ; and, during a recess of Congress in July, on the very day \nsucceeding that when he acted as moderator of a town-meeting, Aug. \n6th of that year, when the people at Faneuil Hall unanimously decided \nthat persons who have left the town, and have sought and received pro- \ntection from the British king, cannot return to it again without greatly \nendangering the peace and safety of Boston, the Cadet company, \nheaded by Maj. Gen. Hancock, and commanded by Col. Hichborn, \nand the company of Light Infantry, commanded by Capt. Hinckley, \nboth of this tOAvn, set out for head-quarters, to engage in an enter- \nprise in cooperation with the fleet of the French admiral, the Count \nD'Estaing, against Newport, in Rhode Island, conducted by a detach- \nment from the regular army of Washington, and seven thousand of the \nmilitia of New England, — an expedition which excited great anticipa- \ntions,— the whole under command of Maj. Gen. Sullivan, aided by the \nMarquis De La Fayette and Maj. Gen. Greene. On August 9th they \nlanded on Newport Island, and took possession of two of the enemy's \nforts, under Lord Howe, and the whole island north of their lines, with- \nout a gun fired on either side. The second line of this army was com- \nmanded by G?n. Hancock, who, warm with ardor, despatched intelli- \ngence, on the 11th instant, to Hon. Jeremiah Powell, President of the \nState Council. On the arrival of these troops in the island, the fleet \nof Lord Howe appeared upon the coast. We would have our readers \nrevert to the Massachusetts Historical Collections, and Bradford's \nMassachusetts, for a relation of this contest. \n\nCount D'Estaing, regardless of his obligations with the American \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 103 \n\ntroops, instead of defending tliem, hastened to the pursuit of the Brit- \nish, and exposed the army of his alHcs to all the calamities of a defeat; \nand the Americans were left, in the midst of great danger, to a morti- \nfying retreat, which they achieved, however, without the loss of artil- \nlery or baggage, and the ' fleet arrived at the same time in Boston \nharbor, shattered by a furious storm. \n\nUnder these circumstances, the French were not received in Boston \nwith the usual hospitality of its inhabitants, says Sanderson's Biogra- \nphy, and with a displeasure which threatened unhappy results ; but \nGen. Hancock, interposing, reheved his country from such a calamity, \nby his conciliating manners and unbounded hospitality. His elegant \nmansion was thrown open to the French admiral and all his officers, \nabout forty of whom dined every day at his table, loaded with the lux- \nuries of the season ; and, in addition, he gave a grand public ball at \nConcert Hall, attended by the admiral. On turning to the Gazette, \nhowever, we find that Admiral D'Estaing, Sept. 21, made a splendid \nentry into Boston. He was saluted from the Castle, the ships and \nforts in the harbor, as he approached the town. Upon landing, he was \nreceived by the State authorities, at the Council-chamber in King- \nstreet, and breakfasted with Gen. Hancock at his seat ; and a superb \nentertainment was given that week at Faneuil Hall, where were \nupwards of five hundred guests. The retreat of the Americans was, \nindeed, a remarkable escape. The delay of a single day would proba- \nbly have been fatal ; for Sir Henry Chnton, who had been detained by \nadverse winds, arrived with a reinforcement of four thousand men the \nvery next day, when a retreat, it is suspected, would have been imprac- \nticable. \n\nIn the reminiscences of John Trumbull are two allusions to Hancock. \nIt appears that Gen. Gates, who had been appointed to the command of \nthe northern department in Canada, had, previous to his entrance on \nthe station, appointed Mr. Trumbull a deputy adjutant-general on that \nstation, which was rejected by Congress as premature and unmilitary. \nThis occurred in 1775, when Hancock Avas president ; and the circum- \nstance probably excited a prejudice unfavorable to Trumbull, who \nrelates that, \" While I was in Gen. Washington's family, in 1775, Mr. \nHancock made a passing visit to the general, and, observing me, he \ninquired of Mr. Mifllin who I was ; and, when told that I was his fellow \naid-de-camp, and son of Gov. Trumbull, he made the unworthy observa- \ntion, that ' that family ivas well -provided for.^ Mr. Mifflin did not \n\n\n104 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\ntell me this until after Mr. Hancock had left head-quarters, but then \nobserved that he deserved to be called to an account for it. I answered, \n' No, — he is right ; my father and his three sons are doubtless well \nprovided for. We are secure of four halters, if we do not succeed.' \" \nThere is a strong probability that Hancock regretted this remark, and \nfelt that Trumbull was wronged ; and after Col. Trumbull's service, as \naid-de-camp to Gen. Sullivan, in the attack on Rhode Island, in 1778, \nwhen he returned to Boston overcome with fatigue and severe indispo- \nsition, before he rose next morning, a visit from Gov. Hancock was \nannounced. \" He followed the servant to my bedside,\" says Trumbull, \n*' and. with great kindness, insisted that I should be removed to his house \nimmediately, where, if my illness should become serious, I could be \nmore carefully attended than was possible in a boarding-house. I made \nlight of my illness, and, with many thanks, declined his pressing invi- \ntation. But it was a proud and consoling reflection, that he, who had \nbeen President of Congress at the time of my resignation, and who \nhad both signed and forwarded the misdated commission which had \ndriven me from the service, had now witnessed my military conduct, \nand seen that I was not a man to ask, but to earn, distinction.\" No \ndoubt these patriots were soon reconciled, as Gov. Hancock sat to \nTrumbull for his portrait. \n\nIn 1780 Hancock was elected a member of the convention that \nframed a State constitution, of which James Bowdoin was president. \nAt that time the people of the State were divided into two political par- \nties, with one of which the popularity of John Hancock was unbounded ; \nwith the other, James Bowdoin was the favorite. \"In the Hancock \nparty.\" says Josiah Quincy, \" were included many of the known mal- \ncontents with Harvard College, — men who had no sympathy for science \nor classical education, and who were ready to oppose any proposition \nfor the benefit of that institution.