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A public-domain text about Boston, accessioned whole so the archive can quote it.","text_extract":") \n\n\n1 \n\n^^ \n\nfr^ \n\n^t \n\n1^ \n\nmi \n\n/^ \n\n-^m \n\nn^fk \n\nB\" \n\no \n\nH \n\n'/7^ \n\n'y^ \n\n^ 0.!^'f'*^!V'^-.^!)y' ■?7l\\i^\\j|M'/)' \n\n^^^ \n\nvJm \n\n^ \n\nil \n\nM] \n\nS \n\nHbH \n\num^ \n\n& \n\n^ ^W^^^ \n\nH \n\n(^ \n\nvOvKj/ /«/ \n\nrate. \n\nf^^l \n\nv^jIW \n\nU^^i \n\n^s^ \n\n^ 4^l\\ \n\n,^M:'l \n\n^^li^poi \n\n3^' \n\n^^M \n\n^J^ \n\nMBi^^MMlH \n\nM^^ \n\nwm^ \n\n' ^^sm \n\ns \n\nS\" ' ' \"^' 'S\\ \n\n^^ \n\nB \n\nS \n\n(> \n\n> \n\ni \n\n^7 r^ \n\nii^ \n\nV xV \n\n/^ \n\n1 \n\nf^ \n\ni \n\n1 \n\n1 \n\nm/ j'ii \n\n- , -^ f |,^^^/ \n\ns^'/ \n\n^M^\\ \n\n,^i^^^i^ \n\nS^'/i \n\nM \n\n\\VN\\ \n\nWr/A \n\nvy^ \n\n\\j^i \n\n^^ \n\ni \n\n'A! - X, \n\nps« \n\npH \n\nr^*^i \n\ns \n\nH \n\n^^ \n\nB \n\nM \n\nE \n\n^r/ \n\ni'/M \n\n*' \"1 \n\ns \n\nH \n\n0 \n\nP \n\n^^Iff \n\nH \n\ns \n\nt^\\ \n\n^ \n\nl^y/l \n\niPnfi \n\nwA \n\ns \n\n^J ^^ \n\n\\^ \n\ns \n\nmJ \n\nfcl^ \n\nH \n\n^&- \n\n\\l^ \n\n^ \n\n^^^i^wC^/r ^^^^ \n\nw/ y/ 1\\ vSv w \n\nif^' \n\n^l^i \n\nf^^^d \n\n^^J \n\nM(^/ \n\nMl^/ \n\n\\^^\\ \n\n/^i^/ \n\np=^ \n\n^C\\ \n\n0 \n\nP \n\n^ \n\nup\" A \nW'Jk \n\n^ \n\n^ \n\n^/^ \n\nW^>*t\\\\ r^^^^ \n\nr^^ \n\n^n \n\nUf^/h \n\np \n\n1 \n\n' ^ppr^S|3 \n\nr^^^j \n\n5 \n\n^ \n\nMi \n\nM \n\nM \n\n1 \n\nKCf/j \n\nv^w \n\n-3|Kii/ li'/^^isri i/r^ife^ \n\n^7/ \n\n^^iw/^ \n\nS \n\n^^iF 1 '^^r ^ ^^\\lt^ \n\n^^ \n\nHi^ \n\nW^i \n\n///J \n\nli^ \n\nf^i^ jT^f^ ^1^ \n\n^^ \n\nolo /^l^- \n\n^j^l/^l^' \n\nIf^X^I \n\n^Elo^ \n\n^^ \n\n\\K\\\\WM \n\nmm \n\n# • * > 1p \n\n\\\\ ^v\\ii/ y// \n\nMl \n\nM \n\nv^ \n\n^v \n\nH \n\nOf^W \n\n■^-_-^,,, -r ' :*g:^ \n\n^1^// \n\nM \n\n^J rr^i^7 \n\n1 \n\n1 \n\nP \n\n1 \n\n\"■^A \n\nI \n\n■t \n\n~ \n\n^ \n\n■ \n\ni- \n\n/\".^ \n\nM \n\ni\"^^ \n\ns \n\nH \n\n^ \n\nB \n\n^ \n\nM^ \n\nWo \n\n\nWa \n\n\nVa \n\n\nI \n\n\n'/7? \n\n\n<^ \n\n\n\\fP^, \n\n\nC^>\\ \n\n\nx^i \n\n\n\\v: \n\n\nGREAT CITIES OF THE REPUBLIC \n\n\nI. — Story of the City of New York. A history \nof the city from the discovery of the island by \nVerrazano till the present time. By Charles Burr \nTodd, author of \"Life and Letters of Joel Bar- \nlow.\" Profusely illustrated, cloth. . $1-75 \n\nIL — The Story of Washington. By Charles \nBurr Todd. Fully illustrated . . $1.75 \n\nIII. — The Story of Boston. By Arthur Oilman, \nauthor of \"Story of Rome,\" \" Story of the Sara- \ncens,\" etc. Octavo, cloth, with numerous illustra- \ntions and maps ..... $1.75 \n\n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London \n\n\n( \n\n\nf ^c?\": \n\n\n:^' \n\n\n\\ \n\n\nTHE OLD SIATF.-HOUSK (1748) AS RESTORED IN 1881. FrotlHsfiecc. \n\n\n—y \\j \n\n\n^AS^.S \n\n\n|rcat |ities of tl|e |(fpublic \n\n\nTHE \n\nSTORY OF BOSTON \n\nA STUDY OF INDEPENDENCY \n\n\nBY \n\n\nARTHUR OILMAN, M.A. \n\nAUTHOR OF \" THE STORY OF ROME,\" \" THE STORY OF THE SARACENS,\" \"a HIS- \nTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE,\" EDITOR Of\"tHE POETICAL \nWORKS OF GEOFFREY CHAUCER,\" ETC., ETC. \n\n\nILLUSTRATED \n\n\n\" There never was a colony, save this, that went forth, not to seek gold, but God.\" \n\n— James Russeil Lowell \n'■ Civil independence was as truly their object as religious liberty.\" \n\n— yosiak Qiiincy \n\n\nNEW YORK & LONDON \n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \n\nCt^e Snickerbotlur '^rcss \n\n1889 \n\n\nCOPYRIGHT BY \n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \n\n\nUbc Iknichcrbockcr press, \"Rew Korli \n\nElectrotyped and Printed by \nG. P. Putnam's Sons \n\n\nPREFACE. \n\n\nThe Story of Boston deals with the doings of \na community of earnest men who for eightscore \nyears had no considerable interests except those \nconnected with politics and religion. For the whole \nof the earlier period of their history they gave them- \nselves with all the force of their nature to such sub- \njects as these. The pursuits which in our day \nabsorb the attention of intelligent men are peculiar \nto our age and generation ; the Fathers of New \nEngland knew them not. \n\nGovernor Hutchinson was right when he wrote, in \n1773 : \" For many years past the town of Boston \nhas been used to interest itself in every affair of \nmoment which concerned the Province in general \" ; \nfor certainly Boston sought to do all that it could \nto give form to the action of the colonists in other \nparts of Massachusetts and of America. The story \nof Boston cannot be told, therefore, without reference \nto events that were going on in other parts of the \nland. Her great citizen, Samuel Adams, was the \n\" Father of the American Revolution.\" Boston \nmen saw the beginning of that struggle, and they \nstood side by side with their fellows of the other \ncolonies then, as they have stood by them in the \n\niii \n\n\niv PREFACE. \n\nconflicts of the nation since. As we approach our \nown day we are not so much involved in the affairs \nof other communities, though Boston has never been \nan uninterested spectator of pubHc movements in \nany portion of the continent. \n\nThe Story of Boston calls us to a study of Inde- \npendency,— to the contemplation, first, of a vigorous \nstruggle by strong men for a century and a half \nagainst a powerful monarchy ; and next, to an ex- \namination of the fruits of a discipline of debate and \nconflict in the development of a typical American \ncivilization. \n\nNowhere is the truth more plain that the story of \na community is told in the lives of its inhabitants. \nIt is only as one becomes filled with the spirit of the \nmen and women of Boston that he discovers the \nsprings which have moved them in dealing with \nagitating questions. The outside record of the \nsoldier, of the statesman, of the legislator, is written \nlarge on the pages of history ; but the inspiring \nmotives of their actions are often hidden in the \nunprinted story of familiar life and conversation. It \nis hoped that in some degree the real lives of the \nfathers of Boston and of those who labored and \nsuffered by their sides may be brought out in the \nfollowing pages. \n\nCamhkidck, Jtiiit' 17, 1S89. \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nI. — A Declaration of Independence \n\nII. WiNTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS . \n\nIII. — Getting Ready for a Voyage . \n\nIV. — The Founding of Boston . \n\nV. — Margaret Winthrop Comes over \n\nVI. — The Lay of the Land \n\nVII. — Sundry Troubles \n\nVIII. — The Government Becomes more \n\nPopular ..... \n\nIX. — Welcome and Unwelcome Visitors \n\nX.— The Charter is Attacked \n\nXL — ^The Times of the Mathers \n\nXII. — The Charter is Lost . \n\nXIII. — An American Despotism \n\nXIV. — The King's Governors Begin to \n\nRule \n\nXV. — The Governors and the Boston \nPeople ...... \n\nXVI. — Strained Relations . . . . \n\nXVII. — Is IT Lawful to Resist ? . . . \n\nV \n\n\nPAGE \nI \n\nII \n\n23 \n\n33 \n45 \n56 \n63 \n\n83 \n96 \n\n114 \n\n129 \n\n145 \n\n172 \n\n190 \n\n207 \n221 \n\n\nVI \n\n\nCONTENTS. \n\n\nXVIII. — Tested and not Found Wanting . 240 \n\nXIX. — A Maltster Enters Politics . . 256 \n\nXX. — Boston Opposes a Tax . . .273 \n\nXXI. — In the Grip of the Army . , . 290 \n\nXXII. — Blood is Spilled .... 305 \n\nXXIII. — Stirring up a Continent . . .321 \nXXIV.— War . ... . . . .344 \n\nXXV. — Boston Besieged .... z(>i \n\nXXVI. — Independence Declared and Won . 378 \n\nXXVII. — The Old Order Changeth . . 396 \n\nXXVIII. — The Town Becomes a City . .414 \n\nXXIX. — The Second Mayor .... 426 \n\nXXX. — The New Order Established . . 438 \n\nXXXI. — Changing Boundary Lines . . 448 \n\nXXXII. — Individualism and Other Isms . -457 \n\nXXXIII. — Modern Boston 469 \n\nIndex 483 \n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS. \n\n\nPAGE \n\nThe Old State-House (1748) as Restored in 1881. Frontispiece \nJohn Winthrop . . . . . . . . .13 \n\nSir Richard Saltonstall. From a Portrait by Rem- \nbrandt . . . . . . . . . • 19 \n\nWinthrop's Fleet in Boston Harbor, krom a Spot be- \ntween Boston and East Boston 39 \n\nBlaxton's Lot 43 \n\nThe Great Elm in the Common. Destroyed in 1S76 . 47 \nCopp's Hill as it Appeared in Winthrop's Time. The \n\nMill AVAs Erected IN 1632 ...... 57 \n\nTwo Pages of the \" New England Primer \" (Seventeenth \nCentury). This was Used as Lately as the Begin- \nning OF the Nineteenth Century . . . .71 \n\n\n75 \n133 \n166 \n\n\nThe Frog Pond on the Common as it Now Appears . \n\nIncrease Mather \n\nThe First King's Chapel (1688), Showing the Beacon \nThe First Church, or \"Old Brick.\" Built in 1713, on \nthe Site of the Present Joy's Building and Occupied \nuntil 1808. Its Bell Sounded the Alarm at the \nTime of the \" INIassacre,\" March 5, 1770 . . . 179 \nFurniture of Wealthier Townsmen in Provincial Times 183 \nA Map of Boston in 1722. This Map, Known as the \n\"Bonner Map,\" was Made by Captain John Bonner, \nand No Older Map is Known that Gives the Streets \nand Prominent Places. The Original is Preserved \namong the Archives of the Mass.^chusetts Histori- \ncal Society 187 \n\nInterior of Christ Church at Present (Built 1723) . 203 \n\nBoston and its Environs in 1775. This Shows the For- \ntifications around the Town at the Opening of the \nRevolution ; it also Serves, so far as the Natural \nFeatures Go, to Illustrate All Stages of the \nEarlier History of the City ... . 209 \n\n\nviii ILL US TRA TIONS. \n\n\nSamuel Adams. At the Age of 45 Years. Akter the \n\nPoRTR.\\rr BY Copley in the Art Museum (1772) . . 223 \n\nThe Second Faneuil Hall (1764) 235 \n\nInterior of the Present King's Chapel, (Corner-Stone \n\nLaid 1749) . .251 \n\nJohn Hancock. After the Portrait by Copley in the \n\nMuseum of Fine Arts (i 737-1 793) 257 \n\nJames Otis, (1725-1783) at the Age of Thirty. After a \n\nPortrait by Blackburn 267 \n\nThe Old State-House in 1801. The State-Street End, \nShowing the Old Brick Church (on Washington \nStreet) behind IT. Built in 1748 . . . .315 \n\nGovernor Thomas Hutchinson, after a Portrait in Pos- \nsession OF the Massachusetts Historical Associa- \ntion, once the Property of Jonathan Mayhew . . 333 \n\nThe Old South Church, in its Present Condition. (Built \n\n1729) . • • • 341 \n\nJohn Hancock's House, Facing the Common . . . 401 \n\nCrossing of the Railroads in the Back-Bay Reckon in \n\n1840 411 \n\nJosiAH QuiNCY (1772-1864). From the Portrait by \n\nStuart now in the Museum of Fine Arts . . 427 \n\nAdvertisement of the Worcester Railroad, from the \n\nPapers of the Day 450 \n\nThe Rear of the State-House, and the Monument, \n\nShowing THE Removal OF the Hill (1811-1812) . . 453 \n\nThe Monument from Temple and Derne Streets (1811- \n\n1812) 455 \n\nMap of Modern Boston, from the Latest Authokitative \n\nSources (1889) 463 \n\nThe Present State-House (Built IN 1795) . . . . 471 \n\nThe Private Library of George Ticknor, until L.\\tely \nIN the House on the Corner of Park and Beacon \nStreets, in which Lafayette was Entertained. {Cir. \n1870) 477 \n\nThe Public Garden and the Buildings around it in the \n\" Back Bay\" Region. This is all on \" Made\" Land, \n— the Sidewalk in the Foreground Marking the Ex- \ntreme Limit of the Original Shore .... 4S1 \n\n\nTHE STORY OF BOSTON. \n\n\nA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, \n\n\nThe twenty-sixth of August, 1629, is an important \ndate in the history of Boston. On that day the de- \ncision was taken that determined the settlement of \nthe town. Had it not been for a conclusion then \nreached by a company of discreet gentlemen who \nmet at Cambridge, England, the promontory called \nShawmut might have been peopled by quite a differ- \nent class of settlers from those who made it their \nfirst home on the American coast. \n\nUp to that time England had done but little in \nthe way of settling the new lands in the West, \nthough she made great claims upon America, be- \ncause, as she supposed, her sailor, Cabot, had been \nthe first of Europeans to lay his eyes on the shores \nthat he appropriately called Prima Vista. There \nhad, it is true, been considerable exploration under \nElizabeth ; but it was not until the reign of James \nthat any thing creditable and enduring was actually \naccomplished. On the third of November, 1620, \n\n\n2 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. \n\nthe latter sovereign formed a body corporate known \nas \" The Council for New England,\" the full \nname of which was \" The Council Established at \nPlymouth, in the County of Devon, for the Planting, \nRuling, Ordering, and Governing of New England in \nAmerica,\" and it was upon its charter that most of \nthe New England grants were based. The act of \nincorporation was essentially the giving of new and \nenlarged privileges to a body established in 1606 by \nthe same king, which was known as \" The Northern \nColony of Virginia.\" \n\nThe Council for New England was an important \ncompany, comprising forty persons, most of them \nmen of distinction, and some of them peers of the \nhighest rank.\" In March, 1628, it made a grant to \nanother company of the territory in which Boston \nlies, known as \" the Massachewset.\" The name had \nbeen conferred upon it by Captain John Smith, the \nexplorer of Virginia, who considered it \" the paradise \nof all those parts.\" There is some mystery about \nthe granting of this charter, and there was indefinite- \nness about the extent of the territory conveyed ; but \nwithout stopping to have all matters settled, the \npersons interested, who really formed a great land \ncompany, sent out a small colony under command \nof John Endicott, one of their number, Avhich \nreached Salem, then called Naumkeag, in Septem- \nber, 1628, and that place became the first town in \nthe colony. \n\n* The facts about the Council for New England are given in de- \ntail by Charles Deane, LL.D., in Winsor's \"Narrative and Critical \nHistory of America,\" vol. iii., pp. 295, 320, etc. \n\n\nTHE CHARTER OBTAINED. 3 \n\nWhen the council for New England sold the terri- \ntory just mentioned it gave the buyers no powers of \ngovernment (though it had received rights for \" or- \ndering and governing \"), and it became necessary to \nobtain them from the king, who at that time was \nCharles the First. By whatever means, a charter \nwas obtained from him, and it was duly signed and \nsealed March 4, 1629. The territory was then de- \nfined as extending from three miles north of the \nMerrimac River to three miles south of the Charles \nRiver, and from the Atlantic Ocean to \" the South \nSea,\" as the Pacific was called. This seems an im- \nmense territory, but it did not appear so vast to the \ngrantors as it does to us, because it was limited in \ntwo important particulars. In the first place, it was \ngenerally supposed that our continent was an island, \nthe distance across which was not great * ; and, in the \nsecond place, all territory that might prove to be \noccupied by any Christian state was excluded from \nthe grant. The natives reported to John Smith that \nthe river of Massachusetts extended \" many days' \njourney into the entrails of that country,\" and in \n1619, a bold explorer dreamed of getting through to \nthe Indies by way of the Charles River, or the Mystic, \nwhich seems marvellously strange to us who know \nthose little streams! \n\nThe persons interested in the Massachusetts \n\nwished to fish or to trade with the natives, and to \n\n* The only exception to this belief known to the present writer is \nfound in the \" Records of the council for New England,\" edited by \nCharles Deane, LL.D., and published in the proceedings of the \nAmerican Antiquarian Society for 1S67. On page 124 it is said that \nthe distance \" from sea to sea is near about three thousand miles.\" \n\n\n4 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. \n\nestablish colonies for those purposes ; but it was \nnot long before the purposes changed. Many who \nwere restive under the condition of religious and \npolitical affairs in England, who were discouraged at \nthe prospect of ever accomplishing any thing in the \nway of certain reforms that they felt to be all-im- \nportant, conceived the project of making a colony \nfor religion under the purchase. Ferdinando Gorges,* \nin his book \" America Painted to the Life,\" says that \nthere were several kinds of these people, who did not \nagree among themselves ; that some of the more \ndiscreet among them made plans to settle in New \nEngland, and that \" in a very short time numbers of \npeople of all sorts flocked thither in heaps \" ; but \nthis anticipates our story. \n\nThe charter of Charles the First constituted the \noriginal purchasers, and some score of others whom \nthey had admitted to their company, a political body \ncorporate with the name \" The Governor and Com- \npany of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,\" \nand gave them authority to enact laws and to carry \nthem out, provided they made none opposed to \nthose of England. By the end of May arrangements \nhad been made to send out a second company of \nsettlers, under the general direction of the Reverend \nFrancis Higginson. Five ships sailed from the Isle \nof Wight in that month, and reached Salem by the \nend of June ; but our interest is not with them. \nThe body corporate provided by the charter was far \nfrom complete in its political powers, though the \n\n* Quoted by Hutchinson, in his \" History of Massachusetts,\" \nchapter i. \n\n\nA BOLD suggestion: 5 \n\ngovernor, the deputy-governor, and the eighteen \n\" assistants,\" which it mentioned, were authorized to \nmake laws, and an annual gathering was provided \nfor, in which all the \" freemen \" of the colony were \nto be brought together as \" The Great and General \nCourt.\" \n\nThe interest in the movement to which Gorges \nreferred continued in England, and was destined to \nhave a greater influence upon American affairs than \nhe or any one else dreamed. Among the persons \nconnected with it were several gentlemen of \" figure \nand estate,\" as the old form of speech expresses it, \nwho thought that there might be an opportunity in \nthe distant land to manage affairs both of church \nand state in accordance with their own views. They \nbecame alarmed as they saw some of the principal \nliberal speakers in parliament committed to the \nTower and to other prisons, and though they had \nhoped long, they at last gave up all expectation of \nbeing able to bring about a political and religious \nreformation in the father-land. To one of these, \nMatthew Cradock, who was governor of the Massa- \nchusetts company, a bold inspiration was suggested. \nIt was no less than this : that the charter and the \ncompany itself might both be removed to the New \nWorld.* \n\nIn the history of America we find that at one \ntime and another certain individual men seem to \n\n* \" He did not say, what he must have been clearly understood to \nmean, that in this way the king would have some difficulty in laying \nhis hand upon the governor.\" \" History of England, from the \nAccession of James I. to the Outbreak of the Civil War,\" by Samuel \nR. Gardiner, I>I>.D., vol. vii , p. 156. \n\n\n6 A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. \n\npreside over the destinies of the communities in \nwhich they Hve, and this is remarkably true in the \nhistory of Boston. Mr. Cradock appears now merely \nto make a suggestion, and it is another man who \nrises to prominence iirst, as the presiding genius of \nthe settlement of our promontory. The character- \nistics and the very name of John VVinthrop were \nstrongly stamped upon much of the expression of \nlife in the town during the early years of its exist- \nence, and their influence has not yet been lost. The \nmeetings of the company had been held in London, \nbut no particular place was mentioned in the char- \nter, and they could be, and actually were at times, \nheld elsewhere. \n\nPerhaps this removal had been thought of before. \nIn the year 1644, at a time when there was a good \ndeal of political discussion in Boston, Mr. Winthrop \nwrote a formal \" Discourse on Government,\" which \nhas been printed.^'' In it he says that when the \ncharter was at first drawn, it was the intention to \n\"keep the chief government in the hands of the \ncompany residing in England,\" as was the case in \nthe charter for Virginia, but that a clause to that \neffect was stricken out, \" with much difificulty,\" and \npermission given .to establish a government in \nAmerica. Mr. Winthrop does not make it clear, \nhowever, that any thing more was intended than that \nsuch rights as had been given to Endicott might be \n\n* In the following pages much use will be made of the \" Life and \nLetters of John Winthrop,\" in which (ii., 443) this \" Discourse,\" \nwhich came to light in i860, among a mass of papers discovered in \nan old family residence at New London, Conn., will be found. \n\n\nDISCUSSING REMOVAL. 7 \n\ndelegated to those who should go across the ocean, \nand that was quite different from the authority \nwhich he and his associates exercised in Boston after \nthe actual transfer of the charter. As for the meet- \nings, the gentlemen were free to come together, if \nthey thought best, on a ship in the Thames, for all \nthat the charter said ; and if perchance that ship \nwere to weigh anchor, and they should find them- \nselves sailing away towards America, ought the \nmeeting be stopped ? If the proceedings should of \nright be stopped, how far might the vessel sail with- \nout making them illegal ? Mr. Cradock was sure \nthat there was room for a little profitable study in \nquestions like these, and accordingly he made his \nmomentous proposal, at a meeting held in London \nin July, that the charter and the government should \nbe transferred to America, those members of the \ncompany being placed in its offices who should be \nwilling to \" inhabit and continue there \" with their \nfamilies. \n\nNothing in so grave a matter was to be done in haste \nand it was decided that before the next meeting, \nwhich was to be held on the twenty-eighth of August, \nthe members should write out their views, both in \nfavor of the proposition and against it, and they \nwere desired \" to carry this business secretly, that \nthe same be not divulged,\" because, as they appear \nto have very well understood, taking a charter \nacross seas was something very like setting up an \nindependent government and placing it so remote \nfrom the king and parliament that they would find \nit difficult to interfere with it. There was, in fact, \n\n\n8 A DECLARA TION OF INDEPENDENCE. \n\nno reason for keeping the plan secret except this: \nthat the scheme involved independence of king and \nparliament. In an address delivered on the comple- \ntion of the second century from the settlement of \nBoston, Josiah Quincy, then president of Harvard \nCollege, declared that the idea of independence of \nthe parent state was first conceived by Winthrop \nand Dudley and Saltonstall and their associates ; \nthat they, by their act in bringing the charter over \nthe sea, indicated a settled purpose to obtain inde- \npendence, and made as efificient a declaration of that \npurpose as was possible under their circumstances. \nThey actually obtained, Mr. Quincy asserted, \"an \neffectual independence under a nominal subjection.