\" Is not this a sweeping denuncia- \ntion, too severe to credit 1 On the contrary, the party of which James \nBowdoin may be considered the exponent \" included all the active \nfriends of that seminary, and was chiefly composed of men regarded by \nthe opposite faction with jealousy and fear, to some of whom Hancock \nthen gave the sobriquet of 'The Essex Junto,' — the delegates from \nthat county being among the most talented and efficient members of \nthe convention.\" Would it be uncandid to concede that the Hancock \nparty embraced a few friends of Harvard College 'I Did not Gov. \nHancock prove, by his public messages, the paternal interest of his \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 105 \n\nheart in the welfare of the college 7 Does not President Quincy prove \nit by his own statement, where he relates that \" Gov. Hancock was \ninduced to allude to the necessity of legislative aid, in his speech to \nthe General Court, in May, 1791, and to introduce, by a special mes- \nsage, the memorial of Samuel Adams and others, a committee of the \noverseers and corporation, of the necessity of making up by the \narrearages of the usual grants to college officers, — without wliich, they \naverred, that ' either the assessment on the students must be aug- \nmented, or some of the institutions of the college must fail of support ' 1 \nAfter great debates, the subject was ugain referred to the next session \nof the Legislature;\" and on another occasion, in 1781, did not Han- \ncock remark, that the college was, \"in some sense, the parent and \nnurse of the late happy revolution in this Commonwealth '\"? \n\nOn the adoption of the State constitution at that date, John Han- \ncock was elected governor, which station he occupied until his decease, \nwith the exception of the years 1785 and 6, when his great rival, \nJames Bowdoin, became his successor. \n\nOne who saw John Hancock in June, 1782, relates that he had the \nappearance of advanced age. He had been repeatedly and severely \nafflicted with the gout ; probably owing in part to the custom of drink- \ning punch, — a common practice, in high circles, in those days. As \nrecollected at this time, Gov. Hancock was nearly six feet in height, \nand of thin person, stooping a little, and apparently enfeebled by dis- \nease. His manners were very gracious, of the old style of dignified \ncomplaisance. His face had been very handsome. Dress was adapted \nquite as much to be ornamental as useful. Gentlemen wore wigs when \nabroad, and, commonly, caps when at home. At this time, about noon, \nHancock was dressed in a red^velvet cap, within which was one of fine \nlinen. The latter was turned up over the lower edge of the velvet \none, two or three inches. He wore a blue damask gown lined with \nsilk, a white stock, a white satin embroidered waistcoat, black satin \nsmall-clothes, white silk stockings, and red morocco slippers. It was \na general practice, in genteel families, to have a tankard of punch \nmade in the morning, and placed in a cooler when the season required \nit. At this visit, Hancock took from the cooler, standing on the \nhearth, a full tankard, and drank first himself, and then offered it to \nthose present. His equipage was splendid, and such as is not custom- \nary at this day. His apparel was sumptuously embroidered with gold \nand silver and lace, and other decorations fashionable amongst men of \n\n\n106 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nfortune of that period ; and he rode, especially upon public occasions, \n\\nth six beautiful bay horses, attended by servants in livery. He \nwore a scarlet coat, with ruffles on his sleeves, which soon became the \nprevailing fashion; and it is related of Dr. Nathan Jacques, the \nfamous pedestrian, of West Newbury, that he paced all the way to \nBoston, in one day, to procure cloth for a coat like that of John Han- \ncock, and returned with it under his arm, on foot. \n\nHancock was hospitable. There might have been seen, at his table, \nall classes, from grave and dignified clergy, down to the gifted in song, \nnarration, anecdote, and wit, with whom \"noiseless falls the foot of \nTime, that only treads on flowers.\" \n\nMadam Hancock gratified the ambition of her husband, in presiding \nwith so much graceful ease at his hospitable board and in the social \ncircle, that her presence ever infused an enlivening charm. So famed \nwas Hancock for hospitality, that his mansion was often thronged with \nvisiters ; and frequently did Madam Hancock send her maids to milk \ntheir cows on Boston Common, early in the morning, to replenish the \nexhausted supply of the previous evening. On July 28, 1796, Avidow \nDorothy Hancock was married, by Peter Thacher, D. D., to James \nScott, the master of a London packet, formerly in the employ of the \ngovernor. She outlived Capt. Scott many years, and retained her \nmental faculties until near the close of life. She was a lady of superior \neducation, and delightful powers of conversation.^ \n\nHer last days were retired and secluded, in the dwelling No. 4 Fed- \neral-street, next the corner of Milton-place, in Boston ; and those were \nmost honored who received an invitation to her little supper-table. \nShe spoke of other days Avith cheerfulness, and seldom sighed that they \nhad gone. Her memory was tenacious^of past times ; and there were \nbut few officers of the British army quartered in Boston whose per- \nsonal appearance, habits, and manners, she could not describe with \naccuracy. Her favorite was Earl Percy, whose forces encamped on \nBoston Common during the winter of 1774-5 ; and this nobleman^ \naccustomed to all the luxuries of Old England, slept among his com- \npanions in arms in a tent on the Common, exposed to the severity of \nthe weather as much as were they. The traces of those tents have \nl)een visible, to a very recent period, on the Common, when the grass \nAvas freshly sj^ringing from the earth, and the circles around the tents \nwere very distinct. At the dawn of day, Madam Scott related, that \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 107 \n\nEarl Percy's voice was heard drilling the regulars near the old \nmansion. \n\nMadam Hancock had an opportunity, after tlie capture of Burgoyne, \nof extending her courtesies to the ladies of his array, while at Cam- \nbridge, under the treaty with Gates. They were gratefully received \nby the fair Britons, and ever remembered. When Lafayette was in \nBoston, during his last visit, in August, 1824, he made an early call \non Madam Scott. Those who witnessed this hearty interview speak of \nit with admiration. The once youthful chevalier and the unrivalled \nbelle met as if only a summer had passed since they had enjoyed \nsocial interviews in the perils of the Revolution. While they both were \ncontemplating the changes effected by long time, they smiled in each \nother's faces, but no allusion was made to such an ungallant subject ; \nyet she was not always so silent on this point. One of her young \nfriends complimented her on her good looks. She laughingly rephed, \n\"What you have said is more than half a hundred years old. My \nears remember it; but what were dimples once are wrinkles now.\" \nTo the last day of life, she was as attentive to her dress as when first \nin the circles of fashion. \" She would never forgive a young girl,\" \nshe said, \"who did not dress to please, nor one who seemed pleased \nAvith her dress.\" Madam Scott died in Boston, Feb. 3, 1830, ao-ed \n83 years. \n\nThe munificence of John Hancock, in the bosom of the church, was \nas proverbial as it was in forwarding the glory of the republic. Jn the \nyear 1772 he officially proposed to contribute largely towards a new \nmeeting-house for Brattle-street Church, of which he was a member. \nA plan for an edifice, draAvn by John S. Copley, the artist, was \nrejected, because of the expense; but another, drawn by Maj. Thomas \nDawes, father of the judge, was adopted. The admirers of genius will \never deplore the loss of Copley's design. There were seventy-five \n\"free-gift\" subscribers, of whom Gov. Bowdoin gave £200, and Gov. \nHancock gave XIOOO, reserving to himself the right of erecting a \nmahogany pulpit and furniture, a mahogany deacon's seat and com- \nmunion-table, and seats for poor widows, and others unable to provide \nfor themselves. When the bell, which was his gift also, was hung and \nrung for the first time, Oct. 28, 1774, weighing 3220 pounds, this \nmotto had been inscribed upon it : \n\n'•I to the Church the living call, \nAnd to the grave I summons all.\" \n\n\n108 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nDuring the years 1775-6, regiments of the British troops were \nquartered in the new church, in a sugar-house to the north of it, and in \nhouses in the near vicinity. Dr. Cooper was often a subject of their \nnotice, in passing into the church at service-time, when paraded in the \nsquare ; and the provost once, in breaking open the church door, \ndeclared that if Dr. Cooper and Dr. Warren were there, he would \nbreak their heads. The congregation was dispersed, on the 16th of \nApril, 1775, when it Avas used as a barrack for the British regulars, \nuntil the evacuation of Boston, March 17, 1776. Gov. Gage had liis \nmilitary head-quarters opposite the church. He told Mr. Turell he \nhad no fear of the shot from Cambridge, for his troops, while within \nsuch walls. The morning on Avhich the British evacuated, Dea. New- \nell and Mr. Turell entered the church, and quenched the fires which \nthey had left bui-ning. A shot which struck the tower the night before \nwas preserved in his family until the committee for making late repairs \nhad it f istened in the tower where it had penetrated. When the Brit- \nish were about to occupy the church. Deacons Gore and Newell were \npermitted to encase the pulpit and columns, and remove the body pews, \nwhich were conveyed to the paint loft of the former. When the church \nwas erected, the name of \"Hon. John Hancock, Esq.\" was inscribed \non one of the rustic quoins, of Connecticut stone, at the south-west \ncorner, which the royal regulars badly defaced, and the stone remains \nto this day in the condition in which they left it ; and a similar inscrip- \ntion, unmutilated, appears on one of the rustic quoins in the south-west \ncorner of the tower. Palfrey's history of the church relates most of \nthese facts. \n\nThough Hutchinson relates that the estate of Hancock was lost with \ngreater rapidity than it was acquired, he was, at the. latest period, one \nof the largest owners of real estate in Boston. His ancient stoue \nmansion, opposite which, in the summer, a band of music played for \nthe people, stands on the front ground of the possessions inherited \nfrom his uncle, bounded eastward on Beacon, from Mount Vernon to \nClapboard, now Belknap street, including the grounds of the State- \nhouse, Hancock-avenue, and Mount Vernon-place ; and westerly, \nembracing ]\\Iount Vernon-street, which he gave to the town ; a part \nof Hancock-street, where was his gardener's extensive nursery ; and \nother lands, including a part of Beacon Hill, now occupied for a \nCochituate Reservoir, never before improved by any building, until it \nwas sold to the city in 1847. His lands were originally of orchards and \n\n\n^ JOHN HANCOCK. 109 \n\npastures. Hancock was the most public-spirited person ever known \nin Boston, and it is said that he sacrificed more than one hundred \nthousand dollars in the cause of liberty. \n\nThere was a lofty and spacious hall on the northern wing of his \nmansion, extending sixty feet, devoted to festive parties, and built of \nwood. It was removed, in 1818, to Allen-street; and a complaint \nbeing entered that it endangered the neighborhood, brick walls were \nbuilt around it. and the building is still standing. Public dinners, \nnow given at the public expense, were provided by Hancock from his \nown private purse. The bill of cost for the dinner on election-day, at \nFaneuil Hall, May 25, 1791, was X90 ; and for 163 bottles of wine, \nalso, and other items, it was £Q5 Qs. Qd. The bill was made out to \nJohn Hancock, and paid by himself. On the 6th of June following, \nGov. Hancock gave a splendid entertainment in his glorious hall, it \nbeing election-day. Among the company present, were Col. Azor \nOrne, and Solomon Davis, Esq., a merchant who resided in Tremont- \nstreet, opposite the Savings Bank. He was very facetious. A superb \nplum-cake graced the centre of the table. It was noticed by the \nguests that Mr. Davis partook very freely of this cake ; and, more- \nover, that the silver tankard of punch was greatly lightened of its \nliquid, by liberal draughts through his lips. As was the natural habit \nof Mr. Davis, he set the table in a roar ; and in one of his puns being \nspecially felicitous, Col. Orne remarked, \"Go home, Davis, and die; — \nyou can never beat that ! \" Mr. Davis, on his way home, fell dead, in \na fit of apoplexy, near King's Chapel, and his pockets were found \nfilled with plum-cake. His decease is recorded in Russell's Centinel \nof that date. \n\nGov. Hancock would gather in his hall all the rare wits of the town, \nof whom Nathaniel Balch, a hatter, was a never-failing guest, well \nknown as the governor's jester. His shop was on Washington opposite \nWater street ; and he would, when seated in his broad arm-chair at the \nshop-door, keep his visiters in a