\" \nThe historian, William Gordon, says of their motives \n(vol. i., page 42) : \" They meant to be independent \nof English parliaments.\" \n\nCan we imagine the thought and conferences that \noccupied the four weeks after this meeting? These \nwere earnest men, and though ori the face of the \nrecords the matter seems to be new, there is reason \nto suspect, as has been remarked, that they had long \nheld the secret intention of making such a transfer \nas was now broached. However, they took counsel \nof one another, and especially of a Mr. John White \nof their number, a man learned in the law, and after \nhaving satisfied themselves that it would be legal to \nmake the transfer, they inquired who were willing to \ngo to New England to \" inhabit and continue there.\" \nMr. Cradock had intimated that there were persons \nof worth and quality ready for the move. Now they \nappear. \n\n\nTHE MEETING AT CAMBRIDGE. g \n\nOn the twenty-sixth of August — two days before \nthe meeting that was to settle the matter, — twelve \nmen held the important conference to which refer- \nence has been made. Little did they foresee the im- \nportance of their unpretentious gathering. Perhaps ■ \nthey met in the room of Mr. John Winthrop's son, \nForth, in Emanuel College. They failed to record \nthe place, and we know only that it was in Cam- \nbridge. How long the men who met on that mem- \norable day debated the subject before them we are \nnot informed. We are certain, however, that \" upon \ndue consideration,\" having weighed the greatness of \nthe work and the consequences of their action, they \nall agreed, and sincerely and freely promised and \nbound themselves one to the other, to \" pass the \nseas (under God's protection), to inhabit and con- \ntinue in New England,\" provided that the whole gov- \nernment and the charter should be legally transferred \nto remain there also.* \n\nWhen the company met two days later, it was \nannounced that the business to be attended to was \nto give answer to the gentlemen who had signed \nthis agreement. There was no haste in this case. \n\n* With regard to the transfer, Mr. Bancroft writes in his ninth \nchapter: \"The lawfuhiess was at the time not questioned by the \nprivy council ; at a later day was expressly affirmed by Sawyer, the \nattorney-general ; and in 1677 the chief-justices Rainsford and \nNorth still described the ' charter as making the adventurers a cor- \nporation upon the place.' \" Dr. Ellis says that the imputation that \nthe transfer was made illegally, in daring contempt of authority, and \nthat the \" company surreptitiously stole away from England with \nthe patent to set up an unlicensed authority on the soil of New \nEngland,\" has been \" satisfactorily set aside.\" — \" The Puritan Age \nand Rule,\" p. 47. \n\n\nlO \n\n\nA DECLARA TION OF INDEPENDENCE. \n\n\nTwo committees were appointed to prepare argu- \nments on the subject, the one for and the other \nagainst making the transfer. Accordingly the fol- \nlowing morning the committees met. It was at the \nearly hour of seven. They weighed each other's \narguments — they turned them over and over again. \nFinally they discussed the points thoroughly before \nthe whole company, and then a vote was called for. \nAs many as desired to have the charter and the \ngovernment of the plantation removed to America \nwere asked to hold up their hands. Those who were \nopposed were likewise asked to do the same, and it \nappearing that it was the general consent that the \nremoval should take place, it was formally decided \nthat an order for the transfer should be drawn up. \nThis, President Quincy calls \"the first and original \ndeclaration of independence.\" \n\n\n11. \n\n\nWINTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\n\nOf the twelve men who thus boldly declared their \nindependence, and expressed their willingness to be- \ncome pilgrims, the first to fix our attention now, as we \nlook at the list under the light of subsequent history, \nis Mr. John Winthrop. Probably his name would \nhave attracted us if we had examined the list in the \nyear 1630, for the man who bore it was evidently a \nperson of no mean importance. He was a native of \nthe little hamlet of Groton in Suffolk, a few miles \nwest from Ipswich, a place so insignificant that it has \nfaded from our maps, and its very name is dropped \nfrom the great gazetteers of our day. It is of im- \nportance to us in connection with the annals of \nBoston and of America, however, and will always be \nremembered as having given its name to other places \nin the New World. \n\nJohn Winthrop was a late comer in the group of \nmen interested in this scheme for colonization. His \nname does not occur in the records of the Governor \nand Company of the Massachusetts Bay until the \nmeeting after that of August twenty-sixth, and we do \nnot even know that he was actually present at any \nmeeting until October, when he was appointed to \n\n\nII \n\n\n12 WIN THRO P AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\nmake arrangements of a business nature for those \nwho intended to emigrate. Though he comes thus \nsuddenly into prominence, the course of his life, laid \nbefore us in his \" Life and Letters,\" shows that he \nhad been much engaged both in considerations of \nthe progress of New England and old England. \nHe felt (to draw from a carefully written paper \nknown as \" General Considerations for the Planta- \ntion of New England,\" which was circulated among \nsome of the friends of the enterprise) that he had \nfallen upon disastrous times ; that fountains of learn- \ning in his native country were corrupted ; that all \narts and trades were carried on in such deceitful and \nunrighteous Avays that it was wellnigh impossible \nfor a good man to live by any of them ; that the \nland was weary of her inhabitants ; that man had \nbecome of less importance than beasts, children, who \nought to have been considered blessings, being count- \ned the greatest burdens; that the kingdom of anti- \nchrist was increasing ; that, in brief, the Lord had be- \ngun to frown upon England and to cut its inhabitants \nshort. It seemed to Mr. John Winthrop that America \nwas intended by Providence to be a place of refuge \nfor the many who were to be saved out of the general \ncalamity which seemed imminent, and that emigra- \ntion was a work of God for the good of the church, \nwhich had no place left to fly into but the wilderness. \nThe American continent was supposed to be the \nhome of the arch-fiend and his angels, and a genera- \ntion later Michael Wigglesworth, the typical Puritan \npoet, wrote in \" God's Controversy with New Eng- \nland,\" that the region was \n\n\nJOHN WINTHROP. \n\n\n13 \n\n\n14 WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\n\" A waste and howling wilderness. \n\nWhere none inhabited, \nBut hellish fiends and brutish men \n\nThat devils worshipped. \nThis region was in darkness placed, \n\nFar off from heaven's light, \nAmidst the shadows of grim death \n\nAnd of eternal night. \n\nMr. Winthrop did not fail to discuss the other side \nof the question in his \" General Considerations \"; \nprobably that he might have a reply to give those \nwho should differ from him in opinion. If it were \nsaid that Englishmen had no right to enter upon a \nland that had so long been occupied by others, he \nreplied that the natives enclosed no land, and that \nif sufificient for their use were left to them, the \nremainder might lawfully be taken ; that there were \nin fact but few of the natives left, since a great \nplague had overtaken them, and that those who \nwere living would learn so much from Englishmen as \nto be able to obtain more benefit from what might \nbe left them than they then did from the whole land. \nWas it urged that if good people were to leave \nEngland it would be more open to the judgments \nfeared than it was before ; he replied that the depart- \ning of the good people would only foreshadow and \nnot bring on the evil, and might cause the remnant \nto repent ; that the emigrants would do more good \nin the new land than at home ; and that the barbari- \nans might through them receive the gospel, the \npreaching of which had been one of the prominent \npurposes of every .scheme of colonization that had \nbeen proposed since the days of Columbus and the \n\n\nTHE ONE GREAT BOOK. I 5 \n\nCabots. The colony at Salem had already placed \non its official seal an Indian erect holding an arrow \nin its right hand with the Macedonian cry, \" Come \nover and help us ! \" indicative of its intentions in \nrespect to the spiritual welfare of the savages. \n\nJohn Winthrop was at the time forty-two years of \nage. His lot had been cast among men who had \nbeen associated with such statesmen and scholars as \nBacon and Essex and Cecil, accustomed to discuss \nthe highest matters of state. He was born the year \nthat his country was threatened by the great Armada \nfrom Spain, and he had lived through the last part of \nthe reign of Elizabeth, the whole of that of James \nthe First, and the first years of King Charles. The \ndiscussions of vital topics of statecraft and theology \nwere as familiar to him as household words. He was \neleven years old when Spenser died, and doubtless \nhe was acquainted with the almost puritanic allegory \nof that most poetical of poets. Doubtless, too, he \nwas familiar with the \" Divine Emblems \" of Francis \nQuarles ; perhaps he knew of the quiet life of saintly \nGeorge Herbert, then hidden at Bemerton ; and we \nmay imagine that he had seen something of the brill- \niant promise of the youthful Milton, who had lately \ntaken his bachelor's degree at Cambridge. \n\nIn the \" History of the English People,\" by Green, \nand in the history of our literature, by Taine, we be- \ncome acquainted with the most powerful influence \nupon the development of the English character at \nthis time. In his history, Mr. Green says : \" The \nsmall Geneva Bibles carried the Scripture into every \nhome, and wove it into the life of every English \n\n\n1 6 WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\nfamily \" ; and he shows that the influence of this \nbook was great also upon the intellectual develop- \nment of the people, \" that the mass of picturesque \nallusions and illustrations which we borrow from a \nthousand books, our fathers were forced to borrow \nfrom one,\" for, as he adds, \" the Bible was as yet the \none book that was familiar to every Englishman, and \neverywhere its words, as they fell on ears which cus- \ntom had not deadened to their force and beauty, \nkindled a startling enthusiasm.\" Among the circle \nto which John Winthrop belonged the Bible was still \nthe one great book, and as we consider this fact we \nshall, as Mr. Green says, \" better understand the \nstrange mosaic of biblical words and phrases which \ncolored English talk two hundred years ago.\" The \nGeneva version was the one that the people still car- \nried, but the translation known as \" King James's \" \nhad appeared but a score of years previous to the \ntime of the Boston emigration, and the fact that it \nwas in progress, and finally that it had been completed, \nmust have added to the interest in the volume. \n\nThe letters of Winthrop present us the picture of \na loving husband and father, a careful man of affairs, \na far-seeing statesman, and a most devout man of re- \nligion. He addresses the most affectionate messages \nto his \" good wife,\" to whom he often writes in terms \nlike these : \" Yet I must kiss my sweet wife * ; and so, \n\n* It is Winthrop's third wife, Margaret Tindal, who is thus \naddressed. In her, according to the sympathetic historian Gardiner, \n\" he found his mate ; she it was who made him what he now l)ecame. \nFrom the day that his faith was plighted to her, ... he learned \nto step boldly out amongst his equals, to take his share in the world's \n\n\nTHE RISKS OF REMOVAL. 1/ \n\nwith my blessings to our. children, and salutation to \nall our friends, I commend thee to the grace and bless- \ning of the Lord.\" Every letter breathes the sweet \nsentiments of a faithful affection, as well as a deep \nreligious spirit. \n\nJohn Winthrop had among the acquaintances \nwhose counsel he prized one Robert Ryece, a Suf- \nfolk antiquary, and to him he submitted the \" Gen- \neral Considerations.\" Perhaps the arguments in it \nfor and against the New England enterprise were \nthe very ones that the Massachusetts company con- \nsidered at its meetings. An interesting document \nhas been preserved in which Mr. Ryece goes care- \nfully over the ground these arguments present, writ- \ning like the conservative that he was. While guard- \ning his friend against specious inductions, Mr. Ryece \nadvises him, that in case affairs had gone so far that \nwithout his presence the chief undertakers of the \nplantation, who were men \" of great goodness, qual- \nity, and wisdom,\" would in no way stir in the busi- \nness without him, and if sundry divines of great \nunderstanding and good judgment had answered all \nimpediments and objections which his Suffolk friends \nwere not aware of, there seemed to him no reason, \nand less conscience, that he should by holding back \noverthrow a work of so eminent consideration and \nconsequence ; \" and, therefore,\" says Mr. Ryece, \n\" your friends do now rather encourage you to \n\nwork. ... In his letters of this period there is nothing to distin- \nguish him from any other God-fearing Puritan of the time, excepting \nthe almost feminine tenderness and sensitiveness of his disposition.\" \n— \" History of England,\" vol. vii., p. 154. \n\n\nl8 WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\nproceed, and do entreat .the Almighty Lord of \nHosts to go with you, to bless and govern you \nin all your ways.\" \n\nWinthrop seems to have consulted Mr. Ryece a \nsecond time, for that gentleman writes again, this \ntime just two weeks before the Cambridge meeting, \nurging his friend to leave the proposed business to \nyounger men ; and exclaiming: \"How hard will it \nbe for one brought up among books and learned \nmen to live in a barbarous place, where is no learn- \ning and less civility,\" or, as we should say, civiliza- \ntion. \" The pipe goeth sweet,\" he reminds Win- \nthrop, \" till the bird be in the net ; many beautiful \nhopes are set before your eyes to allure }'ou to \ndanger. If in your youth you had been acquainted \nwith navigation, you might have promised yourself \nmore hope in this long voyage ; but for one of your \nyears to undertake so large a task is seldom seen but \nto miscarry. To adventure your whole family upon \nso manifest uncertainties standeth not with your \nwisdom and long experience. ... I pray you \npardon my boldness, that had rather err in what \nI think, than be silent in that I should speak.\" \n\nThus was the leading spirit in this great emigra- \ntion warned and entreated by all considerations of \nprudence, and by reflections upon the advantages \nthat might accrue to the church and the community \nif he would but remain at home ; but arguments \naddressed to his prudence, and to his love for his* \nwife and children, who might be left alone and un- \nprovided-for in a strange land, far from all hope of \nreceiving help ; to his love of study, and to his \n\n\nSIR RICHARD SALTONSTALI,. FROM A PORTRAIT BY REMBRANT, \n\n10 \n\n\n20 WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\nhabits, adjusted to the conveniences of civilization, \nfailed. In spite of every argument, John Winthrop, \na hero in a heroic age, persisted in carrying out the \ndesign which Providence and his worthy associates \nin the company had, as he fully believed, called him \nto. Margaret Winthrop, the \" dear wife,\" was also \nequal to the occasion, and wrote constantly to her \nhusband words of cheer a:nd sympathy, assuring him \nthat the good Lord would certainly \" bless us in our \nintended purpose.\" \n\nThe other members of the group of twelve require \nless attention at our hands, though they too were \nworthy men all, and doubtless they and their wives \nand advisers had gone through the same discussion \nthat Mr. Winthrop so carefully followed. Sir Rich- \nard Saltonstall, whose name heads the list, was very \nlargely interested in the enterprise. He was de- \nscended from a former lord mayor of London, and \nhad for grandson a governor of Connecticut, and \nwas the honored ancestor of many bearing the same \nname in Boston to-day. He is remembered as having \nleft in his will a bequest to Harvard College, and he \nwas the largest contributor to the company's funds. \nThomas Dudley, also descended from ancestors hon- \nored in English history, and chosen into public office \nevery year of his life in the new land (being for four \nyears governor and often deputy-governor), was one \nof the older members of the emigrant group. John \nNowell was related to the dean of St. Paul's in the \nreign of Elizabeth, was sometime ruling elder in \nthe church at Charlestown, and again one of the \nmagistrates at Boston. William Vassall bore a name \n\n\nENGLISH COUNTRY GENTLEMEN. 21 \n\nafterwards honored among the colonists, but appears \nto have differed somewhat in rehgious matters from \nthe majority at Boston, on which account he returned \nto England, though he came back again and lived a \nwhile at Scituate, in Plymouth colony. He made a \nfortune in Jamaica, -when it was conquered by Penn \nand Venables, in the time of Cromwell. William \nPynchon, a man of learning and piety, became the \nfounder, first of Roxbury and then of Springfield, \nhis family being still honored in Massachusetts. \nJohn Humfrey was one of the earliest persons inter- \nested in the company. He is described as a godly \nman of special parts, of learning and activity. He \nwas chosen deputy-governor at first, but his depart- \nure from England was delayed until 1632, when he \ncame over with his wife, Lady Susan, daughter of \nthe Earl of Lincoln. He had been familiar with the \nconversation of patriotic nobles in the home of his \nfather-in-law, who was the head of the now ducal \nhouse of Newcastle. Isaac Johnson was the man of \nlargest estate among the group. He also was a son- \nin-law of the Earl of Lincoln. He rejoiced at the \nestablishment of the colony, and considered his life \nwell spent in its service. Governor Hutchinson calls \nhim \" the idol of Boston,\" and says that the people, \nwhen they died, ordered their bodies laid to rest \naround his in the grounds adjoining King's Chapel.* \nHis wife is remembered as Arbella, after whom one \nof the vessels in which the party sailed for America \nwas named. The other men of the Cambridge meet- \n\n* This current fancy is, it must be added, disbelieved by careful \ninvestigators. \n\n\n22 WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANIONS. \n\ning were Thomas Sharp, who did not remain long in \nNew England, Michael West, Killam Browne, and \nWilliam Colbron. Of them all it has been truly said \nthat they were English country gentlemen of no \ninconsiderable fortunes, and of enlarged understand- \nings, (measured by the standards of their time,) im- \nproved by collegiate education. They were most of \nthem men who did not venture to America for the \npurpose of increasing their worldly goods, for they \nwere too comfortable at home to make such an enter- \nprise attractive to them. \n\n\nIII. \n\n\nGETTING READY FOR A VOYAGE. \n\n\nJohn Winthrop consulted his friends, but he did \nnot forget his immediate family. That his wife \nsympathized fully in what he was about to do we \nalready know. A -few days before the Cambridge \nmeeting John Winthrop, junior, wrote to his father \nthat he, too, had given thought to the matter of \n\" the business for New England,\" that he confidently \nbelieved it was '\" of the Lord \"; and that he had seen \nso much of the vanity of the world that he esteemed \nno more the diversities of countries than as so many \ninns, whereof the traveller that hath lodged in the \nbest or the worst findeth no difference when he \nCometh to his journey's end ; and he called that his \ncountry where he could most glorify God and enjoy \nthe presence of his dearest friends.* He mentions \ncertain \" Conclusions \" sent to him by his father, \nwhich, he said, he had shown to his uncle and aunt, \nand reported that they liked them well ; as for him- \nself, he thought them unanswerable. \n\n* John Winthrop, junior, had been an extensive traveller. He \nentered the naval service in 1627, going with the Duke of Bucking- \nham to the relief of Rochelle ; and he took a tour of Europe in 1628, \nin which he was absent more than a year, visiting Leghorn, Venice, \nPadua, Amsterdam, and many places of less importance, \n\n23 \n\n\n24 GETTING READY FOR A VOYAGE. \n\nThese Conclusions of the elder Winthrop are in \ntwo parts, the first being general, relating to the \nplantation, and the second particular, relating spe- \ncially to the writer's own case. It was probably the \nlatter portion which was submitted to the members \nof the family circle. In it Mr. Winthrop says that \n\" divers of the chief undertakers \" of the plantation \nwould not go to America without him ; that his wife \nand such of his children as were come to years of \ndiscretion were voluntarily disposed to the same \ncourse, and that most of his friends consented to the \nchange. We see that John Winthrop was thus fully \nsettled in his mind. He entertained no doubts about \nhis action ; he was, as he believed, \" called of the \nLord,\" and of the company. Another incentive was \nto be added. \n\nMr. Matthew Cradock found that his departure \nwas impracticable, and his name does not appear \namong those who had agreed to go, though he was \none of the chief supporters of the enterprise. He \ntherefore resigned his ofifice, and the company was \ncalled together in October, only five days after Mr. \nWinthrop's first attendance at the meetings, to \nchoose a new governor. The gentlemen spoken of for \nthe ofifice were Saltonstall, Johnson, Winthrop, and \nHumfrey. After serious deliberation it was \" con- \nceived to be for the especial good and advancement \nof their affairs \" that Mr. Winthrop should take the \nchief of^ce. It is said in the records that \" extra- \nordinary great commendations \" had been received \nof him, both for his \" integrity and sufficiency, as \nbeing one every way well-fitted and accomplished \n\n\nSUNDHY DIVINES INTERESTED. 