roar at his witticisms. So strong was \nthe attachment of the governor towards him, that if the former were \ncalled away, at no matter what distance. Squire Balch attended him. \nlike his shadow, — which we will illustrate. Hancock was called on to \nvisit the District of Maine, on which occasion he travelled in state, \nand was attended by Hon. Azor Orne, of the Council, of IMarblehead, \nand his old friend Balch. Their arrival at Portsmouth, N. H., was \nthus humorously announced : On Thursday last, arrived in this town. \n10 \n\n\n110 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nNathaniel Balch, Esq., accompanied by His Excellency Jolin Hancock, \nand the lion. Azor Orne, Esq. \n\nAmon<5 the most tenacious political opponents of John Hancock was \nStephen Higginson. a nervous writer of great spirit, whose articles, \nsigned '\"Laco,\" in Russell's Centinel, effected a strong feeling. Mr. \nHigginson was a mercha,nt on Long Wharf, and passed down State-street \nto his store. The truckmen who stood in State-street used great efforts \nto teach a parrot, that hung in a cage at the corner of Merchant' s-row, \nto recognize '-'Laco,\" and to curse him, relates Thomas ; and so com- \npletely successful were they, that pretty Poll no sooner saw Mr. Higgin- \nson approach, than she began to \" Hurrah for Hancock ! Down with \nLaco ! \" — and continued to do so until he was out of sight. In con- \nnection with this, we Avill relate another incident. One evening, early \nin the year 1789, in a party, according to Russell's Centinel, consist- \nino- of the advocates of Gov. Hancock and of his political opponents, \none of the latter, long famous for his unfriendly air, began a long \nharangue on Hancock's unwise administration ; but before he had ended, \nhe observed one of the company asleep. Offended at the indignity, he \nceased, until the speaker's friends awoke the slumberer, who apolo- \ngized, and proposed, as a reparation, to relate his dream. \" Gentle- \nmen,\" said he, \" I dreamed I was in the abodes of misery. The first, \nspirit I met was Lucifer, who, as usual for him, came to welcome mc. \nand asked, ' What news upon earth?' ' Not much,' said I. ' What \nare they doing at Boston 7 ' said he. I told him they were trying to \nagain elect John Hancock as governor. ' That will never do,' cried \nLucifer ; ' Jack, fetch my horse, boots, and spurs. But pray what \nhas become of Laco?' 'He is there, very busy.' '0, never mind, \nthen. Jack ; let the horse go, and put away my boots and spurs ; for \nv,hilc Laco is in Boston, there is no need of my presence. He can \nperform the work of confusion to admiration, without my aid.' \" This \nsally of wit set the club in a roar, and the ranter was so chagrined that \nlie uttered no more declamation. Hancock was that year elected^ \ngovernor of the Old Bay State. \n\nIt was asserted, in Russell's Centinel, that it was generally known \nthat privateers were fitting out of the port of Boston, and have been, \nby American and French citizens, notwithstanding President Wash- \nington had proclaimed that our country was in a state of neutrality. \nA town-meeting Avas notified, which took place on July 25, 1793. \nThomas Dawes, the moderator, called upon Mr. Benjamin Russell for \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. Ill \n\nhis authority, on which he declared that Stephen Higginson related the \nstatement. The latter roundly denied the charge. The one was \naccused of asserting what he could not prove, and the other for print- \ning what was never stated. Mr. Russell, therefore, was impelled to \nretract, saying that he had been misinformed. The editor of the Bos- \nton Mercury very pleasantly said, in his paper : \n\n\" Stephen .and Ben are now both even ; \nStephen beat Ben, and Ben beat Stephen.\" \n\nI \n\nGov. Hancock was elected a delegate to the Massachusetts State \nConvention, on the adoption of the federal constitution, which \nassembled at the Rev. Jeremy Belknap's church, in Long-lane, — \nafterwards named Federal-street, in honor of the convention, — Jan. \n9, 1788, on which occasion Hancock was elected president, and George \nRichards Minot, secretary. Hancock had been absent some days, from \nillness. On the 31st day he resumed his place ; and, after remarking \non the difterence of opinion which prevailed in the convention, he pro- \nposed that the constitution should be adopted, but that it should be \naccompanied by certain amendments, to be submitted to Congress. He \nexpressed his belief that it would be safe to adopt the constitution. \nunder the hope that the amendments would be ratified, which led to a \ndiscussion on its probability. *'It cannot bo assumed, for certainty,\" \nsays Sullivan, \"that this measure of Hancock's secured the adoption: \nbut it is highly probable. The convention may have been influenced \nby another circumstance. About this time, a great meeting of \nmechanics was held at the Green Drao;on Tavern, which was thron-red. \nAt this meeting resolutions were passed, with acclamation, in favor of \nthe adoption. But notwithstanding Hancock's conciliatory proposal. \nand this strong public expression, the constitution was adopted by the \nsmall majority of nineteen, out of three hundred and fifty votes.\" On \ntaking this question. Gov. Hancock said : '-J should have considered it \nas one of the most distressing misfortunes in my life, to be deprived \nof giving my aid and support to a system which, if amended, as I \nfeel assured it will be, according to your proposals, cannot fail to give \nthe people of the United States a greater degree of political freedom, \nand eventually as much national dignity as falls to the lot of any \nnation on the earth. The question now before you is such as no \nnation on earth, without the limits of America, have ever had the \n\n\n112 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nprivilege of deciding.\" The proposed amendments were twelve in \nnumber. They were submitted to the States. Ten of them were \nadopted, and now form a part of the constitution of the United States. \nThe adoption was celebrated in Boston by a memorable procession, in \nwhich the various orders of mechanics displayed appropriate banners. \nIt was hailed with joy throughout the repubhc. Gen. Washington is \nwell known to have expressed his hearty satisfaction that the import- \nant State of Massachusetts had acceded to the Union. The proces- \nsion was so vast, that though Faneuil Hall could then accommodate \nfifteen hundred persons, not half the people could find room to enter. \n\n\" The 'Vention did in Boston meet, — \nBut State-house could not hold 'em ; \nSo then they went to Federal-street, \nAnd there the truth was told 'em. \n\n\" They every morning went to prayer. \nAnd then began disputing, \nTill opposition silenced were, \nBy arguments refuting. \n\n\" Then Squire Hancock, like a man \nWho dearly loves the nation. \nBy a conciliatory plan, \nPrevented much vexation. \n\n\" He made a woundy Federal speech, \nWith sense and elocution ; \nAnd then the 'Vention did beseech \nT' adopt the constitution. \n\n\" The question being outright put. \nEach voter independent, \nThe Federalists agreed to adopt, \nAnd then propose amendment. \n\n** The other party, seeing then \nThe people were against them. \nAgreed, like honest, faithful men. \nTo mix in peace amongst 'em. - \n\n\" The Boston folks are deuced lads. \nAnd always full of notions ; \nThe boys and girls, their marms and dads, \nWere filled with joy's commotions ; \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 113 \n\n\" So straightway they procession made, — \nLord ! how nation fine, sir ! \nFor every man of every trade \nWent with his tools to dine, sir. \n\n\" John Foster Williams, in a ship. \nJoined in the social band, sir ; \nAnd made the lasses dance and skip, \nTo see him sail on land, sir ! \n\n\" 0 then a whopping feast began, \nAnd all hands went to eating ; \nThey drank their toasts, shook hands, and eung, \nHuzza for 'Vention meeting ! \n\n\" Now, politicians of all kinds, \nWho are not yet derided. \nMay see how Yankees speak their minds. \nAnd yet are not decided. \n\n\" Then, from this sample, let 'em cease \nInflammatory writing ; \nFor freedom, happiness, and peace, \nAre better far than fighting. \n\n\" So here I end my Federal song. \nComposed of thirteen verses ; \nMay agriculture flourish long. \nAnd commerce fill our purses.\" \n\nJust three days previous to the entry of Washington into Boston, in \nthe year 1789, an eiFusion appeared in Russell's Centinel, addressed to \nthe citizens. Its fervor of affection must be our apology for its insertion \nhere : \n\n\" The man beloved approaches nigh, — \nRevere him, ye Bostonian sons ! \nEmbrace the chance before you die, \nAnd cannonade with all your guns. \n\n\" Let lively squibs dance through the town, \nAnd pleasing rockets gild the air ; \nThere 's not a man can show a frown, \nBut all shall joyously appear. \n\n•' Let punch in casks profusely flow. \nAnd wine luxuriantly be spread ; \nThat townsmen all, both high and low, \nMay hand in hand by mirth be led.\" \n\n10* \n\n\n114 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nWe will proceed to relate a memorable remimscence of this reception \nof President Washington, which discloses an instance of frailty in \nregard to etiquette on the part of Gov. Hancock. \n\nIt is well known that Avhcn Washington, with a mind oppressed Avith \nmore painful sensations than he had words to express, accepted the \npresidency, and undertook the more difficult task of guiding in peace \nthe nation Avhich he had saved in war, he thought it a proper expression \nof his respect to the republic to take the tour of his country, Where- \never he came, he w^as received with every mark of honor and regard \nthat a grateful and confiding people could bestow. Hancock was \nwilling to show him attention in any way which allowed the governor \nto take precedence of the president. The State, though confederate, \nwas sovereign; and who greater here than its chief magistrate ? So it \nwas settled, in his mind, that etiquette required his excellency to be \nwaited on first in his own house by the president, and not make the \nadvance to his illustrious visiter. The president, as appeared in the \nresult, had difterent ideas. On Gen. Washington's approach to Bos- \nton, Oct. 25, 1789, at some miles distance, attended by two secretaries \nand six servants, he was met by the governor's suite, and an invitation \nto dinner, but no governor. He intends to present himself, thought \nWashington, at the suburbs ; but, on arriving at the Neck, he still \nmissed Gov. Hancock. The day was unusually cold and murky. \nThe president, with his secretaries, had been mounted for a considerable \ntime, waiting to enter the town. He made inquiry of the cause of \nthe delay ; and, on receiving information of the important difficulty, is \n■said to have expressed impatience. Turning to Maj. Jackson, his sec- \nretary, he asked, \" Is there no other avenue to the town?\" and he was \nin the act of turning his charger, when he was informed that he would \nbo received by the municipal authorities, and was conducted amidst the \nuniversal acclamation of the people. He passed the long procession, \nand reached the entrance of the State-house, but no governor. He \nstopped, and demanded of the secretary if his excellency was above, \nbecause, if he were, he should not ascend the stairs. Upon being \n;issured he was not, he ascended, saw the procession pass, and then \nwent to his lodgings. A message came from the governor's mansion \nthat dinner was waiting. The president dechncd, and dined at home. \nLoud expressions of resentment were heard from all quarters at this \nindignity toward the first of men, whom the town had received, on their \npartj with every possible respect. Thoy had not added an entertain- \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 115 \n\nment to their plan, because this was claimed by Hancock. In the \nevening, two of the Council came to Washington, with explanations and \napologies in behalf of the chief magistrate, — \" He was not well,\" etc. \n\" Gentlemen,\" said Washington, \" I am a frank man, and will be frank \non this occasion. For myself, you will believe me, I do not regard \nceremony ; but there is an etiquette due to my oiEce which I am not \nat liberty to waive. My claim to the attention that has been omitted \nrests upon the question whether the whole is greater than a part. I \nam told,\" said Washington, \" that the course taken has been designed, \nand that the subject was considered in Council.\" This was denied. \nOne gentleman said, however, it was observed that the President of the \nUnited States was one personage, and the ambassador of the French \nrepublic was another personage. \"Why that remark, sir, if the sub- \nject was not before the Council?\" Washington continued. \"This \ncircumstance has been so disagreeable and mortifying, that I must say, \nnotwithstanding all the marks of respect and affection received from \nthe inhabitants of Boston, had I anticipated it, I would have avoided \nthe place.