25 \n\nfor the place of governor,\" and accordingly he was \nchosen with full consent, and immediately took the \nprescribed oath of ofifice. \n\nThis was an unlooked-for turn in affairs, and the \nnew governor wrote to his wife that he was called to \na further trust in the business of the plantation than \nhe either expected or found himself fitted for ; but \nhe added that he was cheerful and in health. Re- \nferring to the same matter a few years later, he said \nthat there were other gentlemen of more ability and \nfar greater adaptedness for the position than he ; but \nhis associates differed with him, and he modestly \naccepted their verdict. A few days were allowed \nfor some necessary work, and then the governor re- \nturned to Groton for a brief visit to his wife ; but \neven there his time was largely occupied with mat- \nters connected with the momentous step that he \nwas about to take, and with efforts that he thought \nnecessary to make to engage other suitable persons \nto go to New England with him. \n\nThe few days passed with his family were pre- \nliminary to still more severe labors in preparation. \nA circular-letter was addressed from London on the \ntwenty-seventh of October, to sundry divines of the \nPuritan faith, inviting them to convene on the ninth \nof the following month for the purpose of selecting \n\" able and sufficient ministers to join in the work \" \nof colonization.* Plans were also made to provide \na godly and able surgeon to go to New England that \nspring. At about this time there was a notable \n\n* This letter is found in the \" Life and Letters of John Winthrop,\" \nvol. i., p. 354. \n\n\n26 GETTING READY FOR A VOYAGE. \n\nchange in the personality of the company. Those \nwho had wished to have an interest in a business \nconcern seem now to have desired to withdraw, and \ntheir places were taken by men of the serious and \nreligious sort — the more discreet persons mentioned \nby Gorges. \n\nThe ninth of November came and passed, and \napparently the proposed conference of ministers \ntook place ; at any rate, at a meeting of the com- \npany, held on the twenty-fifth of that month, two \nearnest Puritan divines, Mr. Joseph Archer and Mr. \nPhilip Nye, were received as freemen, and Mr. Na- \nthaniel Ward * was recommended for admission. \nMeantime Winthrop was writing to his good wife \nthat he was pressed by \" much business \" ; that \n\"divers great persons\" had been questioned, but \nthe cause was yet uncertain ; that ofBcial work came \nfast upon him, and he could set no time for his re- \nturn to Groton ; but he blessed God for giving him \na wife who was a help and encouragement in his \nwork, \" wherein so many wives are so great an \nhindrance \" to their husbands. \n\nWhile the multiplied cares of the preparation were \nupon him, Mr. Winthrop was called to give advice \nto his sister-in-law, Priscilla Fones, about the delicate \nattentions she w^as receiving from the Rev. Henry \n\n* This Mr. Ward afterwards compiled a code of laws for the \ncolony, called the \" Body of Liberties \"; he is best known, however, \nas author of \"The Simple Cobbler of Agawam,\" a quaint and \npedantic treatise on the license that he professed to find in New \nEngland. He did not come over until 1634, being finally instigated \nby a sentence of excommunication pronounced upon him by Laud, \nBishop of London. \n\n\nPRISCILLA IS IMPORTUNED. 2\"] \n\nPainter, of Exeter, afterwards a member of the cele- \nbrated Westminister Assembly of divines ; and to \nhis son Forth, who wished to marry Ursula, \" my \naunt Fones, her daughter.\" On the seventeenth of \nNovember widow Priscilla wrote that in her suitor \nshe saw the traits that she chiefly aimed at in a hus- \nband, \" grace and godliness, with gifts suitable to his \ncalling,\" though in outward estate he came short of \nany that had yet been moved to her ; but that in \nspite of all his virtues, she desired to hear no more \nof the suit, though all her friends persuaded her that \nit would be best for her to change her estate. The \nreverend man's importunity and \" pains in coming \nso far\" bred such distraction of mind in her that she \nknew not what to do, and she confessed that she was \nvery fearful about changing her condition. \n\nOn the same day Fones Winthrop wrote to his \nfather that he used his pen because letters could not \nblush, and that bashfulness would seal up his mouth \nin silence were he to attempt to speak on the tender \ntopic. He plainly entertained no doubts about \nchanging his condition, but expressed himself as not \nwishing to undertake any enterprise of moment \nwithout his father's knowledge, consent, and license, \nthough he did desire to be blessed in time by the \n\"holy ordinance of marriage\" with his fair cousin. \nAlas for the hopes of poor Ursula and her loving \ncousin Forth, he died not many months later, and \nshe was left almost a widow. The course of the \nloves of Priscilla and Henry seems to have run \nsmooth, for, after a little diplomacy, they were duly \nmarried. \n\n\n28 GETTING READY FOR A VOYAGE. \n\nA week later Mr. Winthrop writes to his wife that \nthe Rev. John Cotton, of Boston, might be expected \nat Groton on \" Thursday or Friday,\" and that she \nought to get him to stay a night if she could. At \nthe Christmas-tide Winthrop was absent from Lon- \ndon, presumably spending the time with his house- \nhold at Groton ; though he was again in the capital \nhard at work by the middle of January, but enjoying \n\" fowls, puddings, etc.,\" that his good wife had sent \nto him. All his thoughts were turned towards \nthe great venture, the time for which was fast \napproaching. \n\nWinthrop promises his wife to leave fifteen hun- \ndred pounds with his friends for her support until \nshe should be able to follow him to the New World, \n— an ample sum, surely, if we take into consideration \nthe greater value of money at the time. John Win- \nthrop, junior, who had been as we know a great \ntraveller, and had an ingenious mind, writes to his \nfather at this time about \" a rude model \" of a wind- \nmill that he had invented, which he thought might \nbe \" applied to many laborious uses, as any kind of \nmills, corn-mills, saw-mills, etc.,\" and he desired that \nNew England should reap the benefit, \" for whose \nsake,\" indeed, he said, \" it was invented. Et soli \nDeo gloria^ \n\nThe letters from husband to wife become more \nand more tender as the moment for separation gets \nnearer ; but in the midst of all the pathos of parting \ncomes an intimation that good sister Priscilla hath \nwritten so earnestly to the reverend suitor not to \ntrouble her more that she fears he will take her in \n\n\nGLIMPSES OF COURTSHIP. 29 \n\nearnest and not appear again, for which cause the \ngrave president of the colony of Massachusetts Bay- \nis besought to \" send him word to come as soon as \nhe can,\" for the coy widow would speak with him. \nThe glimpses of courtship that we catch in the hurry \nof preparations for the serious enterprise of another \nsort, and among the tender and pathetic words pass- \ning from husband and wife, give a dash of humanity \nto the picture that is delightful to be observed in the \nlife of the hero and the heroine of the tale of these \nstern Puritan pioneers. \n\nFebruary opens, and Winthrop says to Margaret : \n\" My sweet wife, thy love is such to me, and so great \nis the bond between us, that I should neglect all \nothers to hold correspondency of letters with thee. \n\n. . I purpose, if God will, to be with thee upon \nThursday come se'nnight, and then I must take my \nfarewell of thee for a summer's day and a winter's \nday. The Lord our God will, I hope, send us a happy \nmeeting again in his good time. ... I wrote to \nMr. P.\" \n\nA few days later he writes : \" My sweet wife, I \nwrote to thee yesterday, and this day our company \nhath spent in prayer and fasting, and the Lord hath \nbeen pleased to assist us graciously ; blessed be his \nname ; I doubt not but thou and all our family shall \nhave part in the answer of our prayers. This even- \ning, about ten of the clock, Mr. Painter came to me: \nhe intends to be at Groton on Tuesday next.\" We \nmay suppose that the matter between \" Mr. P.\" and \nPriscilla was settled \" on Tuesday.\" \n\nThe last week in February was the time that John \n\n\n30 GETTING READY FOR A VOYAGE. \n\nWinthrop made his final visit to Groton. Soon after, \nhe went from London to Southampton, where he took \nship for America on the twenty-second of March; but \nthere were tedious detentions, owing to adverse \nwinds, and it was not until April 8th that they \nweighed anchor and the long voyage actually began. \nAll this time there was as brisk a correspondence \nbetween husband and wife as the circumstances ad- \nmitted, and in one of the latest letters of the husband, \nwritten from aboard the Arbella off Cowes, March \n28, 1630, among loving messages for many friends \nand relatives, there occurs this sentence : \" Mondays \nand Fridays at five of the clock at night we shall \nmeet in spirit till we meet in person.\" \" And now, my \nsweet soul,\" he adds, \" I must once again take my \nlast farewell of thee in old England. It goeth very \nnear my heart to leave thee. . . . Thine where- \nsoever, Jo : Winthrop.\" \n\nWhile the ships were detained by adverse winds, \nthe leaders of the company prepared a document \nwhich they left behind to be printed and distributed, \nfor the removal of suspicions and misconstructions \nof their intentions. In this noble and pathetic paper \nwe have the fundamental thoughts by which all theii \ncourse was to be directed, by which it had already \nbeen guided. Addressing \"the rest of their brethren \nin and of the Church of England,\" they express a \nsuspicion that there may be among them some \nwanting in \"tenderness of affection \" towards them., \nor not having clear enough intelligence of their \ncourse to be able to appreciate their peculiar way, \nand to these they attempt to explain their course. \n\n\nLOVE FOR THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 3 1 \n\nWhile devotedly attached to the church of their \nfathers, they evidently made a distinction between \nthose traits in it which they conceived to be funda- \nmental, and those that were of secondary importance, \nclinging to the one class and having no sympathy \nwhatever with the other.* \n\nEvidently the members of Winthrop's band felt \nmuch as those who went with Francis Higginson \nfelt, when they united with him in saying they went \nto the New World not as \" Separatists from the \nChurch of England,\" though they owned that they \ncould but separate themselves from the corruptions \nin it ; in order that they might \" practice the positive \npart of the Church reformation, and to propagate \nthe Gospel in America.\" John Winthrop could \ntruly write: \"We esteem it our honor to call the \nChurch of England our dear mother; and cannot \npart from our native country, where she specially \nresideth, without much sadness of heart and many \ntears in our eyes.\" He had been for too many years \nan humble and faithful worshipper in the parish \nchurch at Groton to renounce the communion of his \nfathers, and the very next year he refused to gratify \nRoger Williams, who wished the men of Boston to \nmake a public declaration of repentance for having \nhad communion with the churches of England. \nWinthrop not only never repented of this, but he \ndoubtless gloried in it. The gentlemen of the \nMassachusetts colony were so careful in this respect \nthat when the Rev. Ralph Smith desired to go to \n\n* On this point see \" The Puritan Age and Rule in tlie Colony of \nthe Massachusetts Bay,\" by George E. Ellis, D.D., chap, ii., es- \npecially p. 54. \n\n\n32 GETTING READY FOR A VOYAGE. \n\nSalem with Higginson, he was only permitted to do \nso upon giving an agreement in writing not to preach \nin public or in private without the governor's per- \nmission, because there was suspicion that he was a \n\" Separatist \" ; whereby, it appears, says the historian \nHubbard, \" how apprehensive the first founders of \nthe Massachusetts were of any that might become \nan occasion of disturbance \" on this ground.* \n\nWhile the ships of the expedition were anchored \noff Cowes, the governor began a diary that be- \ncame the mine from which the early history of \nMassachusetts has been dug. He dated the first \nentry \" Easter Monday, March 29, 1629-30.\" This \njournal was continued up to a short time before \nits author's death, and though there are many gaps \nwhich wei:e intended to be filled when an opportunity \nof leisure arrived, it is very full, and deeply interesting. \n\nEleven or twelve vessels of different sizes were \nprovided to transport the company, among which \nwere the Arbella, named in honor of Mrs. Johnson, \nand the Mayflower, which had carried the Pilgrims \nto Plymouth ten years before. Only four of these \nwere ready to sail at the appointed time. The \nArbella was one, and on its deck, on the sixth of \nApril, Mr. Cradock said his last farewell to his \nsuccessor in office, and from its \" steerage \" the \ncaptain fired three shots \" for a farewell,\" before the \nparty steered out into the broad Atlantic, not to \ncast anchor again until the seventy-sixth day, Satur- \nday, the twelfth of June. \n\n* Mr. Smith verified these suspicions. He went to Plymouth and \n\" exercised his gifts,\" but even the Separatists there were forced to \nask him to \" lay down his niinistr}',\" and he returned to Massachu- \nsetts to give trouble. \n\n\nIV. \n\nTHE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nThe voyage to America was no pleasure excursion. \nWe may well imagine the serious occupations of the \npassengers in the several vessels. It was a long time \nbefore such trips were taken with regularity and \nwithout trepidation. The laws of ocean navigation \nwere not well understood ; international law even \nwas in its infancy, (Hugo Grotius had, in fact, laid its \nfoundations but five years before this); pirates like \nSir Francis Drake were universally honored ; and ves- \nsels sailing on the broad ocean as those of Winthrop's \nfleet sailed were open to attack from any adventurous \ncaptain, carrying a different flag, who thought him- \nself stronger than they. \n\nThe ten dreary weeks of the voyage of Winthrop \nwere marked by Sundays sacred to the completest \nrest and the most earnest devotional services ; and \nby \" frequent and constant religious exercises of \ncatechism, prayer and preaching, on Sundays and \nweek-days,\" which Dr. Ellis thinks must have tried \nthe patience of the sailors and servants as much as \nthey \" fed the joys of piety in the consecrated hearts \nof the exiles.* \n\n* The \" Puritan Age and Rule,\" p. 56. \n33 \n\n\n34 THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nMr. Winthrop was wont to exercise himself in \n\"prophesying,\" as sermonizing was then called, and \nhe has left a discourse entitled \" A Model of Christian \nCharity,\" which is probably a record of some of his \nefforts on board the Arbella. In this sermon there \nwas an elaborate discussion of Christian charity, \nmarked by the tender traits which we have observed \nin its author's correspondence, followed by careful \ndeductions as to the mode of living by which its \nteachings were to be made the foundation of a comi- \nmonwealth that should \" be a praise and a glory,\" \nand not \" open the mouths of enemies to speak evil \nof the ways of God, and all professors for God's \nsake.\" \" We must be willing,\" he said, \" to abridge \nourselves of our superfluities, for the supply of \nother's necessities ; we must uphold a familiar com- \nmerce together in all meekness, gentleness, patience, \nand liberality ; we must delight in each other, make \nother's condition our own, rejoice together, mourn \ntogether, labor and suffer together, always having \nbefore our eyes our commission and community in \nthe work.\" \n\nThere were dangers from violent storms, which \nmight destroy greater vessels than theirs ; and on \none Lord's Day we read in Winthrop's diary that \nthe tempest continued all the day, \" and the sea \nraged and tossed exceedingly ; yet, through God's \nmercy, we were very comfortable, and few or none \nsick, but had opportunity to keep the Sabbath, and \nMr. Phillips preached twice that day.\" The greatest \nalarm overtook the Arbella soon after they left Yar- \nmouth, where they had been told that ten sail of \n\n\nAN EXCITING INCIDENT. 35 \n\n** Dunkirkers \" '^ were awaiting their coming. On a \ncertain morning eight ships were seen astern, having \nmore wind than the Winthrop fleet, and coming up \napace. The gun-room and gun-deck of the Arbella \nwere cleared, all hammocks were taken down, ord- \nnance was loaded, powder-chests were made ready, \ntwenty-five landmen were quartered among the sea- \nmen, appointed for muskets, and duly written down \nfor their respective quarters. The race continued \nuntil noon came, and the pursuers were still gaining. \nPreparation was then made for a fight ; cabins that \nstood in the way of managing the guns were taken \nhastily down ; beds, and all other kinds of inflamma- \nble articles that were likely to take fire, were cast \ninto the sea ; the long-boats were heaved out ; the \nLady Arbella and the other women and the children \nwere removed to the lower deck for safety ; and the \nmen were armed with muskets and other weapons \nand with instruments for fire-works. Then, for an \nexperiment, the captain (Peter Milborne) \" shot a ball \nof wild-fire, fastened to an arrow, out of a cross-bow, \nwhich burnt in the water a good time.\" All things \nbeing thus fitted,\" says Winthrop, \" we went to \nprayer upon the upper deck,\" where they might \nwatch as well as pray, doubtless, for these heroes \nnever forgot that they needed not only to trust in \nGod, but also to keep their powder dry. This was \nthe traditional advice of Oliver Cromwell, though \ngiven some years later. \n\n* \" England was at war with Spain at the time ; and Spanish \ncruisers seem to have been swarming about Dunkirk and other ports \nof the Spanish Netherlands.\" — \"Life and Letters of John Win- \nthrop,\" vol. ii., p. 14. \n\n\n36 THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nThe approaching ships were eight against four, \nand the emigrants thought that the moments were \nserious ; but not a woman or a child or a man showed \nfear, for, as Winthrop writes, their confidence was in \nthe Lord of Hosts, \" and the courage of our captain \nand his care and diHgence did much encourage us.\" \nIt was about one o'clock in the afternoon when the \ncaptain found the strangers were within a league of \nhim, and not wishing that the issue should come in \nthe night, he decided to show that he had no fear. \nHe therefore tacked about and stood to meet the \neight vessels, when, to the great joy bf all, they were \nperceived to be friends. \" Every ship, as they met, \nsaluted each other, and the musketeers discharged \ntheir small shot,\" and the dread and danger was \nturned into \" mirth and friendly entertainment.\" \n\nThus the days passed, in prayers for blessings to \ncome, in thankfulness for blessings received and dan- \ngers passed, in careful instructions and encourage- \nment, in hope for and thoughtful discussion of the \ncountry they were going to and the biblical com- \nmonwealth they expected to found. Every changing \nphase of nature was carefully noticed ; and Mr. Win- \nthrop sets down in his journal some of the phenom- \nena that he observed, as, for example, that when \nthey were at a distance of two hundred leagues from \nland, they encountered fowls flying and swimming ; \nthat the sun did not give so much heat as in Eng- \nland ; that cold weather came with the winds from \nwhatsoever direction they blew ; that the new moon, \nwhen it first appeared, was smaller than in England ; \nand that the pole star was much beneath what it was \n\n\nSTRA VV BERRIES AT CAPE ANN. 37 \n\nin England. They were not tedious days, we may \nsuppose, though we may be sure that the adven- \nturers were not sorry when at last, on the seventy- \nsecond day, \" there came a smell of the shore, like \nthe smell of a garden,\" and when, four days later, \nthey were able to drop anchor in the harbor of Salem. \n\nFiring off two pieces of ordnance, they sent a skiff \nto the ship of William Peirce of London, which they \nsaw, and he came on board, and afterwards returned \nto bring Governor Endicott to them. There was a \nfriendly welcome to the new-comers, and they were \ninvited to go ashore, where the assistants and some \nother gentlemen and the women supped on a \" good \nvenison pasty and good beer.\" At night most of \nthem returned to the ship, though the women, \" like \nNoah's dove, finding sure footing on the firm land, \nreturned no more to their ark floating on the unsta- \nble waves.