\" \n\nThe friends of Gov. Hancock held a consultation on the matter, the \nsame evening ; and, in compliance with their advice, he concluded to \nwaive the point of etiquette, as will appear by a note written to Pres- \nident Washington : \n\n^'■Sunday, 26 October, half past tivelve o'clock. \n\" The Governor's best respects to the President. If at home, and at \nleisure, the Governor will do himself the honor to pay his respects in \nhalf an hour. This would have been done much sooner, had his \nhealth in any degree permitted. He now hazards everything, as it \nrespects his health, for the desirable purpose.\" \n\nWashington's Reply. \n\n\" Sunday, 26 October, one o^ clock. \n\"The President of the United States presents his best respects to \nthe Governor, and has the honor to inform him that he shall be at home \ntill two o'clock. The President needs not express the pleasure it will \ngive him to see the Governor ; but, at the same time, he most earnestly \nbegs that the Governor will not hazard his health on the occasion.\" \n\nHancock rode in his coach, without delay, enveloped in red baize, \nto the lodgings of Washington, at the boarding-house of Joseph Inger- \n\n\n116 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nsoil, on the comer of Court and Tremont streets, to whose apartment \nhe was borne in the arms of attendants. Washington accepted of an \ninvitation to dine with Hancock, partook of a public dinner of the \nState authorities where Hancock was not present, and attended an \noratorio of Jonah, and other pieces, in King's Chapel, on which occa- \nsion he was dressed in a black suit of velvet. The profits of this \noratorio were appropriated to the expense of finishing the colonnade, \nor portico, of the chapel ; and it is stated that Washington contributed \nhandsomely for the object. \n\nWe find the following apostrophe to Hancock, in a poetical tribute \nto Washington, contained in Russell's Centinel, Oct. 31, 1789: \n\n\" Thou, too, illustrious Hancock ! by his side \nIn every lowering hour of danger tried ; \nWith him conspicuous o'er the beamy page. \nDescend the theme of every future age. \nWhen first the sword of early war we drew. \nThe king, presaging, fixed his eye on you; \n'T was your dread finger pressed the sacred seal \nWhence rose to sovereign power the public weal !\" \n\nWhen Washington entered Boston, he came on horseback, dressed \nin his old continental uniform, with his head uncovered. He did not \nbow to the throngs that crowded around him, but sat on his horse, with \na calm, dignified air. When he dismounted, at the old State-house, he \ncame out on a temporary balcony at the west end. A long procession \npassed before him, whose salutations he occasionally returned. A tri- \numphal arch was erected across the street at that place, and a choir of \nsingers were stationed there. When Washington came forward, he \nwas saluted by the clear, powerful voice of Daniel Rea, who sang the \node prepared for the occasion. \n\nThere is no question that the punctilious exactness of Gov. Hancock, \nin matters of etiquette, more especially in relation to the beloved Wash- \nington, had a tendency to diminish the respect for him, in the minds \nof our political leaders, that they had been accustomed to extend : and \nWilliam Cunningham, in the famous correspondence with John Adams, \nreminds him of what he himself once said of him in the summer of \n1791, probably when Adams had in his mind this unfortunate afiair \nof Washington's reception. Some conversation respecting Hancock \nled Mrs. Adams to remark that he was born near your residence, says \nCunningham. — '-You turned yourself towards your frontdoor, and \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 117 \n\npointing to a spot in view, you laughingly exclaimed, ' Yes, — there 's \nthe place Avhere the great Gov. Hancock was born.' Then, composing \nyour countenance, and rolling your eye, you went on with these excla- \nmations : ' John Hancock ! A man without head and without heart ! \n— the mere shadow of a man ! — and yet a Governor of old Massachu- \nsetts ! ' Pausing a moment, you breathed a sigh, which sorrowed, as \nplainly as a sigh could sorrow, for poor Massachusetts.\"' Sullivan \nremarks that Hancock was not supposed to be a man of great intellect- \nual force ; and we have heard it stated, by a person of political emi- \nnence, that Dr. Cooper was the author of Hancock's oration on the \njNIassacre, and that Dr. Tliacher wrote for him his messages. More- \nover, we have heard that Hon. Judge Parsons wrote for him the \nresolves of the State convention on the adoption of the federal consti- \ntution, which he had the reputation of preparing ; but such detracting \ntraditions should be received with decided impressions of disbelief It \nis evident that he Avas an ardent friend of popular education ; as in \nthe first year of his administration, and in 1789, he made a persuasive \nappeal to the State Legislature to provide by law for public schools, \nand for suitable instruction. In relation to the opinion of John Adams, \nwe have stronger evidence than the statement of Cunningham, in his \nletter to Judge William Tudor, dated June 5, 1813, contained in \nFelfs Memorials of William S. Shaw, wherein he remarks that \"the \ntwo young men whom I have known to enter the stage of life with \nthe most luminous, unclouded prospects, and the best-founded hopes, \nwere James Otis and John Hancock. They were both essential to the \nRevolution, and both fell sacrifices to it.\" And in another part of the \nsame letter, John Adams further asserts of them and Samuel Adams, \nthat \" they were the first movers, the most constant, steady, perse- \nvering springs, agents, and most disinterested sufierers, and firmest pil- \nlars, of the whole Revolution.\" Moreover, John Adams remarked, in \na letter to Rev. Jedediah Morse, D. D., written in 1818, as follows : \n\"Of Mr. Hancock's life, character, generous nature, great and disin- \nterested sacrifices, and important services, if I had forces, I should \nbe glad to write a volume. But this, I hope, will be done by some \nyounger and abler hand.