\" The more common people on board \ntook the occasion to go ashore on the other side of \nthe harbor towards Cape Ann, where they had as \ngood a feast on fresh strawberries as the gentlefolk \nhad on their pasty and beer. The following day \nGovernor Winthrop first saw the natives of the land, \nfor Masconomo, sagamore of the Agawam, came on \nboard and spent the day, bidding the party a cheer- \nful welcome to the land from which the tribes of his \nfathers were fast fading away. Almost the first news \nreceived on landing was that there had been a gen- \neral conspiracy among the natives a few months \nprevious looking to the extirpation of all the white \nfaces. \n\nThough but two ships of the fleet had then arrived \n\n\n38 THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nat Salem, there was a formal \" landing,\" and proper \nsalutes were fired in honor of the governor and his \nparty. The prospect was dismal for Winthrop. \nHigginson was wasting under a hectic fever ; eighty \nof those who had come with him had died during \nthe winter ; many others w^ere sick and weak ; the \nsupplies were almost exhausted, and the remnant of \nthe emigrants, threatened by famine, now thronged \nabout the new arrivals begging for bread. No won- \nder that we read that the place pleased Winthrop \nnot, though the valiant and enthusiastic Captain \nJohn Smith had said of it : \" Of all the parts of the \nworld I have yet seen not inhabited, I would rather \nlive here than anywhere.\" \n\nWithout delay the governor and some of the prin- \ncipal men started on foot to look for a more suitable \nplace for the new settlement, expecting to find it \" at \nthe bottom of the bay.\" It was the seventeenth of \nJune, now memorable for another event annually \ncelebrated on that spot. They visited Mr. Samuel \nMaverick, who was well established in the first per- \nmanent house in the Bay colony at Winnisimmet, \nnow Chelsea * ; Mr. Thomas Walford, at Charton or \nCharleton ; and, perhaps, Mr. Blaxton, or Blackstone, \ndomesticated in a cottage on the w^estern shore of \nShawmut. These were Church-of-England men who \nhad come out in 1623, under Robert Gorges, sup- \nported by the whole power of the Council for New \n\n* It has long been held that Maverick erected his house on Nod- \ndle's Island ; but Judge Mellen Chamberlain has shown that it was \nat Winnisimmet. — See Transactions of the Massachusetts Historical \nSociety, Jan., 1885. \n\n\n,< \n\no \n\nt- \n\nU) \n\no \n\npa \n\nH \n\n(fi \n\n< \n\nK \n\n>< \n\n< \n\nQ \n\n?; \n\n< \n\no \n\nH \n\nz \n\nt/i \n\no \n\nO \n\nP3 \n\nc \n\nZ \n\ntn \n\nU \n\n< \n\nu \n\npa \n\n^ \n\n, \n\n^ \n\nH \n\nhH \n\n^ \n\nW \n\nJ \n\n^ \n\nK \n\n< \n\n^ \n\nO \n\n< \n\n^ \n\na. \n\nE \n\nw \n\nc/: \n\nX \n\n< \n\n\" \n\nH \n\n^H \n\n^ \n\nfa \n\n<-- \n\nO \n\n< \n\nO \n\nBi \n\nJ \n\nX \n\nfc \n\nJ \n\n►r \n\nBi' \n\nx \n\nO \n\nec \n\n> \n\n^ \n\ne; \n\npa \n\n^ \n\n< \nX \n\nC \nz \n\nfa \n\nz \n\nH \n\nO \n\no \n\nZ \n\n< \n\no \n\nPh \n\noa \n\n^ \n\nZ \n\n3 \n\nf- \n\nz \n\nu \n\n< \n\nu \n\n>-) \n\ns \n\nfa \n\no \n\n0< \n\nc/: \n\nfa \n\n\"pu \n\nO \n\ntf \n\nX \n\nf- \n\nz \n\n40 THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nEngland.* The party returned by way of Nantas- \nket, where Winthrop was called upon to settle a \ndifficulty that had arisen between the emigrants who \nhad come by the ship Mary and Jolui and Captain \nSqueb, who, though under contract to deliver his \nhuman freight at the mouth of the Charles River, \nhad left them at Nantasket at the end of May, in a \nmerciless way, as they thought. At the governor's \nsummons, the captain came ashore and the trouble \nwas quickly settled. It was difficult at that day to \ndetermine where \"the mouth of the Charles River\" \nwas, and it seems that there were obstacles in the \nway of navigating the river itself with a vessel of the \nsize of the one the captain commanded. \n\nThe result of this little trip of three days was that \nWinthrop determined to settle at Charleton ; but \nthere was so much sickness and distress that the \nothers did not all follow his example, but for one \nreason and another settled \" dispersedly,\" as Thomas \nDudley, the deputy-governor, wrote in his account of \nthe beginnings of the Massachusetts colony. Some \nplanted on the Mystic, at what is now Medford ; \nsome at VVatertown ; and still others at Roxbury f \nand Dorchester. This dispersion troubled the minds \nof some of them, \" but help it we could not,\" said \nDudley, and the time was \" too short to deliberate \nany longer, lest the winter should surprise \" them, \nbefore they had built forts or houses, to protect them \nfrom the Indians as well as from the wet and cold. \n\n* Winsor's \" Memorial History,\" vol. i., p. 75. \nf Named Rocksbury on account of the rough and rocky surface of \nits territory. \n\n\nTHE GREAT HOUSE AT CHARLETON. 4 1 \n\nThe twelfth of July is given as the date of the be- \nginning of Charlestovvn, where Winthrop, Salton- \nstall, Dudley, Wilson, Bradstreet, and others with \ntheir followers took up their abodes as promptly as \npossible, though it appears to have been several \nweeks before they all accomplished the work of re- \nmoval. The governor and several of the members \nof the company occupied the \" Great House,\" as it \nwas called, which they found ready for them, and the \nmultitude lived in uncomfortable tents and booths, \nwhich they set up on Town Hill. Those were dis- \nmal days : the long passage had fixed sickness and \nscurvy upon the emigrants ; the wet lodgings in- \ncreased the distempers ; a lack of fresh water made \nmatters worse, and now there was not a hut in which \nthere was not lamentation and woe for the dying and \nthe dead. Many graves soon marked the sides of \nthe hill. In consequence of the great calamities, Mr. \nWinthrop recommended a fast to be kept on the \nthirtieth of July, at which time also the first church \norganization was made, according to the form already \nestablished at Salem, on the basis of separation, and \nMr. John Wilson was chosen pastor. \n\nEvery thing seemed to indicate that Charleton was \nto be the capital of the colony,* but the kind heart \n\n* Edward Johnson, in his \" Wonder-Working Providence,\" chap- \nter xvii., says that the settlers promptly determined to hold an elec- \ntion of officers, for what reason we know not, unless it was to assert \ntheir independence, and that accordingly a court was called for the \ntwenty-third of August on board of the Arbella, on which occasion \nthe form was gone through with of choosing Mr. Winthrop governor, \nand voting new commissions to the officers who with him had already \nbeen elected by the company in England. \n\n\n42 THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nof Mr. Blaxton, touched by the distress among the \nsettlers, invited them to remove to the three-hilled \npeninsula (called Shawmut and Tri-mountain), where \nthere was fresh vv^ater in abundance and other advan- \ntages. The invitation was accepted without hesita- \ntion ; the frame of the governor's house was carried \nover, and the people transferred themselves as quickly \nas they could. The new site was an uneven rocky \npromontory, abounding with hollows and swamps, \nand connected with the mainland by an isthmus so \nnarrow that the tide often washed completely over \nit. Mr. Blaxton won the thanks of generations by \nhis polite and Christian invitation to the sufferers at \nCharleton. \n\nThe removal to Shawmut had so far progressed \nby the seventh of September that a court of Assist- \nants was held on that day, and it was ordered that \nthe name of the settlement should be Boston. An- \nother court of Assistants was convened at Charleton \non the twenty-eighth of September ; but after that \nthe courts were held at Boston. \n\nWe cannot tell exactly when the different settlers \nmade the change of abode ; we do not know even \nwhen the governor himself removed ; but it is certain \nthat the movement was hastened by the death of one \nof the most loved of the company. Lady Arbella \nJohnson, had died very soon after the arrival at \nSalem, \" coming from a paradise of pleasure and \nplenty in the family of a noble earl, into a wilder- \nness of wants,\" taking \" New England on her way to \nheaven,\" as the quaint Cotton Mather expresses it. \nOn the thirtieth of September the death of Mr. \n\n\nDEATH OF MR. JOHNSON. \n\n\n43 \n\n\nJohnson occurred, and it cast a gloom over the \ncolon}-. His lot as selected is that now bounded by \nSchool, Tremont, Court, and Washington streets, \ncomprising the first place of burial in the town, and \n\n\nBLAXTON S LOT. \n\n\nin it he was tenderly laid to rest.* After this great \nafifliction the work of removal from Charleton pro- \ngressed rapidly. \n\n* This account of Mr. Johnson's burial, given by Chief- Justice \nSewall and repeated by Governor Hutchinson, is doubted ; but \nwhether Mr. Johnson -was buried there or not, the spot became the \nfirst place used for such purposes, and for thirty years it was the only \none. — See Shurtleff's \"A Topographical Description of Boston,\" \np. 184. \n\n\n44 THE FOUNDING OF BOSTON. \n\nThus the promontory of Shawmut became the \ncapital of New England, and thus it received the \nname that it still bears, a name first written upon \nAmerican maps by Prince Charles at the solicitation \nof John Smith, but placed by him at York, on the \ncoast of Maine. It was evidently given to its pres- \nent locality by reason of the attachment felt by \nmany of the new inhabitants for Boston in England, \nover the parish church of which presided that John \nCotton whom we have seen calling at the Groton \nhome of John Winthrop, a man whom he loved so \ngreatly that he wished him to rest awhile beneath \nhis roof, even though absent at the time himself. \n\n\n,^^1 \n\n\nV. \n\nMARGARET WINTHROP COMES OVER. \n\nGovernor Winthrop left behind him in Eng- \nland, besides his sons John and Forth, who werr \nold enough to have accompanied him, but who in- \ntended to wait until Mrs. Winthrop would go with \nthem, a son named Henry, who was to have been \none of the passengers on the Arbclla. This mem- \nber of the family had been not in all respects a son \nafter his father's heart. He had been quite an \nadventurer in his youth — he was but twenty-two \nyears of age when his father left for America — and \nthere are expressions in his father's letters whicli \nshow some disapproval of his life and companion- \nships. Henry was among the early planters on the \nisland of Barbadoes, where he had been several \nyears previously, and had become involved in \nschemes for trade and colonization, which appear to \nhave proved unfortunate for his character as well as \nhis purse and his good father's purse. Doubtless, \nhowever, he had gained experience that would have \nbeen of value in the new enterprise of the Massachu- \nsetts company. \n\nHenry went ashore while the Arbella was detained \nby the adverse winds, for the purpose of obtaining \n\n45 \n\n\n46 MARGARET WINTHROP COMES OVER. \n\nan additional supply of provisions, and on account of \nthe high sea was unable to regain the vessel before \nshe sailed. He followed on the Talbot, another of \nthe fleet, and reached Salem on the second of July. \nThe passage was a very hard one, for the passengers \nwere afflicted by the small-pox, of which disease \nfourteen died on the ocean, though Henry escaped. \nOn the day of his arrival at Salem he was led by \ncuriosity to visit some Indian wigwams, and seeing \na canoe on the opposite side of a creek, he plunged \ninto the stream to swim across to obtain it, in order \nto save several miles of walking. He was taken \nwith a cramp in the water not far from the shore, \nand drowned. \n\nTwo weeks later John Winthrop wrote for the \nfirst time to his absent wife (from \" Charleton in \nNew England \") by the hands of Arthur Tindale, her \nbrother, who had come on the Arbella, but returned \non the Lion, the first vessel that went back. In this \nletter he wasted no words, thinking that the details \nof the voyage would be given by the bearer. He \nsaid : \n\n\"We had a long and troublesome passage, but the \nLord made it safe and easy for us. ... I am so over- \nspread with business that I have no time for these or \nother mine own private occasions. I only write now that \nthou mayest know that I yet live, and am mindful of thee \nin all my affairs. . . . My son Henry ! my son Henry ! \nah, poor child ! Yet it grieves me much more for my \ndear daughter. The Lord strengthen and comfort her \nheart to bear this cross patiently. ... I shall expect \nthee next summer, if the Lord please, and by that time \n\n\nPEAS, PUDDINGS, AND FISH. \n\n\n47 \n\n\nI hope to be provided for thy comfortable entertainment. \nMy most sweet wife, be not disheartened ; trust in the \nLord, and thou shalt see his faithfulness. ... I kiss \nand embrace thee, my dear wife, and all my children.\" \n\nCareful John Winthrop wrote no more than was \nnecessary by Arthur : he feared the letter might \n\n\nTHE GREAT ELM IN THE COMMON. DESTROYED IN 1876. \n\nmiscarry, for he found him \"the old man still,\" \nwhatever his weakness was ; but he took another \nopportunity, a week later, to give more particulars. \nThen he added that though the fare in the New \nWorld was but peas, puddings, and fish, quite coarse \nin comparison to what he had been accustomed to, \n\n\n48 MARGARET WINTHROP COMES OVER. \n\nit seemed sweet and wholesome to him, and he \ncould truly say that he desired nothing better. \nOther matters did trouble him, however, for the \nrelief from restraint that was felt by some of the \nemigrants made them restless ; they were not at all \nbent on the establishment of a religious common- \nwealth, and could not all bring themselves to prac- \ntise the good precepts of Winthrop embodied in his \n\" Model of Christian Charity.\" \" Satan,\" he wrote, \n\"bends his forces against us, and stirs up his instru- \nments to all kind of mischief, so that I think here \nare some persons v/ho never showed so much wick- \nedness in England as they have done here.\" Never- \ntheless, he urges Margaret not to be discouraged by \nany thing that she may hear, for he saw no cause to \nrepent his coming, and experience had showed that \nthe tenderest women and the youngest children \nmight safely be brought over. \n\nMr. Winthrop gives careful instructions regarding \nthe voyage ; as that she should be warmly clothed, \nhave a sufificiency of fresh provisions, meal, eggs \n(put up in salt or ground malt), butter, oatmeal, \npeas, and fruit, and strong chests, well locked, in \nwhich to keep them on the voyage. Margaret was \nto be sure to have two or three skillets, frying-pans \nand stewing-pans, large and small, drinking-vessels, \npewter vessels, a case to boil a pudding in, a store of \nlinen to use at sea, and a quantity of \" sack,\" to be \ndistributed among the sailors. For physic she was \nto provide a pound of Dr. Wright's electuary, and \nsome other articles, as saltpetre and nutmegs, the \nlatter to be grated or sliced when used. For use in \n\n\nFAMILY LETTERS. 49 \n\nthe colony, Mrs. Winthrop was desired to bring bed- \nding, linen and woollen ; brass, pewter, and leather \nbottles ; drinking-horns, axes (whatever they cost), \ncandles, soap, suet, and great and small augers, \" and \nmany other necessaries which I can't now think of.\" \n\nTo his eldest son, Winthrop sends at the same \ntime a journal of the voyage, besides a very long \nbusiness letter, in which we find the reasons why it \nwas necessary to send home so promptly for pro- \nvisions, which one might have supposed a rich new \nland would have supplied, and particular directions \nabout various members of the family and even de- \npendents and others more remotely connected with \nhim. As for the country itself, he observes that it \ndiffered little from England ; that he had noticed \nbut two days more hot than in Suffolk ; that the \nland is as good as he ever saw there, and that he \nhad observed none so bad as he had seen at home. \n\" Here is sweet air, fair rivers, and plenty of springs, \nand the water better than in England. Here can be \nno want of any thing to those who bring means to \nraise out of the earth and sea.\" \n\nNo doubt Mr, Winthrop believed all that he wrote \nabout the blessings he described ; but sometimes it \nseems as though he did not find it quite easy to be \nentirely happy. On the ninth of September, for \nexample, he wrote, \" that though the lady Arbella is \ndead, and good Mr. Higginson, and my servant, old \nWaters,\" yet many mercies were mixed with the \ncorrections of Providence, and he praised God that \nhe had many occasions of comfort, though he did \nhope that the \" days of affliction\" would soon have \n\n\n50 MARGARET WINTHROP COMES OVER. \n\nan end, and he sustained himself by saying, signifi- \ncantly: \" It is enough that we shall have heaven, \nthough we should pass through hell to it.\" Winthrop \nmagnified his mercies, and seems to have repeated his \nlist of them frequently, to keep his heart from break- \ning under the combined load of care for the planta- \ntion, rendered hard by the instruments stirred up \nby \" Sathan,\" his solicitude for his absent ones, and \nhis sorrows for those whom he had lost. He writes: \n\" I long for the time when I may see thy sweet face \nagain, and the faces of my dear children,\" though he \nowned with sorrow that his much business \"hath \nmade me too often forget Mondays and Fridays.\" \n\nIt is interesting to read the family letters in con- \nnection with the records of the public meetings, and \nto see that while the governor was attending to the \ncases of discipline and doctrine, he was giving minute \ndetails to his wife and son about their approaching \nvoyage. Thus, on the seventh of September, Thomas \nMorton was brought before the court for sentence \nand it was ordered that he should be \" set in the \nbilboes and sent prisoner to England,\" his goods \nseized to pay the charges of his trial and to satisfy \nthe Indians whom he had cheated, and his house \nburned down in their presence as a sign of the dis- \npleasure of the well-meaning with his action. At \nthe same time he was writing to his son to bring \nforty hogsheads of meal \" well cleansed from the \nbran,\" and store of peas, cheese, malt, oatmeal, \npepper, ginger, rugs, verjuice (the juice of unripe \nfruits), oil, pitch, tar, old cable to make oakum, \ncows, goats, sheep, garlic and onions, alum and \n\n\nTHE FIRST TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT. 51 \n\naloes, oiled skins, \" some worsted ribbing, several \nsizes,\" and conserve of red roses. While he was \nbeckoning with one hand to good and true men to \ncome over from England, he was signing a law to \nthe effect that \" No person shall plant in any place \nwithin the limits of this patent, without leave from \nthe governor and assistants, or a major part of \nthem.\" \n\nThere are many contrasts in the life of the gover- \nnor as described in his letters and in the public \nrecords. On one page we read: \" I have lost twelve \nof my family,\" whom he enumerates ; the \" Lord \nhath stripped us of some principal persons, Mr. \nJohnson and his lady,\" etc. ; and yet, \" My dear wife \nwe are here in a paradise. Though we have not \nbeef and mutton, etc., yet, God be praised, we want \nthem not, our Indian corn answers for all. Yet here \nis fowl and fish in great plenty.\" On another we \nfind the governor forming himself into the first \nAmerican temperance society, as he writes under \ndate, October 25, 1630: \" The governor, upon con- \nsideration of the inconveniences which had grown \nup in England by drinking one to another, restrained \nit at his own table, and wished others to do the like, \nso as it grew by little and little into disuse.\" \n\nAt this period negotiations were in progress for \nthe sale of the homestead at Groton, so that the \nfamily might be ready to leave in the spring unin- \ncumbered. In New England the supply of food \nwas slowly running down, and there were anxious \nthoughts about the welfare of the ship Lion, which, \nwe remember, had been hastily sent for supplies. \n\n\n52 MARGARET WINTHROP COMES OVER. \n\nSix months passed and the Lion did not appear. \nWinthrop had his last batch of bread in his oven, \nand doubtless the poorer inhabitants of Boston were \nnot so well off ; in fact, we are told that at the time \nwhen the general stores had been so reduced that a \nfast had been appointed to pray for relief, Mr. Win- \nthrop was in the act of giving the last handful of \nmeal from his barrel to a poor man in distress, when \na ship was spied entering the harbor with provisions \nenough for all. It was the Lion. The fast was \nturned to a thanksgiving, and the first regularly \nappointed Thanksgiving Day, held in 1631, is now \ncelebrated as the birthday of Washington. On the \nLion there came a young minister of whom we shall \nhear more, Roger Williams, an Oxford graduate. \n\nThe governor was now anxiously awaiting the ar- \nrival of his loved ones. The estate was at last sold \nfor a price smaller than it was thought that it ought \nto bring, and Winthrop was still sending to his wife \nand son the detailed instructions about sheep-skins \nand lamb-skins and calves-skins and hats and woollen \ncloth and mill-stones, and all the increasing list of \narticles that greater acquaintance with the new life \ntaught him might be needed. Meantime Sir Rich- \nard Saltonstall, the Rev. Mr. Wilson, and other good \nfriends had left the plantation, some of them never \nto return, and the responsibilities of those who re- \nmained were increased. \n\nOn the fourth of July, 163 1, the governor launched \na bark named the Blessing of the Bay, from a place \non the Mystic near his summer home, the \"Ten- \nHills Farm.\" It was on this farm that the governor \n\n\nA WAKEFUL NIGHT. 53 \n\ntook an after-supper walk on the eleventh of Octo- \nber, which came near having serious results for the \nplantation. He took his fowling-piece in his hand, \napparently looking for wolves that had been killing \nhis stock, and when distant not over a half mile from \nhome it became so dark that he mistook his path, \nand was unable to find it again. In his unsuccessful \nwanderings he came to an Indian hut, where he \nmade a good fire by means of a \"match,\" which he \nalways carried in his pocket, and laid himself down \non some mats that he found. (He is careful to say \nthat he always carried besides a match, a compass, \nand in summer some \" snakeweed,\" one of the \nuseful vegetable astringents.) Unable to sleep, he \nspent the night singing psalms, getting wood, and \nwalking up and down. Near morning it began to \nrain, and the lost governor made shift by means of \na long pole to climb up into the hut, where an In- \ndian squaw found him ; but he barred her out, \nthough she remained a great while trying to get in. \nHe managed to find his way home after daylight, \nand learned that his servants had been much per- \nplexed for him, \" having walked about and shot ofT \npieces, and halloed all the night,\" but he heard them \nnot. \n\nThesummer of 1631 was almost passed before the \nsale of the homestead and the settlement of the \nfamily affairs made it possible for Margaret Win- \nthrop to turn her face westward. Just before that \ntime she wrote to John Winthrop, junior: \n\n\" My dear Son : Since it hath pleased God to make a \nway for me, and to give me encouragement for my \n\n\n54 MARGARET WINTHROP COMES OVER. \n\nvoyage, and uphold my heart that it faints not, I do re- \nsolve by his assistance to cast myself upon him, and to \ngo for N : E ; as speedily as I can with any convenience. \nTherefore, my good son, let me entreat thee to take \norder for our going as soon as thou canst, for winter will \ncome on apace.\" \n\nIt is evident that however much these good emi- \ngrants tried to keep cheerful in the face of such ex- \nperiences as they expected to encounter, they always \nfelt that it was a cross, or, as they said, a duty to \n\" suffer what God hath laid out for us, and to be \ncheerful.\" \n\nAs Mr. Winthrop had been engaged, just before \nhis voyage, in settling matters matrimonial, so his \ngood Margaret was likewise employed before she \nsailed. She writes of the widow of Henry Winthrop : \n\n\"I rejoice much to hear that Mr. Cottington bears such \ngood affections to my daughter ; I trust there will be \nfurther proceeding. I have heard him very well reported \nof, to be a religious man and one of good means. [We \nrecollect that Mr. Painter was deficient in this respect.] \nMr. Wilson had some speech with me about it, and did \nvery much desire to know her virtues ; I gave her the \nbest commendations that I could. I shall daily expect \nhis coming. He shall be very welcome. P. S. — As \nsoon as I had written these, Mr. Cottington came to see \nus, but would not stay all night. He hath not yet made \nhis mind known to my daughter, but is gone to Sudbury \nto Mr. Wilson. I do verily believe it will be a match, \nand she shall be very happy in a good husband.\" \n\nWhat \" Mr. Wilson \" said we are not told ; but the \n\n\nA SECOND THANKSGIVING. 55 \n\nfair widow did not become \" Mistress Cottington \" ; \none Robert Feake intervened and took her. \n\nIt was about the middle of August that the large \nremnant of the governor's family, with the exception \nof two sons, Forth and Deane, sailed for New Eng- \nland on the same ship. Lion, that had several times \nbefore made the trip. John Eliot, afterwards the \napostle to the Indians, was one of the passengers. \nOn the voyage Margaret's infant daughter, Ann, \ndied and was committed to the deep. On the sec- \nond of November William Peirce, captain, arrived off \nNantasket, and was happy to be the one to present \nto the governor his good wife Margaret, his eldest \nson with his wife, and the other children, in good \nhealth, after the dangers of the passage that they \nhad so much feared. The plantation was in sym- \npathy with the loving husband and wife on their \nhappy reunion ; they were honored by volleys of \nshot as they landed on the fourth of November, and \nfor divers days they were presented \" great store of \nprovisions, as fat hogs, kids, venison, poultry, geese, \npartridges, etc., so as the like joy and manifestation \nof love had never been seen in New England. It \nwas a great marvel that so much people and such \nstore of provisions could be gathered together at so \nfew hours' notice.\" A week later there was a second \nThanksgiving Day in Boston ; and a few days after \nthat the governor of Plymouth came up to offer his \npersonal congratulations to his \" much honored and \nbeloved friends.\" \n\n\nVI. \n\n\nTHE LAY OF THE LAND. \n\n\nThe physical aspect of Boston when Mrs. Win- \nthrop and her family approached it in 1631 was quite \ndifferent from its appearance now, for in the march \nof civilization the hills have been carried into the \nsea, the rough places have been made smooth, and \nmany acres of superficial area have been added to the \noriginal measure. The area at that time was about \n783 acres, — less than that of the territory bought \nby the city of New York in 1861 for its Central \nPark. The present dry land in original Boston meas- \nures 1,829 acres; and the total number of acres in \nthe city limits is more than 23,000. Mr. Blaxton \nrecommended the place on account of its good \nsprings of water, and Winthrop established himself \nnear the chief of these, which gave its name to \nSpring Lane, the water of which though long since \ndisused is thought to have bubbled up anew when \nexcavations were made in 1869 for the present Post- \nOffice. \n\nThe chief features, however, that Mrs. Winthrop \nnoticed, as she entered the harbor, were the hills at \nthe feet of which the straggling houses of the hamlet \nwere nestled. At the north end of the promontory \n\n\n56 \n\n\nIN \n\nCO \n\nO \n\n\na \nw \n\nH \nU \n\nw \n\nai \n- CO \n\nPC ^ \n\nK o \n\n\nP o \n\nJ3 -C \n\n\nu \n\nJ= c \nI*. \"^ \n\nK > \n\ni-i \n\n►J >-. \n\nWcq \n\n\n•3 \n\n\nc^ \n\n\nI-I \n\nw \n\nH \n\n1-1 \n\n\n^ \n\n\nCO \n\nc \n\n\nr; \n\n\nc \n\n(— \n\nQ \n\nc \n\nWJ \n\n-u \n\nU-> \n\nCO \n\nC5 \n\no \n\ncz \n\n<-u \n\n• •-< \n\nK^ \n\nr: \n\nO \n60 \n\n3 \n\no \n\nE \n\n01 \n\no \n\n^ \n\nc< \n\nH \n\n< \n\nz, \no \n\nh \nh \n\nO \n\n\n(U \n\n\no \n\n\no \n\n\nOi \n\n\n(J! c^^ \n\n\nCo \n\n\nKl \n\n\nci«?:$oc$x^o$3C$o :$oc^cfi30!{p^ \n\n\n72 SUM DRV TROUBLES. \n\nhe is supposed to have been more instrumental in \nthe settlement of the civil and as well as the eccle- \nsiastical polity of New England than any other per- \nson.* He was ordained pastor of the First Church \nin October with peculiar ceremonies, which have \nbeen essentially followed in the Congregational body \nsince. The next day, in like manner, Mr. Hooker \nwas formally placed at the head of the church at \nNew Town. \n\nWhen Mr. Winthrop's term of ofTfice came to a \nclose in May, 1633, Mr. Cotton preached an election \nsermon, in which he urged that a magistrate ought \nnot to be turned into the condition of a private man \nwithout just cause; whereupon the independent vot- \ners proceeded to relegate Mr. Winthrop to private \nlife, and to place Thomas Dudley in the office of \ngovernor, coolly referring Mr. Cotton's arguments to \n\" further consideration.\" Winthrop had held the \nchief oflfice since his election in England before the \nemigration, had performed its heavy duties without \nremuneration, and had, indeed, paid many expenses \nfrom his private purse that might properly have been \ncharged to the public treasury ; but latterly he had \nlost some favor, and now at four elections a change \nwas made with regularity. The last change, how- \never, was to Mr. Winthrop again. Mr. Cotton did \nnot reflect that the voters were the ones to settle the \nquestion as to whether there was just cause for not \nre-electing an ofificer. Though Winthrop was out of \noffice, he did not cease exerting an influence upon \nthe town. He was at the head of a committee \n* \" History of New England,\" vol. i., p. 32. \n\n\nPE/iSONS OF QUALITY. 73 \n\nappointed to dispose of all the common lands of \nthe town, in December, 1634, and he induced the \npeople to reserve forty or fifty acres for the perpetual \nuse of the public. It seems that but for Mr. Win- \nthrop's determined stand, in the face of much oppo- \nsition, the region which is the beauty and the pride \nof the city would now be covered with buildings. \n\nThe promoters of the Boston emigration seem to \nhave had grand visions of the creation of \" a trans- \natlantic English empire,\" which should include all \nthat was best in the land that they left behind ; per- \nhaps they saw a New Atlantis rising on our shores, \nsuch as Bacon and others before him had imagined. \nSo, at least, Burke seems to have thought that they \nfelt.* Now there came from London a direct propo- \nsition on the part of some \" persons of great quality \nand estate, and of special note for piety,\" for the \nestablishment of a social system comprising two \nranks of men, the one called \" princes, or nobles, or \nelders,\" and the other \" the people.\" The colonists \nwillingly acknowledged two distinct orders, both \n\" from the light of nature and Scripture,\" and that \nthey should be hereditary, — members of the first \nhaving the right to attend parliament or public as- \nsemblies personally, and members of the second \nhaving the right of meeting and voting by deputies- \nwhom they should choose. \n\nNothing came of this proposal except discussion, \nwhich probably settled the minds of many and gave \nmore full knowledge to the people as to what they \nmight safely and properly try to do in the new land. \n\n* Palfrey, \" History of New England,\" vol. i., p. 308. \n\n\n74 SUNDRY TROUBLES. \n\nOne person of \" quality \" came over, \" Harry Vane,\" \nafterwards Sir Henry Vane, and it is said that Pym, \nHampden, and Oliver Cromwell would have followed \nbut for \" an express order of the king \" forbidding \nthem. These facts show that the charter was \nthought to give the colonists power to establish \nany sort of government that they pleased, if it \nwas not antagonistic to that of England. We shall \nsee that the tendency was toward making the gov- \nernment more popular rather than towards any sort \nof hereditary nobility, in spite of the tempting \npropositions of the persons of quality. \n\nCertain new-comers, Williams, Vane, Hugh Pe- \nter,* and Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, caused great dis- \nturbance for several years, into the details of which \nwe cannot go ; but a few facts concerning them are \nnecessary to enable us to understand the story. Mr. \nWilliams refused to unite with the church at Boston \non his arrival, because it would not profess repent- \nance for having had communion with the English \nchurch, and from that time he proved the correct- \nness of the judgment of those who thought him \n\" eccentric.\" He went to Salem, where he was \nasked to become teacher of the church. He re- \nmained a while, and then went to Plymouth, becom- \ning associate with that Mr. Ralph Smith of whom \nthe Boston colonists had been afraid that he was \na Separatist. Soon Elder Brewster, of Plymouth, \nwas anxious to be rid of Williams, on account of \nthe restless disputes which he excited, and was \n\n* This person always spelled his name thus, though a final s is \noften added by others. \n\n\nTHE FROG POND ON THE COMMON \nAS IT NOW APPEARS. \n\n\n75 \n\n\n^6 SUNDRY TROUBLES. \n\nhappy when the Salem people called him to them \n\n\nagam. \n\n\nBack at Salem, Williams began to stir up discus- \nsion upon various subjects. Cotton Mather said, \nrather more wittily than truly (using the proverbial \nexpression), that Williams had \" a windmill in his \nhead.\" He gave out that women ought to wear \nveils when they went abroad, and especially when \nthey appeared in public assemblies ; upon which \nMr. Cotton spent a Sunday at Salem and preached \na sermon to the women, which \" let in so much light \ninto their understandings that they who before \nthought it a shame to be seen in public without a \nveil were ashamed ever after to be covered with \nthem.\" Williams was so much of a zealot for re- \nform that he thought that the cross should be taken \nfrom the flag because \" it was a relic of anti-Chris- \ntian superstition,\" and Governor Endicott cut it out \naccordingly. \" What that good man would have \ndone with the cross upon his coin (if he had any left) \nthat bore the sign of superstition,\" says Hubbard, \nslyly, \" is uncertain.\" Williams maintained that it \nwas unlawful for an unregenerate man to pray or to \ntake an oath, especially the oath of fidelity to the \ngovernment, and that a godly man ought not to \nhave any communion with such as were considered \nunregenerate, and therefore he refused to take the \noath of fidelity, and taught others to refuse. He \nurged that the magistrates ought not to have to do \nwith matters relating to a man's duty to God, but \nonly with his duties to man, and that \"there should \nbe a general and unlimited toleration of all religions, \n\n\nTHE CASE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. JJ \n\nand for any man to be punished for any matters of \nhis conscience was persecution.* \n\nProbably the worst feature in the case of Williams \nwas what Cotton calls \" his violent and tumultuous \ncarriage against the patent.\" He declared that \nKing James told a \" solemn public lie \" in that docu- \nment, and that it gave the colonists no right to the \nterritory it described, but that the natives were still \nthe true owners of it. This doctrine, if not \"violent \nand tumultuous \" itself, tended to promote violent \nand tumultuous carriage, for it would have upturned \nall civil order in the colony, would have rendered \ninvalid all titles to land, and would have relegated \nthe community to a state of anarchy. No wonder \nthe magistrates were alarmed to have a man not \nonly carefully writing such things down in a book \n(which, though unpublished, was probably known to \nmany, as other unpublished books were at that time, \nwhen printing was not yet introduced into the \ncolony), but also, as Winthrop expressly declares, \n\"publicly teaching against the king's patent,\" and \nthe great sin of the colonists in claiming rights \nunder it. The magistrates spared no pains in warn- \ning Mr. Williams and in endeavoring to lead him \nto give up his offensive practices ; but when their \nefforts failed, they treated him as the)^ had other \noffenders, and ordered him to \" depart out of the \njurisdiction within six weeks now ensuing.\" The \nremainder of the life of this remarkable man belongs \nto the history of another community. \n\nPages of the history of this period are covered \n\n* Hutchinson, \" General History of New England,\" p. 206. \n\n\n78 SUNDRY TROUBLES. \n\nwith details of the \" Antinomian controversy,\" so \ncalled — a discussion which began in the First \nChurch, and apparently should have been confined \nto it. It was more threatening than the trouble \nwith Williams, and permeated the whole Puritan \nfabric, and, if peace had not been brought about, \nwould have involved the whole town, and perhaps \nthe colony, in dissension and ruin. \" Hitherto the \nbeauty of the Lord had been upon the primitive \nplantations of New England,\" wrote Mr. Hubbard; \n\" but the wicked one stirred up several of his instru- \nments, as the Pequod Indians and the preachers \nof antinomianism, who infested the plantation.\" \n\nThe fears of the men of Boston were not imagin- \nary. They had read the story of the split in the \nReformed Church of Munster in 1534, and remem- \nbered the horrible excesses that it led to — the de- \ncapitation of citizens by the score by the fanatic \ndraper Knipperdolling, the wild and degrading vaga- \nries of \" King \" John, the head of the Anabaptists; \nand the hideous circumstances of the subsequent \nsiege of the city.* \n\nSome had been heard to say, so Mr. Hubbard \nreports, \" that they believed the church of Boston \nto be the most glorious church in the world,\" \nmainly, doubtless, on account of the presence of \n\"that burning and shining light,\" Mr. John Cotton. \nNow it was about to go under a cloud, all by reason \n\n* The story of these troubles was given in all its repulsive details \nin a pamphlet entitled \" The Dippers Dipt ; or the Anabaptists \nducked and plunged over head and ears,\" written by Daniel Featley, \nwho died in 1644. See also \" The Story of Germany,\" chapter \nxxxvi. \n\n\nMRS. HUTCHINSON' S CASE. 79 \n\nof the insinuating efforts of one Mrs. Anne Hutchin- \nson, a gentlewoman \" of a nimble wit, voluble tongue, \neminent knowledge in the Scriptures, and notable \nhelpfulness to her own sex, to which especially she \naddressed herself.\" Antinomianism was a doctrine \nmuch feared by the ministers of Boston, and by all \nwho had any interest in the Puritan church. The \nsect to which it was attributed originated just before \nthe beginning of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and \nheld that under the gospel dispensation the moral \nlaw is of no use or obligation. Another sect, known \nas the Family of Love, or Familists, arose about \nsixty years later, receiving its name from the affec- \ntion that its members professed to bear to all people, \nhowever wicked. The errors of these sects were \nattributed to both Mrs. Hutchinson and her brother, \nthe Reverend John Wheelwright, and even the \n\"loving and gentle\" Mr. Cotton found that many \nof them were attributed also to him, though all \nthree denied that they were Antinomians. The \ncolony was thoroughly stirred up by these opinions ; \nMrs. Hutchinson gathered a company of some sixty \nwomen in private houses, and expounded to them \nher views ; Mr. Winthrop says that most members \nof the church were carried away by the errors, and \nthat the five or six who held to the old views were \ndesired to withdraw. A synod was called to meet at \nNew Town in 1637, composed of the elders of the \nchurches throughout the country, to consider the \nmatter. \n\nThe synod, which had been called, not by the min- \nisters only, but also with consent of the magistrates, \n\n\n8o SUNDRY TROUBLES. \n\nmet at New Town in November, in the church of \nthe Reverend Mr. Thomas Shepard, and for three \nweeks patiently listened to tedious discussions, \neighty-two opinions being finally condemned with \napparent unanimity. A basis was thus presented \nfor further proceedings. Mrs. Hutchinson was for- \nmally tried by the court, and sentenced to banish- \nment. The church took up the case again after- \nwards, and pronounced sentence of excommunica- \ntion. Thus banned, both Mrs. Hutchinson and her \nbrother left Boston, the one going to found Exeter, \nNew Hampshire, and the other taking her way to \nRhode Island. She afterwards met a tragic death \n\no \n\nat the hands of the Indians somewhere near the \npresent Astoria, whither she finally went. To pre- \nvent tumults, a good number of citizens of Boston \nwere now required to give up their arms, and a law \nAvas passed threatening fine an^ imprisonment or \nbanishment, upon all who should defame any court \nor any sentence passed by one. Many persons \nremoved from the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts \nmagistrates, going to Rhode Island and elsewhere; \nsome were banished and others disfranchised. It \nwas a long time before the wounds then made were \nhealed. Two years later, Mr. Winthrop, who had \nopposed Mrs. Hutchinson's views when they were \npopular, was received into even greater esteem than \nbefore; and in 1644, the decree of banishment that \nhad been made against Mr. Wheelwright was with- \ndrawn. \n\nThere were two men of note exceedingly prominent \nin Boston affairs at this time, to whose strange and \n\n\nTHE CASE OF HUGH PETER. 8 1 \n\ntragic careers a few words must be given, Harry \nVane and Hugh Peter, of whom we have spoken, \narrived there in 1635, and had scarcely been on the \nshores of the New World three months before they \nundertook to \" revise the administration of the gov- \nernment \" ; a fact which shows that the pleasantries \nabout the too prompt interference by new-comers in \nAmerican affairs, which are seen nowadays in our \njournals, might have found appropriate place in \ncorrespondence before the daily newspaper was \nthought of. Mr. Vane rushed through his brief \ncourse in Boston in a short time. His high birth, and \nthe fact that he sympathized with the colonists against \nthe wishes of his father, gave him prominence, and \nhe was incontinently chosen governor at the first \nelection after his arrival. He was defeated by Win- \nthrop the following year, and on the third of August, \njust before the synod met at New Town, he left Bos- \nton forever.* \n\nMr. Peter had suffered for his opinions under \nLaud,t and had been for six years a pastor at Rot- \n\n* He had proved, to use the language of Governor Hutchinson, \n\"young and inexperienced, but obstinate and self-sufficient,\" and \ngave offence to the greater part of the people. It was thought at \nthe time that he had left behind him dissensions that would trouble \nthe colony for ages. \n\nf \"New England has perhaps never quite appreciated its great \nobligations to Archbishop Laud. It was his overmastering hate of \nnon-conformity, it was the vigilance and vigor and consecrated \ncruelty with which he scoured his own diocese and afterwards all \nEngland, and hunted down and hunted out all the ministers who \nwere committing the unpardonable sin of dissent, that conferred \nupon the principal colonies of New England their ablest and noblest \nmen.