\" It is honor enough to John Hancock, \nthat his daring patriotism, in the direst period of his country's perils, \nrendered him especially obnoxious to the British throne. \n\nOld Massachusetts is greatly indebted to Gov. Hancock for his eflS- \ncient measures in the suppression of Shays' Rebellion, which occurred \n\n\n118 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nin 1786, and for the withdrawal of three hundred pounds of his salary \nas governor, which act of patriotism and generosity elicited the public \nthanks of the General Court. \n\nIn the year 1792, a company of comedians, under the direction of \nCharles Powell, arrived at Boston from London, and established theat- \nrical entertainments in a stable, in Board-alley, fitted up for the occa- \nsion. A law having been in existence ever since 1750 against such \namusements, the exhibitions were advertised under the covert name of \nMoral Lectures. Gov. Hancock was highly offended at such a trans- \ngression, and made it a special topic of censure in his message to the \nLegislature, stating that it was an open breach of the laws, and a most \ncontemptuous insult upon the government, advising that these aliens \nand foreigners be brought to condign punishment. A writer in the \nChronicle of Nov. 22, indignant not only that foreigners should palm \nthemselves on a repubhcan people, but also with \"tales of love between \nmy Lord and Lady, or Sir Charles and his Maid,\" in this land of lib- \nerty and equality, as preachers of moral lectures, thus versifies : \n\n\" Bostonians ! \nShall a lawless Bandittis, the faeces, \nThe refuse of a degenerate people, \nPass unnoticed, and be suffered \nTo triumph over the opinions, \nAnd the long, well-established maxims \nOf our venerable ancestors ? \nShall vile minions, from a foreign land. \nAffect to treat with open, marked contempt. \nThe mild influence of our government. \nIn the prevention of those evils \nWhich experience and well-known prudence \nLong since stampt by the slow finger of time. \nWith wisdom and success ? \nWhat insult is not to be awaited \nFrom men, who, regardless of their honor. \nTrample upon our laws, — our sacred rights, — \nWhen the history of whose lives would put \nModesty and every kindred virtue \nTo the blush ! Philo DRAiiATis.\" \n\nOn Wednesday, Dec. 3d inst., there was advertised to be performed, \nat the New England Exhibition-room, Board-alley, Feats on the Tight \nRope ; after which, a floral Lecture — The True-born Irishman, or \nIrish Fine Lady, etc. On that evening, on the complaint of Mr. Sul- \nlivan, the Attorney -general, Jeremiah Allen, the sheriff of Suffolk, \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 119 \n\narrested Mr. Harper, one of tlie company of comedians who for some \ntime past had entertained the people of Boston, as guilty of a breach \nof the law, and held him to bail to appear the next day before the \njustices, and enter into recognizance to appear at the next Supreme \nCourt. At the period of the scene Bosworth Field, in Richard the \nThird, the sheriff came unceremoniously forward upon the stage, and \nmade prisoner the humpbacked tyrant, and declared, unless the per- \nformances ceased, he should forthwith arrest the whole company. \nMuch excitement ensued, and the citizens trod under foot the portrait \nof Hancock, that hung in front of the stage-box. A loud call ensued \nfor the performance to proceed, but the actors advised the audience \nquietly to withdraw, and receive the entrance-pay. The performances \nwere discontinued until the last day of that year, when the law was \nabolished ; and it is said that many attended, at that time, armed with \nweapons. The building on Federal-street was shortly after erected for \nstage-plays. \n\nTo return : The examination was held at Faneuil Hall, when \nAttorney Sullivan read a special order from Gov. Hancock. H. G. \nOtis, counsel for Harper, objected to the legality of the warrant, as \ncontrary to the 14th article of the Declaration of Rights, which requires \nthat no warrants shall be issued except upon complaints made on oath. \nMr. Tudor, also of his counsel, supported Mr. Otis, which was com- \nbated by Mr. Sullivan. The justices acceded, and the defendant was \ndischarged, amid loud applause. \n\nThe last appearance of Gov. Hancock in the presence of the State \nLegislature occurred in the afternoon of Sept. 18, 1793, in the old \nState-house, in State-street, when, owing to debility, he was brought \nin attended by Mr. Secretary Avery and Sheriff Allen. Being seated, \nGov. Hancock informed the Legislature that the condition of his health \nwould not permit him to address them in the usual Avay. Ho there- \nfore hoped they would keep their seats, and requested their indulgence \nwhile the Secretary of State would read his addi'ess, as his infirmity \nrendered it totally impossible for him to speak so as to be heard. \nEager to maintain the rights of the people, he had summoned the Leg- \nislature to decide on the important question of the suability of the \nStates, or rather, the sovereignty of Massachusetts. It was viewed as \nrather remarkable that he should summon a special session for this \nobject, as before the period to which the Court was prorogued it was \n\n\n120 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nordained tliat Hancock should be numbered with the dead, — as if it \nwere the intention of Heaven that the man who had ever been fore- \nmost in asserting the liberties of the States, should be first to check \nany encroachment on their sovereignty and independence. \n\nAfter Secretary Avery had finished reading this valuable and per- \ntinent speech, Gov. Hancock made the following truly pathetic apol- \nogy, with a tone of voice which at once demonstrated the sincerity of \nhis heart, and which could not fail of making a deep impression on the \nmind of every spectator. Hancock said : \"I beg pardon of the hon- \norable Legislature, and I rely on your candor, gentlemen, to forgive \nthis method of addressing you. I feel the seeds of mortality growing \nfast within me ; but I think I have, in this case, done no more than \nmy duty, as the servant of the people. I never did, and I never will, \ndeceive them, while I have life and strength to act in their service.\" \n\nWhilst Great Britain dwells with enthusiasm, says the Chronicle, on \nthe death of Chatham, who expired amid his fellow-peers, in making \none glorious effort to save his country from impending ruin, let Mas- \n',?achusetts remember, and to the latest posterity be it known, that Gov. \nHancock met his constituents, in General Assembly convened, when he \nwas unable to articulate, except a few broken, pathetic sentences, and \nthere delivered to the Senate and Representatives, through the medium \nof his secretary, the last political legacy of the dying patriot, replete \nwith sentiments which deserve to be engraven on the pillars of time. \nThe Legislature concurred in the opinion of Hancock, that a State was \nsovereign and independent, and not suable. This last exalted scene \nwas worthy the pencil of Trumbull, and beamed with brighter glories \nthan the death of Chatham. \n\nThe Assembly rose. Hancock was conveyed to his carriage, and \ntaken to his residence, but never again appeared in public. His \ndecease occurred Oct. 8, 1793, at the age of fifty-six, of gout and \nexhaustion. The corpse was embowelled, and remained unburied for \neight days, to give an opportunity for the citizens, from remote parts \nof the State, to render the last tribute of respect to his memory ; and \nthey came in tens of thousands. The procession was an hour and one \nhalf in passing along, and it was conducted with great ceremony. \nSamuel Adams, who was lieutenant-governor, followed the bier as \nchief mourner ; but the venerable patriot could not endure the fatigue, \nand on reaching State-street was compelled to retire from the proces- \nsion. \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK. 121 \n\n\" Aa the dead patriot's honored relics passed, \nThe pomp was darkened, and the scene o'ercast; \nThe world of pleasure passed unheeded by, \nAnd tears of sorrow stood in every eye.\" \n\nThe militia of the town and the country added to the imposing effect \nof the scene. The judges of the Supreme Judicial Court had, to this \nperiod, worn immense wigs and broad bands above robes of scarlet \nEnglish cloth, fliced with black velvet, in winter, and black silk gowns, \nin summer. On this occasion they appeared in the latter, with their \nbroad, flowing wigs ; the barristers, also, were in black gowns and club \nwigs. There is a tradition in the family, that on the night after the \nfuneral of Hancock, the tomb, located in the Granary, was forcibly \nentered, and the right hand of Hancock was severed from the arm, and \ntaken away. This rumor is probably unfounded, as when, in the year \n1841, the remains were gathered, together with the relics of his only \nson, and carefully deposited in a new coffin, no missing hand was \nobserved. Peace to the manes of our American Trajan ! May his \nsrave, hke his fame, bloom forever ! No monument has ever been \nerected to the memory of John Hancock; and in the New York Mer- \nchant's Magazine of December, 1840, is a brief memoir of Hancock, \nwritten by George Mountfort, Esq., a native of Boston, in which it is \nproposed that a statue of John Hancock should be erected in the \nbuilding of the Merchant's Exchange, on Wall-street, remarking: \n\" Let an American sculptor breathe into chiselled marble the soul, and \ninvest it with the form, of him who should be the merchant's pride \nand boast ; and let it stand the presiding genius of a temple reared \nand consecrated to the commercial interests of our great city.\" How \nmuch more seemly is it that the sons of the Old Bay State erect an \nexquisite marble statue to the memory of this most eminent patriot \nand munificent Bostonian, either over his unhonored remains in the \nGranary, or in the near view of that to Bowditch, at Mount Auburn, \nthe sacred forest of monuments ! \n\nThy political reputation, Hancock, says Benjamin Austin, will ever \nbe revered by the republicans of America ! Thou wilt live, illustrious \nspirit, in the hearts of thy countrymen ; and while liberty and the \nrights of thy country are duly estimated, thy name will be held in \ngrateful remembrance. The proscription of George the Third is a \n\"mausoleum\" to thy memory, which will survive a ponderous mon- \nument of marble ! \n\n11 \n\n\n122 THE HUNDRED BOSTON ORATORS. \n\nON JOHN HANCOCK. \n\nBY CHAPMAN WHITCOMB. 1795. \n\nJove, armed in thunder, ne'er appeared more great. \n\nOld Delai Lama, on his throne of state, \n\nHad not more votaries, no Turkish Dey, \n\nNor eastern sage, had more respect than he ; \n\nHis house tlie seat of hospitality. \n\nAnd famed for alms and deeds of charity. \n\nNoble his mien, and elegant his air ; \n\nComely his person, and his visage fair ; \n\nOld Cato's virtues did his actions grace. \n\nCourtiers were awed, and senators gave place ; \n\nKnowledge and dignity shone in his face. \n\n\nPETER THACHER, D. D. \n\nMARCH 6, 1776. ON THE BOSTON MASSACRE. \n\nAs Boston was at this time garrisoned by the British regulars, and \nthe patriotic inhabitants were in the country, a meeting was assembled \nin the meeting-house at Watertown, at ten A. M., March -5, 1776. and \nafter choosing the Hon. Benjamin Austin moderator, and after a fer- \nvent prayer by Rev. Dr. Cooper, the Rev. Peter Thacher delivered an \noration, which was received with universal approbation, it being the \nanniversary of Preston's Massacre\", says the New England Chronicle, \neflfected \" by a band of rufSans sent hither by George, the brutal tyrant \nof Britain, in order to execute his infernal plans for enslaving a free \npeople.\" The oration was published by Benjamin Edes, at Watertown. \nBoston being occupied by the ro3^alists at this day, there was no lan- \ntern exhibition, or other transparencies. Avhich had previously occurred \nat the inn of Mrs. Mary Clapham, an antique, spacious, two-story brick \nhouse located on the site of the present Merchant's Bank. Many \nBritish officers boarded with Mrs. Clapham, who had several beautiful \ndaughters, one of whom eloped with one of the officers, and is said to \nhave become his wife. \n\n\nPETER THACHER, D. D. 128 \n\nIn the patriotic performance before us, it is remarked : \" English- \nmen have been wont to boast of the excellence of their constitution,— \nto boast that it contained whatever was excellent in every form of gov- \nernment hitherto by the wit of man devised. In their king, whose \npower was limited, they have asserted that they enjoyed the advantages \nof monarchy, without fear of its evils ; Avhile their House of Commons, \nchosen by the suffi-ages of the people, and dependent upon them, repre- \nsented a republic, their House of Peers, forming a balance of power \nbetween the king and the people, gave them the benefit of an aristoc- \nracy. In theory, the British constitution is, on many accounts, \nexcellent ; but when we observe it reduced to practice, — when we \nobserve the British government, as it has been for a long course \nof years administered, — we must be convinced that its boasted advan- \ntages are not real. The management of the public revenue, the \nappointment of civil and military officers, are vested in the king. \nImproving the advantages which these powers give him, he hath \nfound means to corrupt the other branches of the legislature. Britons \nplease themselves with the thought of being free. Their tyrant suffers \nthem to enjoy the shadow, whilst he himself grasps the substance, of \npower. Impossible would it have been for the kings of England to \nhave acquired such an exorbitant power, had they not a standing- \narmy under their command. With the officers of this army, they have \nbribed men to sacrifice the rights of their country. Having artfully \n