\" — \" A History of American Literature,\" by Professor Moses \nCoit Tyler, vol. i., p. 204. \n\n\n82 SUNDRY TROUBLES. \n\nterdam, whither he went for safety. He took the \nplace of Williams in the church at Salem, and engaged \nwith energy both in religious and business affairs, \ngoing from place to place inciting men to public \nspirit, raising money to develop certain kinds of \nindustries, working with John Winthrop, junior, in \nthe matters of the Connecticut colony, and at one \ntime rebuking Vane for his \" peremptory con- \nclusions,\" which, he said, he perceived the young \ngovernor to be very apt unto. In 1641 he went to \nEngland as agent for the colony, remaining there. \nHe became chaplain to Cromwell, and walked by \nthe side of his secretary, John Milton, at his funeral. \nAt the Restoration he was executed. \n\n\nVIII. \n\n\nTHE GOVERNMENT BECOMES MORE POPULAR. \n\n\nThe Company of the Massachusetts Bay was at \nfirst a pure democracy ; every member was author- \nized to vote for the governor and assistants. It was \nnot at all the intention of the promoters of the colony, \nhowever, to establish a democracy on the shores of \nAmerica. John Cotton said in express terms that \nhe did not conceive that God ever ordained democ- \nracy to be a fit government, either for church or \ncommonwealth. The form of civil polity in the new \ncolony was determined by the circumstances as they \narose ; and the fact that loyalty to the king was not \nso strong when a broad ocean rolled between him \nand his subjects, and when weeks were occupied in \nconveying orders from him to them, as it was when \nthe sovereign was near to them, and could cause his \ncommands to be quickly conveyed to them, had a \nconsiderable effect in making a gradual change. \n\nThe supreme authority in Boston was at first in \nthe hands of the governor and assistants, and they \nwere chosen by all the freemen ; but on the occasion \nof the first general court, which was held October \n19, 1630, it was determined that the freemen should \nchoose the assistants, and they should, from their \n\n83 \n\n\n84 THE GOVERNMENT BECOMES MORE POPULAR. \n\nown number, elect the governor and deputy-governor. \nMore than a hundred men were admitted to the \nprivileges of freemen at that time, and among them \nwere some who did not belong to any of the churches. \nThis fact shortly became the cause of serious consid- \neration, for, the purpose of the colonists being to \nbuild up a biblical commonwealth, it was found \nnecessary to establish some basis of character which \nM'ould ensure the continuance of its desired traits. \nIt was of paramount importance, as the voters ex- \npressed it, May i8, 1631, to make sure that the body \nof the commons should be \"honest and good men,\" \nand accordingly the only steps known to them to \nmake this sure were taken. It was voted unani- \nmously that no man should be admitted to the free- \ndom of the body politic who was not a member of \none of the churches within the limits of the colony. \nBy this vote all members of the Church of England \nwere excluded, though naturally Mr. Blaxton, Mr. \nMaverick, and others, who had not renounced \nconnection with it, were permitted to retain the \nprivileges that had previously been voted to them. \nIt was the first time in history when such terms for \nthe franchise had been laid down in any civil state.* \nA kind of aristocracy hitherto unknown was estab- \nlished, based not upon birth, nor learning, nor wealth, \nbut upon personal character, so far as the real worth \nof a man could be determined by human tests.f \n\nThe methods of election were modified from time \nto time, and it was not very long, indeed, before the \n\n* Ellis, \" The Puritan Age and Rule,\" p. 201. \n\n\\ Palfrey, \" History of New England,\" vol. i., p. 345. \n\n\nTHE PEOPLE UNEASY. 83 \n\ngeneral court ordered that the right to choose the \ngovernor should be taken from the assistants and \nconferred upon the whole body of the commons. It \nwas also agreed that, instead of calling all the free- \nmen at the general court to settle taxes and assess- \nments, two deputies should be chosen from each \nplantation to confer with the governor and assistants \nin regard to such matters. Thus there appears to \nhave been a steadily growing desire on the part of \nthe freemen to enlarge their share in the government, \nwhich, by every change that was made^ became more \npopular in its character. Speaking of this period. \nGovernor Hutchinson says that \" the people began \nto grow uneasy,\" and no longer wished to allow the \nwhole management of public affairs to rest in the \nhands of the governor and assistants, though appar- \nently their experience had at first inclined them to \nassume as little responsibility as possible. In May, \n1634, the freemen, assembled as the fifth great and \ngeneral court, voted that the deputies, when they \nmet, should have all the powers they themselves en- \njoyed, except as to the choice of magistrates, which \nthey retained. It was at this time prescribed that \nthe freemen should swear allegiance to the govern- \nment in the use of the following words : \n\n\" I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitant \nand freeman within the jurisdiction of this common- \nwealth, do freely acknowledge myself to be subject to \nthe government thereof, and therefore do here swear, by \nthe great and dreadful name of the Everliving God, that \nI will be true and faithful to the same, and will accord- \ningly yield assistance and support thereunto, with my \n\n\n86 THE GOVERNMENT BECOMES MORE POPULAR. \n\nperson and estate, as in equity I am bound, and will also \ntruly endeavor to maintain and preserve all the liberties \nand privileges thereof, submitting myself to the whole- \nsome laws and orders made and established by the same ; \nand further, that I will not plot nor practise any evil \nagainst it, nor consent to any that shall do so, but will \ntimely discover and reveal to lawful authority now here \nestablished for the speedy preventing thereof. More- \nover, I do solemnly bind myself in the sight of God, that, \nwhen I shall be called to give my vote touching any \nsuch matter of this state, wherein freemen are to deal, I \nwill give my vote and suffrage as I shall judge in mine \nown conscience may best conduce and tend to the public \nweal of the body, without respect of persons, or favor of \nany man. So help me God, in the Lord Jesus Christ.\" \n\nThere were other reasons for this establishment of \na representative body. The freemen had much in- \ncreased in number, and the plantations had become \nmore widely scattered ; so that it was not only a \nmatter of some difficulty to get the men of the \ndifferent settlements together in Boston often, but \nit was really dangerous for them all to leave their \nhomes at the same time, on account of their private \nbusiness, but more particularly because the Indians \nwere likely to take advantage of such occasions to \nmake raids upon the defenceless wives and children. \nThus it was that the first legislative body arose in \nBoston. It was the second in point of time in \nAmerica, having been anticipated by the General \nAssembly of Virginia, convened in 1619, which con- \nsisted of the governor and council and two burgesses \nfrom each plantation. \n\n\nLOOKING TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE. 87 \n\nThere were now about three hundred and fifty \nfreemen in the colony, the majority of whom lived \nin Boston, which remained not only the chief settle- \nment in the Massachusetts colony, but also the \nlargest place in all the colonies until about the time \nof the revolutionary war. This numerical importance \nof Boston in comparison with the other places in \nAmerica for so long a period must be carefully re- \nmembered, for it accounts for many acts on both \nsides of the ocean that cannot otherwise be under- \nstood. In comparison with the body of freemen in \nthe colony at this time, the number of magistrates \nwas very small indeed, for, though the charter per- \nmitted the ©lection of twenty assistants, only about \none half as many had actually been chosen each \nyear, in order that there might be place for those \n\" men of rank \" who were expected to come over. \nThere were now some thirteen ministers, who had \ngreat influence in secular matters, though not per- \nmitted to hold ofifice. It was natural that their \nadvice should be highly prized in the public councils, \nfor they were usually the most fully educated per- \nsons in the community; but it is evident that in \nsome cases their views had altogether more weight \nthan was best for the people. \n\nThus the settlers built up an original form of \ngovernment under their charter, and they repeatedly \nproved by their acts that they were not at all averse \nto measures that looked towards independence of \nthe king of England. This is shown in the form of \nthe Freeman's Oath, just quoted, for not a word was \nsaid in that about loyalty to the king, from under \n\n\n88 THE GO VERNMEN T BECOMES MORE POP ULA R. \n\nwhose authority they professed never to have be- \ntaken themselves. The home government did not \nfail to notice these assumptions of independent \nauthority ; and trouble came from them, aggravated \nas they were by the representations of those dis- \naffected persons who were from time to time sent \nhome as unfit to dwell among the colonists. In \n1635 the Council for New England surrendered its \ncharter to the crowm, and complained that it was \nunable to control its own colonists, who had \" framed \nunto themselves both new laws and new conceipts,\" \nin order that they might make themselves \" abso- \nlutely masters of the country and unconscionable in \ntheir new laws.\" -\" Such,\" writes the historian Gar- \ndiner, \" was the view of the proceedings of the \nMassachusetts settlers which prevailed in the Eng- \nHsh court.\" \n\nAn amusing circumstance gave rise to another \nchange in the management of public affairs, and \nWinthrop, in his diary, gives many pages to an \naccount of it, very properly calling it a \" great \nbusiness upon a very small occasion.\" It happened \nthat in the year 1636 there was a stray sow in \nBoston. It was against the rules of the town for \nvagrant sows to go about the streets, and accord- \ningly this one was taken to Captain Robert- Keayne, \nat the time charged with the care of estrays, \nand now remembered from the more significant \nfact that he was the first leader of that famous \nbody of military men called the Ancient and Hon- \norable Artillery Company. Captain Robert gave \nas wide notice as he could, through the town- \n\n\nGOODY SHERMAN'S SOW. 89 \n\ncrier and otherwise, that the owner might come and \ntake his property ; but no claimant appeared, and \nmore than a year passed, he the meantime feeding \nthe estray among his own swine. At the proper \ntime, Captain Robert guilelessly proceeded, as usual, \nto slaughter one of his swine ; and not long after, \ngood-wife Sherman, consort of a worthless fellow, \nwho was not at the moment in the colony, called \nupon Captain Keayne to see if the sow that he had \ntaken care of so long were not one that she had lost \nmonths previously. Her pet had \"a black spott vn- \nder the eye of the bignesse of a shilling & a ragged \neare,\" which traits the specimen in the captain's pen \nhad not ; and it occurred to the good-wife- that it \nwas her animal which had been slaughtered ! She \ntherefore brought the matter before the \" elders of \nthe church \" of Boston, who patiently heard her \nplaint, and then exonerated the captain, whereupon \nshe took the case before a jury, and, in spite of the \nfact that the captain was unpopular \" for the hard- \nness of his dealings,\" he was again victorious. \nWhereupon he turned upon his accuser with a suit \nfor defamation of character, and recovered fifty \npounds damages. The never-to-be-satisfied good- \nwife then took the matter to the great and general \ncourt, and seven weary days were occupied by that \nhonorable body in hearing testimony about the spots \nunder the eye, and the raggedness of the ear, after \nwhich it appeared, upon a vote, that the majority of \nthe magistrates supported the captain, while the ma- \njority of the deputies were so prejudiced against the \ndoughty man of war that they inclined to be on the \n\n\n90 THE GOVERNMENT BECOMES MORE POPULAR. \n\nwoman's side. Seven of the deputies, however, \ndecHned to commit themselves either way, and the \nresult was a decision that the case was \" not deter- \nmined,\" because the votes of five magistrates and \nsixteen deputies were required to settle the question, \nand these neither party had. \n\nMuch contention and earnestness of argument fol- \nlowed, and the members of the court, but especially \nthe magistrates, were so irreverently spoken of that \nWinthrop and the others found it necessary to issue \na true declaration of the case. Even this did not \nsatisfy all ; and Winthrop was obliged to write fur- \nther that \" the sow business not being digested in \nthe country,\" it had started another question, which \nwas the right of the magistrates to a veto in the \ngeneral court. Another long discussion followed ; \nmuch was written on both sides, and in March, i6z|4, \nit was voted that the two branches of government \nshould sit separately, and that each should have the \nright of veto upon the action of the other ; that is, \nthat an act, having been passed by the deputies, \nshould not be effective unless it also passed the magis- \ntrates. Thus was established a principle which has \nobtained in all subsequent governments formed in \nAmerica, and all our legislative bodies are composed \nof two houses voting separately. \n\nThere are two other movements connected with the \npolitical organization of the colony of the Massachu- \nsetts Bay, which exerted great influence over Amer- \nican affairs ever afterwards. At the time that the \ntown of Boston was stirred to its foundation by the pre- \nrevolutionary struggle, Governor Hutchinson wrote : \n\n\nTHE POWER OF BOSTON ASA TOWN. 9 1 \n\n\" By an unfortunate mistake, soon after the charter, a \nlaw was passed which made every town in the province \na corporation perfectly democratic, every matter being \ndetermined by the major vote of the inhabitants ; and, \nalthough the intent of the law was to confine their pro- \nceedings to the immediate concerns of the town, yet for \nmany years past the town of Boston has been used to \ninterest itself in every affair of moment which concerned \nthe province in general.\" * \n\nThe name \" town \" occurs in the second meeting \nof the assistants, September 7, 1630, when Boston, \nCharleton, and Watertown were named : and it is \nsaid that the first \" town-meeting \" was held in Dor- \nchester the following year, for the purpose of mak- \ning orders for the control of the affairs of that par- \nticular community.f Very soon thereafter it became \ncustomary to choose annually certain members of \nthe plantation into whose hands the execution of \nthe orders of the meeting should be entrusted for \nthe year ; these were first called \" selectmen,\" at \nCharleton, in 1635, and the title was afterwards \nadopted throughout New England. \n\nThe gatherings of freemen in town-meeting at the \n\" beating of the drum,\" or otherwise, became an \nimportant item in the education of the New Eng- \nlanders in the art of self-government, and Governor \nHutchinson was right, from the point of view of a \nroyalist, in thinking it \" an unfortunate mistake \" \n\n* March 7, 1772, in a letter to General Gage. \n\nf To give the towns the necessary compactness, it was ordered \nthat houses should not be erected at a greater distance than a half- \nmile from the meeting-house in new plantations. \n\n\n92 THE GO VERNMENT BECOMES MORE POPULAR. \n\nthat established such hotbeds of patriotism. In \nthose meetings, which are purely democratic, men \nare taught to stand up for their opinions, to think \nupon their feet, and to exercise many of the talents \nthat are vitally necessary for the legislator on a \nbroader platform. It is because of these town-meet- \nings that New England, the colony of the Massachu- \nsetts Bay, and especially the town of Boston, obtained \nand kept such great influence in the colonies during \nall the earlier period of American history. They \nare themselves a heritage from our Anglo-Saxon \nancestors of a remote period. \n\nThe next fundamental action on the part of the \nNew England colonists, in which, as interesting her- \nself in every thing that was connected with the \npublic weal, Boston took her share, relates to the \ntreatment of the Indians. These creatures, which the \ncolonists seemed truly to have desired to bring to the \nChristian faith, were looked upon as the veriest ruins \nof mankind, showing, in the words of Cotton Mather, \nhow hard a master the Devil is to his most devoted \nvassals. Connecticut was, at the time of the settle- \nment of Boston, more thickly occupied than any \nother portion of New England by the savages, and \nthey had, in 1633, murdered one John Stone, who \nhad been banished from Boston for immoralities. \nThey afterwards murdered others. There was \ngreat uneasiness in Boston, and it was thought \nnecessary to take positive steps for the protection \nof the two hundred and fifty Englishmen in Con- \nnecticut, many of whom had gone from Boston and \nthe vicinity. \n\n\nTHE PEQUODS EXTERMINATED. 93 \n\nA frightful war against the Indians was entered \nupon, in which Governor Endicott, Captain John \nUnderhill, and Captain John Mason led the forces of \nthe colonists. The campaign was short and terribly \nearnest. The Pequods were exterminated, those that \nwere not killed being sold into slavery in New \nEngland and the West Indies ; no mercy was \ngiven them, for the soldiers verily believed them- \nselves agents of the God whom they worshipped \nin punishing the savages as enemies of the saints. \nAnd the land had rest from the Indians forty \nyears.* \n\nThe Indians were not the only enemies against \nwhom the colonists had to protect themselves. The \nattempt was made to divide the councils of the sav- \nages by making friends with one tribe, in the hope of \nthus being protected against the others ; but this \ninvolved the colonists in many difficulties, and it was \na policy not possible in the case of the French and \nDutch colonists on the east and on the west, who \nwere much feared. The colonists nearest the settle- \nments of the Dutch felt that they were in an unpro- \ntected condition, and in 1637 some magistrates and \nministers from Connecticut being in Boston in at- \ntendance upon a synod, called to take action in \nregard to the spread of the dreaded Antinomianism, \na meeting was held to agree if possible upon a con- \nfederation for the purpose of mutual protection; \n\n* For the details of this bloody struggle the reader who is curious \non the subject is referred to the \" Life of John Mason,\" by Dr. \nGeo. E. Ellis; to Palfrey's \"New England,\" vol. i. ; and to \nWinsor's \" Memorial History of Boston,\" vol. i., p. 253. \n\n\n94 THE GOVERNMENT BECOMES MORE POPULAR. \n\nbut it failed to settle any principles of union. \nMassachusetts was ready for union, but Connecticut \ndid not approve of the plan which was proposed. \nThe following year the governor of Connecticut and \nthe Reverend Mr. Hooker, the most prominent min- \nister there, were in Boston for a month upon the \nsame business ; but no action was taken then. In \nthe autumn of 1642 Connecticut made new overtures, \nand a consultation between the magistrates of Bos- \nton and the deputies from Boston and the neighbor- \ning towns, and commissioners from Plymouth, \nConnecticut, and New Haven was planned, but \nnothing was done until spring. Then the general \ncourt appointed a committee for the same purpose, \nand articles of confederation were agreed upon. \nThe document which was drawn up recited the \nobjects of the league to be, to preserve and propa- \ngate the truth and liberties of the gospel, and to \nensure the mutual safety and welfare of the colonies. \nA preamble gave the reasons for the union. It \nsaid that all the colonists came from Eno-land for the \nsame purpose ; that they were then scattered upon \nthe sea-coasts and rivers farther than had been in- \ntended ; that they were encompassed by people of \nseveral nations and of strange languages ; that the \nnatives had committed \" sundry insolences and out- \nrages upon several plantations,\" and were at that \ntime combined against the English ; that there were \ndistractions in England which made it difficult to get \nadvice or protection from that quarter, and that for \nthese reasons the colonies formed themselves into \none nation, to be called the United Colonies of New \n\n\nTHE FIRST CONFEDERATION. \n\n\n95 \n\n\nEngland. Here was another of the signs of inde- \npendence that may be noted in the history of the \ncolonists of Boston. It was the first combination of \nthe sort in American story, and it pointed out to the \nchildren of the men who entered into it a mode by \nwhich they could make still more comprehensive and \ndurable unions. \n\n\n^^^s^^^^^^ \n\n^^^SSR^^^^^ \n\n^^^^^^SR^^S \n\nfm^^^^p^^^^^^m \n\n^^^^B^^p \n\n^^^^^^^B \n\n^^^^^^^^^^^^^Mii^ \n\n^^teM^^^^^!^^^^^ \n\n^^^^^fe^^^^^^^^^^^^i3^ \n\n''i^ssT^^T^^.^tA^.^'f-lif^^^^ \n\nIX. \n\nWELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nFrom the first settlement of the promontory of \nBoston the population increased in a promising way \nuntil the year 1640, when certain events in the \nmother-country caused emigration almost to cease. \nLaud, \" the great enemy \" of New England, as Win- \nthrop properly stigmatizes him, with many others \nof high condition, had been imprisoned and called \nto account by parliament, and it seemed that there \nwas to be a reformation in both church and state, so \nthat it would not be necessary for any to remove \nthemselves over seas for the sake of peace. It has \nbeen estimated that during the ten years of great \nactivity in emigration some twenty thousand persons \nhad found their way to New England, a large number \nof whom made Boston their home. In 1638 alone it \nis said that twenty ships brought three thousand pas- \nsengers to that port. \n\nThese immigrants made business brisk in Boston ; \nthey brought articles that the colonists needed, and \nthey made a market for all that the colonists pro- \nduced. When the incoming flood stopped there \nwas a small financial panic; small in comparison \nwith many that have afiflicted American cities since, \n\n96 \n\n\nTHE CRYING SIN OF MAN-STEALING, 97 \n\nbut great enough to give much solicitude to Gov- \nernor Winthrop. the patriarchal father of the town \nand the colony. A cow worth twenty pounds in \n1640 would bring not more than four or five pounds \nthe following year ; and the man who was accus- \ntomed to spare one cow a year from his herd and to \nclothe his family with the price of it, was now in a \nstrait. There had, of course, been straits and dififi- \nculties at the beginning of the settlement ; but they \nhad been manfully overcome, and industry had pro- \nduced provisions enough for home consumption and \nan overplus for exportation. The trade for the first \nseven years was small ; consisting of bartering toys, \ntools, and clothing with the natives for furs and \nskins. When the settlers found themselves able to \nproduce a surplus, a trade sprung up with the Bar- \nbadoes, the West Indies, and other places from \nwhich a profit was made that permitted the impor- \ntation of manufactured goods from England. Then \none vessel ventured to the coast of Guinea and \nbrought away slaves, for which its owners were \ncalled to answer, the general court bearing witness \nto \" the heinous and crying sin of man-stealing,\" \nand ordering the return of the negroes. By degrees \nit was found possible to spare some hands from \nfarming, and they were employed in getting out \nlumber for houses, in the fisheries, or in building \nvessels for the coasting trade. Merchants were in \ntime tempted to come to Boston and commerce be- \ngan. As the usual supplies of manufactured goods \nbecame less and less, it was seen that articles of that \nsort must be produced by the colonists themselves, \n\n\n98 WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nand they \" fell to a manufacture of cotton, whereof \nthey had store from Barbadoes, and hemp and flax.\" \nThen the now ancient spinning-wheel began to whirr, \nand the thump of the drowsy loom was heard day \nby day in the dwellings of the Boston housewife. For \ntwo hundred years these homely implements of in- \ndustry were familiar objects in all quarters of New \nEngland. All of these steps were taken in the most \nnatural process, and not by any calculation on the \npart of the colonists. The extent of the suffer- \ning that followed the cessation of immigration \nmay be guessed at from the correspondence of the \ntown. \n\nCorn was made legal tender in the payment of \ndebts, and chosen men were sent to England to \napologize for the slowness with which obligations \nwere paid. Some of the less stable of the colonists \nreturned to England ; others betook themselves to \nthe West Indies or to the Dutch settlements. Mr, \nWinthrop was harassed by all this, and there was \nmuch disputation about the righteousness and lib- \nerty of removing \" for outward advantages.\" Win- \nthrop thought it would be hard to make it clear to \none's conscience that it was rieht for those who \n\n\n'&• \n\n\ncame together in a wilderness where were nothing \nbut wild beasts and beast-like men, and confederated \nthemselves in church and state, thus impliedly at \nleast binding themselves to support one another and \nthe society they had formed, to break away without \nthe consent of those who remained. He said to \nhimself : \" Ask thy conscience if thou wouldst have \nplucked up thy stakes, and brought thy family three \n\n\nA SHIP FROM ROCHELLE. \n\n\n99 \n\n\nthousand miles, if thou hadest expected that all or \nmost would have forsaken thee there.\" \n\nThe rise of the trade spirit led to a curious com- \nplication with the French of Acadie, to which early \nhistorians have given a prominence that proves its \ngreat importance in their estimation. By the treaty \nbetween France and England in 1632, France re- \nceived back all of the territory in America of which \nEngland had despoiled her, and very soon after that \ntime two rival and unscrupulous \" governors of \nAcadie \" appear on the scenes, the one of whom, \nLa Tour, professed to be a Protestant, and the \nother, d'Aulnay, was evidently a zealous partisan \nof the Catholic church. There was an opportunity \nfor Boston to increase the trade which it had already \nbegun in that quarter, and though Endicott wrote \nto Winthrop that he feared there would be \" little \ncomfort in having any thing to do with these idola- \ntrous French,\" the interests of Boston were so \nstrongly involved in making alliance with one party \nor the other that in process of time a treaty was \nentered into with the professed Protestant. \n\nIt was in June, 1643. The governor and his \nfamily were on the island in the harbor known as \nthe Governor's Garden, now Governor's Island, en- \njoying the summer air ; in a boat on the water was \nMrs. Gibbons, wife of Captain Edward Gibbons, \ngoing down with her children to her husband's farm \nat Pullen Point, in the present town of Winthrop. \nA French ship from Rochelle came up the harbor, \nbringing La Tour, the Protestant Acadian governor. \nOne of his gentlemen recognized Mrs. Gibbons as \n\n\nlOO WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\none at whose house he had been hospitably enter- \ntained, and La Tour sent off his shallop to go to \nspeak to her ; but she, afraid when she saw so many \nforeigners coming towards her, caused her boat to \nbe turned towards the Governor's Garden and has- \ntened to the land. There she found Winthrop, with \nhis wife, two of his sons, and the wife of another \nson. La Tour landed and explained to the governor \nthat he had come from France, intending to make \nland at his fort at St. John's, but that his enemy had \nblockaded it, and he now came to ask help to enable \nhim to force an entrance. Meantime Mrs. Gibbons \nwas sent to Boston in the governor's boat, and she \ngave information of the sudden coming of the \nFrench. Winthrop declined to answer La Tour \nuntil he had consulted other members of the magis- \ntracy, and the party took supper together, after \nwhich all started to Boston in La Tour's boat ; but \nthe towns of Boston and Charleton, having learned \nthe condition of affairs, and knowing that the govern- \nor was quite in the Frenchman's power, fitted out \nthree shallops of armed men to guard him and \naccompany him home. The Frenchman was sent to \nlodge at Captain Gibbons's ; but the facts of the day \nshowed the citizens how defenceless their town was, \nfor the strangers, had they been so disposed, might \nhave captured the governor and his family, and Mrs. \nGibbons and her attendants, as well as all the ships \nin the harbor, if, indeed, they had not sacked the \nlittle town. \n\nThe reply that was made to the request of La \nTour created much ill-feeling in the colony. It was \ndetermined not to afford him any help, though he \n\n\nA QUESTION OF NEUTRALITY. lOI \n\nwas given to understand that he was at liberty to \nmake whatever bargains he pleased with owners of \nships that he could find in the harbor. La Tour \nremained in Boston a little more than a month, \nbehaving himself like a gentleman and a Protestant ; \ngoing to meeting with the governor ; receiving enter- \ntainment at the hands of many of the town \" in their \nhouses and at table \" ; and at last sailing away with \nfour ships and a pinnace, the chiefest of which had \nsixteen pieces of ordnance and was very well manned \nand fitted for fighting, and \" the rest proportionable.\" \nThe governor was overwhelmed with correspond- \nence upon the matter of this decision ; and a meet- \ning of neighboring magistrates, elders, and deputies \nwas held to consider \" whether it were lawful for \nChristians to aid idolators, and how far we may hold \ncommunion with them.\" Indeed, weighty questions \nof neutrality and intervention were involved, and \ndoubtless Winthrop's action would not stand the \ntest of modern international law. The contemporary \ndiscussion brought into the consideration the cases \nof Jehoshaphat, Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, \nAhab and Ahaziah, the king of Babylon and Pharaoh, \nbut it did not change the practical policy that Win- \nthrop had adopted. The rivals kept up their war- \nfare for several years, until, in 1650 or 165 1, d'Aul- \nnay died, and in 1652 his widow married her husband's \nenemy. Though La Tour and the widow disappear \nfrom history, they left a number of descendants, and \nthe race still lives in Nova Scotia.* \n\n* The story of the negotiations with La Tour and d'Aulnay is \ngiven with much detail in Hutchinson (ed. 1755), pp. 128-135 ; in \nHubbard, chapter liv. ; and in Winsor's \" Memorial History of \n\n\nI02 WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nThe Puritans of Boston were Protestants of the \nProtestants, and though they were jealous of having \namong them any persons who held and taught other \ndoctrines than their own, they were naturally most \nof all jealous of those who professed the \" religion of \nthe court of Rome,\" and of those holding to this, \nthe \" old religion,\" a member of one of the orders of \nthe priesthood, especially the Jesuit order, was the \nmost feared and hated. For this reason, taking into \nconsideration \" the great wars, combustions, and \ndivisions \" in Europe, which seemed to be chiefly \n\" raised and fomented by the secret underminings \nand Solicitations of those of the Jesuitical order,\" the \ngeneral court of the Massachusetts Bay ordered that \nno Jesuit or spiritual or ecclesiastical person ordained \nby authority of the Pope of Rome should at any \ntime be allowed within the colony ; that if any such \nfound entrance, he should be banished, and on re- \nturning he should be put to death. Survivors from \nshipwreck, and public messengers behaving them- \nselves inoffensively and departing promptly, were \nexcepted. Some \" papistical \" persons were in the \ncompany of La Tour and d'Aulnay, but they were \ncarefully watched, and apparently no harm came \nfrom them, save the discussion that has been men- \ntioned. On one occasion two of these characters \nwere brought to Boston from their vessel to confer \nwith Mr. Cotton, which was certainly safe. \n\nThere was a devoted Jesuit missionary heroically \n\nBoston,\" vol. i., pp. 282-295 ; but it must also be said that almost \nevery thing that one wishes to learn is found in Mr. Winsor's store- \nhouse of Boston history. \n\n\nTHE FIRST MASS IN BOSTON. 103 \n\nlaboring among the Abenaquis in Acadie at this \ntime. Governor Winthrop wrote to the governor of \nCanada proposing free trade between the colonies, \nand in 1650 this missionary, whose name was Gabriel \nDruilletes, was sent to Boston to confer on the sub- \nject. He appeared to the English first near the \npresent site of Augusta, Maine, where he met John \nWinslow of Plymouth, then in charge of the trading \npost of his colony at that point. The conference be- \ntween the two was agreeable, and the Jesuit believed \nthat the Protestant was as much interested in the \nconversion of the Indians as he was himself. Con- \ntinuing his journey, the father reached Charlestown, \nwhere he was commended to the hands of the same \nEdward Gibbons, of whom we read in the account \nof the sojourn of La Tour. This hospitable and \nnot very radical Protestant gave the Jesuit a key to \na private apartment in his house where he was at \nliberty to \" exercise his religion \" without disturb- \nance, and there doubtless the first mass in Boston \nwas said. \n\nDruilletes presented his credentials in due time \nto Governor Dudley, who afterwards received him \nat dinner, and listened to his message in company \nwith other magistrates and one deputy. From this \ninterview, Druilletes went to Plymouth, where he \nlodged with one of the persons interested in the \nMaine trade. He felt encouraged here, as he had in \n. Boston, and on the day before Christmas he returned \nto the capital of the Bay colony, stopping at a place \nthat he calls \" Rogsbray,\" better known to us as \nRoxbury, where he was entertained by the minister, \n\n\n104 WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nwho was giving instruction to some savages, just as \nDruilletes had been accustomed to do in the northern \nwoods. This minister he calls \" Master heliot.\" It \nwas no less a person than the Reverend John Eliot, \nthe apostle to the Indians, who had arrived on the \nsame ship that brought Mrs. Winthrop, and was \nat this time full of zeal in his new work of preaching \nto the Indians. Mr. Eliot urged his guest to spend \nthe winter with him, in order to avoid the severe \njourney through the wilderness to Canada ; but the \nJesuit declined, and after resting one night, resumed \nhis journey to Boston, where again he was guest \nof Captain Gibbons. The purpose of the governor \nof Canada in sending Druilletes to Boston was to \ngain the help of the colonists in his war with the \nIroquois ; but the settlers both there and at Ply- \nmouth, saw that to take such a step would involve \nthem in difficulties with other tribes that had been \nfriendly to them. They gave the Jesuit diplomatic \nencouragement, and entertained him very hospita- \nbly, but that was all. They were ready for trade, \nbut they were determined to avoid an Indian war, if \npossible. \n\nWhen the Antinomians had been silenced there \nwas still no rest to the colonists from intruders \nholding heterodox views ; and in the year 1644, it \nwas thought necessary to take sharp action against \nanother class of heretics. A man named Painter re- \nfused to have his infant baptized ; said that the cus. \ntom was antichristian ; and when the church, of \nwhich his wife was a member, enjoined him to sub- \nmit the child to the ordinance, he still refused ; upon \n\n\nFEAR OF ANABAPTISTS. 105 \n\nwhich he was brought to court. He was sentenced \nto be whipped, the magistrates specially insisting \nthat it was not for holding an opinion, but for \n\" reproaching the Lord's ordinance,\" and for bold \nand evil behavior, some men his neighbors testifying \nthat he was very loose in his conduct, and given to \nmuch lying and idleness. \n\nThe court determined to be armed in time against \noffenders like Painter. They had read, as we have \nseen, of the terrible work wrought by \" Anabap- \ntists \" in Munster ; how they had been \" incendiaries \nof commonwealths,\" and \" troublers of churches \" ; \nand how with the error about baptism of children \nthey had usually held others, which they adroitly \nconcealed until \" they spied out a fit advantage and \nopportunity to vent them.\" It was therefore ordered \nthat any persons who held such views wilfully and \nobstinately, should be sentenced to banishment. \nThe \" Anabaptist \" of those days was simply a Bap- \ntist : he was one who believed in the necessity of \nbeing baptized in adult years, and as it was supposed \nthat all persons had been baptized in infancy (as all \nchildren of Catholic parents had), this was a re- \nbaptism. The Anabaptists of Munster \" denied the \nauthority of magistrates, the lawfulness of taking \noaths, and almost all the Christian doctrines, and \nwere guilty of several gross enormities, such as po- \nlygamy, rebellion, theft, and murder,\" and all their \nextravagances were charged upon the opposers of \ninfant baptism. No wonder the colonists were \nalarmed, if they believed such stories as were told \nof the Anabaptists ; and yet they are the people of \n\n\nI06 WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nwhom Judge Story said that in Rhode Island they \nwere the first to declare in laws that \" conscience \nshould be free and that men should not be punished \nfor worshipping God in the way that they are per- \nsuaded he requires.\" The people of Boston had \ngood authority for fearing the Anabaptists, for \nJeremy Taylor, the great and mild divine, wrote in \nhis \" Liberty of Prophesying,\" that their doctrines \nwere as much to be rooted out as the greatest pest \nand nuisance to the public interest. \n\nThe men of Boston were not, however, all agreed \nin the matter of punishing Baptists, though there \nwas not very much dissent. The town showed that \nthe character which Governor Hutchinson gives it \nwas deserved at this early period, for in 1649 the \ncourt addressed a letter to the brethren at Plymouth \npathetically remonstrating with them for harboring \nBaptists in that sister colony, which, they urged, was \nnot in accordance with the articles of confederation. \nTo this the Plymouth men sent no very hearty \nresponse, and the court at Boston was accordingly \ngrieved. The story of the dealings of Boston with \nthe Baptists is a disagreeable one, and may be passed \nover after mentioning one notable case, which brings \nus to the origin of the college of the colony. \n\nIn the year 1636, the court ordered that a public \nschool should be established somewhere. The fol- \nlowing year it was decided to put it at New Town, \nand a committee was appointed to carry the order \ninto effect. This committee was composed of Gov- \nernor Winthrop, John Cotton, Thomas Shepard, and \nfour others, who were either ministers or elders. In \n\n\nMJ?. EATON BEATS MR. BKISCOE. lOJ \n\n1638 it was ordered that New Town should be called \nCambridge, in consideration of the fact that a num- \nber of the persons interested in the school were \ngraduates of the University at Old Cambridge. In \nMarch, 1639, it was voted that the \" colledge \" to be \nbuilt at Cambridge should be known as Harvard \nCollege, in consequence of the fact that the Rev- \nerend John Harvard had become its benefactor. \nOne Nathaniel Eaton was appointed \" Schoolmas- \nter,\" for the name college was not immediately \nadopted in common usage. It was not long before \nEaton was accused before the court for \" cruel and \nbarbarous beating \" of his usher, Mr. Nathaniel \nBriscoe, and he was in consequence fined heavily, \ndischarged from keeping the school, and directed to \ngive Mr. Briscoe thirty pounds for the wrong done \nhim. \n\nIt appears that Mr. Eaton's ideas of proper cor- \nporal punishment allowed him to beat Mr. Briscoe \nfor the space of about two hours with a \" walnut- \ntree plant, big enough to have killed a horse, and a \nyard in length.\" Not unnaturally, during the two \nhours of this unscholarly exercise, Mr. Briscoe \nthought that he was about to be murdered, whereupon \nhe \" fell to prayer,\" and Mr. Eaton only rained his \nblows the harder, accusing his poor usher of \" taking \nthe name of God in vain.\" It came out, upon the trial \nwhich ensued, that it was Mr. Eaton's usual custom \nto beat his pupils in this way ; and besides, that he \nordinarily furnished them but \" porridge and pud- \nding, and that very homely,\" for their diet, though \ntheir friends gave him large allowance for their \n\n\nI08 WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nboard.* The reprobate schoolmaster fled from the \njurisdiction, and was reported to have gone to Vir- \nginia, where \" he was given up of God to extreme \npride and sensuality, being usually drunken, as the \ncustom is there.\" \n\nThis was not a good beginning for the college of \nthe colony ; but the error was soon rectified, and, in \n1640, the able and engaging, though perhaps liti- \ngious, Henry Dunster was made president of the \nyoung institution, just after he had arrived in Boston. \nHe was, like John Harvard, a graduate of Emanuel \nCollege, Cambridge, and he adopted the course of \nstudy of the English university, aiming at the edu- \ncation of a learned ministry. The school soon \nearned a reputation sufificient to draw students from \nthe other side of the sea. In its twelfth year the \ncollege was made a corporation, Mr. Dunster being \nconfirmed in his ofifice as president ; but doubts in \ntime began to be expressed regarding his soundness \nin the faith, and clouds were rising about his path. \n\nMr. Dunster was a member of the church of the \nReverend Thomas Shepard, and when that \" soul- \nravishing \" preacher died, in 1649, Dunster occupied \nhis pulpit until a successor was found. By insensi- \nble degrees the president of Harvard College came \nto hold doubts regarding the doctrine of baptism, \nand, in 1653, he found himself unable to agree with \n\n* Eaton's wife confessed that the flour of which the porridge was \nmade was not \"so fine as it might be, nor so well boiled or stirred \" ; \nand that when tlie pupils called for more butter and cheese, they \nwere denied ; and she confessed her sin in giving them \" bad fish,\" \nand for \" letting the blackamoor sleep in Sam Hough's sheet and \npillow-bier,\" and in giving them bread made of heated sour meal. \n\n\nMR. DUNSTER RESIGNS. 1 09 \n\nhis church on the subject. A young minister named \nMitchell, who succeeded Shepard, remonstrated with \nthe president for his \" intolerable offence,\" but, as he \nfound misgivings arising in his own mind, he with- \ndrew, with such a \"strange confusion and sickliness \nupon his spirit \" that his study for the following \nSabbath was interrupted. He was thereafter afraid \nto go needlessly to Mr. Dunster, because he detected \n\"venom and poison in his insinuations.\" When \nMr. Mitchell's discoveries came to the knowledg-e of \nothers, it was found necessary for Mr. Dunster to \nvacate his office as teacher of orthodox youth, and \nhe accordingly resigned his position and withdrew \nfrom Cambridge.* Ten years afterwards the First \n\n* Any one curious in regard to Mr. Dunster's ability as a literary \ncritic should read the \" Bay Psalm Book,\" the first American printed \nbook, prepared by others, but afterwards submitted to the president \nthat he might \" use a little more art upon it \" (1650). The verses \nare, the authors confess, \" not always so smooth and elegant as some \nmay desire or expect,\" even in their refined state. The nineteenth \nPsalm began thus : \n\n\" The heavens do declare \nThe majesty of God ; \nAlso the firmament shows forth \nHis handiwork abroad.\" \n\nJoseph Addison did better threescore years later, when he wrote \n\"The spacious firmament on high.\" The third edition (which is \nthe one \" revised and refined \" by Dunster) contains some spiritual \nsongs, in one of which the following lines occur : \n\" Gad the Kenite, Heber's wife \n'bove women blest shall be. \nAbove the women in the tent \n\na blessed one is she. \nHe water ask'd, she gave him milk : \n\nin lordly dish she fetch 'd \nHim butter forth : unto the nail \nshe forth her left hand stretched.\" \n\n\nno WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nBaptist Society was organized in Boston, and, much \nto the dismay and scandal of many, it proved strong \nenough to keep on in its way. Its services have \nendured to this day. \n\nThe next intruders upon the Boston colonists were \nmuch more troublesome, and the story of their suf- \nferings is so sad that one hesitates to revive it, and \nwe must be permitted simply to sketch some of its \ntraits. In the middle of the summer of 1656 it was \nrumored that a ship in the harbor was bringing to \nthe town two women, from England, by the way of \nthe Barbadoes, who had embraced the heretical doc- \ntrines of George Fox. There had been fears that \nsome of the Quaker sect might come to Boston, and \nin May there had been a day of fasting on this \naccount. A Quaker says of the occasion: \"Two \npoor women arriving in your harbor so shook ye, to \nthe everlasting shame of you, and of your established \npeace and order, as if a formidable army had invaded \nyour borders.\" \n\nThis was true, for the authorities took almost as \ngreat precaution against harm from Anne Austin \nand Mary Fisher as they would have taken to pre- \nserve the town from an armed invasion. Acting \nprobably under the law by which Mrs. Hutchinson \nwas condemned, the master of the ship was directed \nto take the women back to the Barbadoes, their \nbooks and papers were to be burned, and they them- \nselves to be confined in the jail until the ship Szval- \nlow, in which they had come, should sail away. \nHardly had these intruders been gotten rid of when \nanother vessel arrived from the same place with four \n\n\nTHE TREATMENT OF QUAKERS. Ill \n\nmen and four women of the like stripe, and they \nreceived the same treatment. This was the most \nmerciful dealing that was meted out to any of the \nQuakers. As soon as the general court could meet, \na stringent law was passed, threatening fines, im- \nprisonment, banishment, and whipping against any \n\" Quakers, ranters, or other blasphemous heretics \" — ' \n\" fit instruments to propagate the kingdom of \nSathan.\" The banishment was, at a later period, \nordered to be enforced by pain of death in case of \nthe return of the condemned. This law, it ought to \nbe said, was passed by a majority of one, and an \nabsent deputy cried out in horror that he would \nhave crept to the meeting-place on his hands and \nknees to have prevented it. \n\nBanished Quakers found that they could go to \nRhode Island and be safe, whereupon the New Eng- \nland Confederation advised that plantation to send \nthem off; but the president of Rhode Island replied \nthat there was no law in his jurisdiction by which \nthese persons could be punished, and that he found \nthat they did not care to go to places where they \nwere opposed by argument only ; that they delighted \nto be persecuted, and that they were the most dan- \ngerous where they were the most hardly used. \nRoger Williams, though acknowledging that the \nQuakers were \" insufferably proud and contentious,\" \nwould not persecute them. Doubtless, too, a feeling \nof pity for the sufferers was rising among the people \nof Boston, which increased as their fate became \nmore and more severe. We find that, in 1659, when \nthere was to be an execution of two Quakers after \n\n\n112 WELCOME AND UNWELCOME VISITORS. \n\nthe Thursday lecture,* great precaution was taken to \n\" see things carried peaceably and orderly,\" and the \nprocession from the jail to the Common was by a \nback way, \" lest the people should be affected too \nmuch \" if it went through the chief thoroughfare. \nThis feeling of humanity seems to have increased, \nas the atrocious acts of the magistrates continued to \nshock the townsmen, and it led to more merciful \ntreatment of Quakers. The end came for a Avhile in \n1660, and the prison doors were opened for such as \nhad been confined ; but it happened that at the same \ntime a letter was received in Boston from the king, \nCharles II., commanding this very action. It has \nlong been supposed that the king's missive opened \nthe Quakers' prison doors ; but it is at least possible \nthat public opinion in Boston had anticipated it. \nLet us hope, for the credit of humanity, that it had. \nThe respite was, however, temporary. Quakers \nwere suffering by the hundred in England, and they \nwere not free from persecution in Boston until 1677, \nwhen Margaret Brewster, who came from the Bar- \nbadoes, like the first invaders, having entered the \nOld South meeting-house in sackcloth, with her face \nblackened, her feet bare, and with ashes on her head, \nwas whipped for the offence. A few days later \nothers were treated in the same way for attending \nupon their own meetings. Public opinion could \nthen be no longer aggravated, and the lash was not \n\n* Wm. Robinson and Marmaduke Stephenson were hanged October \n27th. Mary Dyer, who stood with a halter about her neck, was \nreprieved, but she suffered the next year. See Ellis's \" Puritan \nRule,\" pp. 463, 472. \n\n\nTHE QUAKERS HAVE PEACE. \n\n\n\"3 \n\n\nagain flourished over the defenceless Quakers. With \nits disuse the objectionable acts of the sect dimin- \nished. The number of those who can be called \n\" turbulent \" was never large, and it is difificult for \nus, who know the quiet Friends as the modest and \nlovable citizens that they are, to connect any sort \nof disorder with the sect to which they belong. \n\n\nX. \n\n\nTHE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\n\nDuring most of the time that we have thus far \nreviewed, Mr. and Mrs. Winthrop lived together in \ntheir modest but commodious dwelling on the pres- \nent Washington Street. Mrs. Winthrop died there \nin 1647. Two years later the governor, who had \nmeanwhile married a fourth time, followed her, and \nwas buried in the graveyard of King's Chapel. For \ntwelve of the nineteen years of his life in Boston \nJohn Winthrop held the office of governor, and \nduring the other years he was entrusted with ofificial \nduties of almost equal importance. While he sat \namong the elders, his faithful Margaret followed the \nexample of the good wife described in Scripture, \nseeking wool and flax and working diligently with \nher hands. They were wakened from sleep in the \nmorning at half-past four o'clock by the sounding of \nthe public bell, and the curfew bid them to cover \ntheir coals and retire at nine in the evening. In \n1649 Richard Taylor agreed with the selectmen to \nring the bell for four pounds a year. \n\nThe Winthrop household was always well supplied \nwith the comforts of the time, though the dwelling \nwas probably itself not the most elegant of those \n\n114 \n\n\nCOM FOR T AND ELEGANCE. I I 5 \n\nthat adorned the growing town in the governor's \nlater years. Information gathered from early inven- \ntories and other sources shows that there was much \ncomfort and elegance in many of the Boston dwell- \nings. The principal hall was often ornamented with \npictures and lighted from a great lantern, while there \nmight have been a velvet cushion in the window- \nseat that gave upon the well-kept garden. There \nwas a great parlor and a small one, — the latter \nbeing sometimes known as the study, — which were \nsupplied with large mirrors, tasteful curtains, por- \ntraits and maps, brass clocks, chairs, which we now \nlike to copy, with high backs covered with red \nleather, and in the ample fire-place stood the bright \nbrass andirons. In the chambers were bedsteads \nwith high corner-posts, often richly carved, and sup- \nplied with feather-beds, warming-pans, and all the \nluxuries of the day. The pantry was filled with \ngood fare, with dainties, prunes, and marmalade, \nand the sideboard was ornamented with silver tank- \nards and wine cups and other articles of silver and \nglass ; while the cellar was stored with good ale, and \nwith materials from which to brew the smoking punch \nthat was brought before guests on the occasions of \nfestivity, when there had been an ordination, per- \nchance, or a meeting of the clergy, for the clergy in \nthe olden time, rigid as was their theology, were not \nat all averse to the good creatures of sense, and en- \njoyed their punch and pasty as much as any layman \nof them all. There were servants enough in the \nBoston families, though in 1634 it was permitted \nthe governor by vote of the court to \" entertain\" an \n\n\nii6 \n\n\nTHE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\n\nIndian as additional help in this capacity. Mrs. \nWinthrop was, however, not above going to the \nspring conveniently near (on the present Spring \nLane) to draw water, and we know that the governor \ngave his people a good example by \" putting his \nhand to any ordinary labor with his servants.\" \n\nTwice every Sunday for ten years the family fol- \nlowed the custom of the colony by walking around \nto the meeting-house, which stood on the present \nState Street near the corner of Devonshire ; but in \n1640 the humble building there was replaced by a \nnew structure, which stood on Washington Street \nnear by, and was the only meeting-house during the \nrest of the lifetime of the first governor. This edi- \nfice was not only used for religious services, but also \nfor meetings of the magistrates, and, naturally \nenough, for there was a close connection between \nthe two in a theocratic government, which based its \nproceedings largely upon precedents found in the \nBible. \n\nTwice each Sunday the drum-call summoned \nthe townspeople to the meeting-house, where the \nmen took their places on one side, and the women \non the other, the boys being relegated to the super- \nvision of a special ofificer charged with the by no \nmeans unimportant duty of keeping them, in order \nthrough the long sermon. Below the high pulpit, \nand just in front of it, sat the elders, and still nearer \nthe body of the people were the deacons, both groups \nlooking over the demure assembly. The men of the \ncongregation were armed, as if in fear of interruption \nby the Indians. When all was ready the services \n\n\nMR. HOOKER PkEACHES LONG. WJ \n\nbegan. They included singing, perhaps at first from \nthe Psalter of Sternhold and Hopkins,* renowned \nfor its adherence to the original Hebrew, of which \nMontgomery said that it was \" the resemblance of \nthe dead to the living.\" There was no instrumental \nhelp to harmony, and the tunes seldom counted \nmore than five or ten for eighty or ninety years. \nThere was extemporaneous prayer, sometimes of \ngreat length, and a sermon, which it was thought \nought not to be less than an hour, measured by the \nsand-glass visible to the hearers on the sacred desk, \nthough it was often much longer. Mr. Winthrop \nmentions, that on one of the few occasions when he \nwas absent from his accustomed congregation on the \nLord's Day, he went with many others to Cambridge \nto hear Mr. Hooker, who, after having preached for \na quarter of an hour, found himself deprived both \n\" of his strength and matter \" ; but he \" went forth, \nand about half an hour afterwards returned again, \n\n* The new version of the Psahns, which was revised by President \nDunster ten years later, appeared the year that the second meeting- \nhouse was built, and then the good Bostonians, who abhorred the \nhelp of \" cornet, flute, dulcimer, sackbut, psaltery, and all kinds of \n[instrumental] music,\" joined their tuneful voices in singing to some \none of the half-a-dozen melodies then in vogue such words as these : \n\n\" I in my streights, cal'd on the Lord, \nand to my God cry'd : he did heare \nfrom his temple my voyce, my crye \nbefore him came, unto his eare. \nAnd he on cherub rode, and flew : \nyea he flew on the wings of winde. \nHis secret place he darknes made \nhis covert that him round confinde, \nDark waters, and thick clouds of skies.\" \n\n\nIl8 THE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\nand went on to very good purpose about two hours.\" \nThis was in 1639. These were heroic days. \n\nIn the church that the Bostonians had left, the \nBible was read in the hearing of the congregation \nwithout note or comment ; here it was called \" dumb \nreading\" to read it so, and the text was accompanied \nwith explanations and applications, according to the \nlearning or the peculiar spirit of the clergyman. \nOccasionally a minister from another congregation \nwas present, and at such times, after the Psalm had \nbeen sung, the elder would rise and say : \" If this \npresent brother hath any word of exhortation for the \npeople at this time, in the name of God let him say \non.\" It was called prophesying if the stranger then \npreached. The regular feasts of the Church were \nutterly ignored ; but in their place there was the \nThursday-forenoon lecture, besides other week-day \nmeetings, and fasts and thanksgiving-days were \nappointed by the authorities from time to time. \n\nThe families of Boston were possessors of a good \nmany books, all of which had been brought from the \nother side of the ocean, of course, until Stephen Daye \ncame over in 1638, and set up widow Glover's print- \ning-press in Cambridge. The following year it be- \ngan its work with an almanac and an oath intended \nfor the freemen to set their names to ; these being \nfollowed by the Bay Psalm Book, which President \nDunster \" refined \" in 1650. He had, in 1641, mar- \nried the widow Glover, and the press had in that way \nindirectly passed under the control of the college.* \n\n* Mrs. Dunster died two years after her second marriage. She \nleft several children by her first husband, two of whom married sons \nof Governor Winthrop. \n\n\nEMISSARIES OF SA TAN ABROAD. 1 19 \n\nIt was not till 1674 that John Foster had permission \nfrom the court to set up a press \" elsewhere than in \nCambridge,\" and thus he became the first Boston \nprinter, his office being established the last month of \nthat year, at \" the Sign of a Dove,\" where he printed, \nas his first book, a sermon by Increase Mather, en- \ntitled \" The Wicked Man's Portion.\" These presses \ndid not, however, greatly increase the number of \nbooks ; but many pamphlets and sermons appeared \nfrom time to time, and in 1678 the first American \nedition of the poems of Anne Bradstreet was issued \nfrom this the first Boston press. \n\nBoston and the Bay colony had for ten years no \nlaws except the common law of England, and the \ncourt was well occupied in framing ordinances aimed \nat evil-doers as their acts required repression ; and \nin this connection the promptness with which \" that \nould deluder, Satan,\" managed to get his emissaries \namong the select band that sought to flee from his \ninfluence strikes one as not a little strange. The \nBostonians had scarcely settled upon the promon- \ntory of Shawmut, when it was found necessary to \nenact laws against some of the most bestial offences, \nand the necessity for a statute law was soon appar- \nent. In 1636 John Cotton was asked to give sug- \ngestions on this matter, and in October he presented \na draft of \" Moses, his Judicials,\" amply fortified by \n\" proof-texts \" in the margin,* the whole being sup- \nported by the words, quoted from Isaiah : \" The \n\n* Thus : — \" The governor hath power . . . to send out warrants \nfor the calling of the general court.\" (And Joshua gathered all the \ntribes of Israel to Shechem. Josh., xxiv., i.) \n\n\n120 THE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\nLord is our Judge, the Lord is our Lawgiver, the \nLord is our King ; he will save us.\" This effort was \nin accordance with the plan of a biblical common- \nwealth which the founders of the colony desired to \nestablish, but it was not accepted. \n\nThe following year it was ordered by the court \nthat the freemen of the several towns should gather \nand prepare such laws as they thought necessary \nunder the circumstances of the colony, which were to \nbe digested by the council and three elders, and the \nresult presented to the court ; but it proved that the \npeople were inexperienced in such work, and prob- \nably thought that the method which had been pur- \nsued— of making laws as they were called for — would \nsuffice. There was, however, in New England at the \ntime a scholar of ripeness and eccentricity able to do \nthe work. He was a graduate of Emanuel College; \nhad practised law some years in England ; was an \nacquaintance of Francis Bacon and of Archbishop \nUsher ; had been in somewhat familiar intercourse \nwith other men and some women in high life ; had \nserved as parish priest for ten years in England, un- \ntil ejected by Laud ; and was then for a while pas- \ntor of a parish in the raw settlement at Agawam — \nnow prosaic Ipswich. At the moment when Cotton \nwas compiling his Judicials, this scholar — Nathaniel \nWard — was meditating on the badness of the times \nupon which he had fallen, and grumbling at the pro- \nfaneness of many about him and the \" foul shame of \nreligious toleration,\" which he berated not long after \nin one of the raciest books of the day, \" The Simple \nCobbler of Agawam.\" \n\n\nLOCAL LAW SUPREME. 121 \n\nNathaniel Ward decided to prepare the needed \nstatutes, and accordingly presented to the court a \n\"Body of Liberties,\" consisting of one hundred laws. \nAfter a discussion lasting three weeks these were \nadopted, as a response to a popular clamor that \narose for something settled which would bring the \n\"interminable consultation of the towns\" to an end. \nThe biblical character of the legislation is evident \nfrom a provision that in case of any defect of the \nbody of liberties, the Law of God should be the ulti- \nmate rule of* administration. The law of Ward was \nmore merciful than that of the mother-country, and \nmentioned but ten capital offences, though there \nwere thirty such in England at the close of the reign \nof Elizabeth, and more than twice that number at a \nlater period. Ward supported each of his capital \npenalties with a scriptural text, though in the rest of \nthe code he did not imitate the compilation of Cot- \nton in that respect. These laws were to be consid- \nered annually by the court for three years, and such \nof them as were not altered or repealed were to stand. \n\nThe establishment of the fundamental laws Just \nmentioned was a most important step on the part of \nthe colonists. It has been called almost a declara- \ntion of independence, for the code began with an as- \nsertion that neither life, liberty, honor, nor estate was \nto be invaded, except by virtue of an express law es- \ntablished by local authority ; and it certainly verged \nclosely upon opposition to the rule of the sovereign. \nIt declared to the world that while the charter al- \nlowed no laws to be enacted under it \" repugnant to \nthe laws of England,\" the colonists felt themselves \n\n\n122 THE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\nempowered to build up such a system as the circum- \nstances of the people demanded. \n\nThose persons who had been sent out of the \ncolony as unfit to live there had, as we know, \ncarried prejudicial reports home regarding the spirit \nof independence that was growing up, even before \nWinthrop's arrival, and these were repeated fre- \nquently from time to time. The first efforts to lead \nthe government to interfere proved signal failures ; \nbut they were only the beginning of a long struggle \nwhich lasted more than fifty years, and finally suc- \nceeded. In 1634, there was a direct demand by the \nEnglish government that the charter should be de- \nlivered up, but the governor and council declined to \nsurrender it. There seems to have been a feeling in \nBoston, as well as elsewhere, that the possession of \nthe actual parchment, signed and sealed by the sov- \nereign or his agent, was necessary to the preservation \nof liberty, and we find that after a while it was ord- \nered that two or three persons should be appointed \nby each house to \" keep safe and secret the said \npatent.\" \n\nThe colonists were fully determined not to give up \ntheir charter without a struggle, but they also decided \nthat the best policy for them was to make long con- \nsultations and discussions, and thus to avoid a direct \nreply whenever possible, while using diplomatic words \nthat were intended to be received as professions of \nloyalty to the powers that happened to be upper- \nmost in England at a given time. \n\nThere was great alarm in Boston on the occasion \nof this very demand for the charter, for it was \n\n\nBOSTON PREPARES EOR IVAR. 123 \n\nrumored that the rights of the colonists were to \nbe invaded by a governor and commission from \nEngland authorized to make laws, call in patents, \nand levy taxes, A meeting was held at which all \nthe ministers (except Mr. Ward) were present, and it \nwas voted that such a governor if sent over ought \nnot to be accepted, but that the colonists should \ndefend their lawful possessions. The court appro- \npriated six hundred pounds towards fortifications \nand other charges at Castle Island, at Charlestown, \nand Dorchester, and captains were directed to train \nskilful men, while a committee, comprising Win- \nthrop, Dudley, and others was appointed to \" con- \nsult, direct, and give command for the managing \nand ordering of any war that might befal.\" Forts \nwere begun ; a beacon was set on the Sentry hill, \n\" to give notice to the country of any danger \" ; \nmusket-balls were made a legal tender ; and every \nman older than sixteen years was obliged to take \nthe freeman's oath ; while a military commission \nwas formed with power to imprison or even to \nput to death, \" any that they should judge to be \nenemies to the commonwealth,\" or who !' would not \ncome under their command or restraint.\" This was \nthe reply, and the only reply that the court made to \nthe demand for its charter, in 1635, and it looked \nmuch like a threat. \n\nThe English government was not idle, and after \nmany other movements on both sides, another, and \na very strict order, was sent to Governor Winthrop \nfor delivering up the charter ; upon which the court \ndirected that a letter should be written to \" excuse \n\n\n124 THE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\nour not sending it.\" Accordingly Winthrop wrote a \nvery dignified letter, in which he said that the colo- \nnists would like to know what charges had been made \nagainst them, and urged reasons why the demand \nshould not' be insisted upon. He expressed a desire \nnot to question the proceedings up to that point, but \nto \" open the griefs of the colonists,\" so that the king \nmight judge how to remedy them. The reply to \nthis letter was a peremptory repetition of the de- \nmand ; but the order was sent to Mr. Cradock, \nthrough his agent, and the court did not respond, \nsince the demand had been received \" in a private \nletter\" and not in of^cial form. The mother-coun- \ntry was by this time in so much confusion that no \nmore notice could be taken of the remote colonies, \nand for thirty years matters went on in Boston and \nthe Bay colony as though the people there were inde- \npendent. \n\nThe year 1640 is to be remembered for an attempt \nthat was made by Lord Say and Sele to dissuade \nemigrants from America, and to turn them to the \nWest Indies ; in fact to break up the colony of the \nMassachusetts Bay for that purpose. Governor Win- \nthrop wrote a letter on this subject which must have \nbeen very forceful, for it drew from Lord Say and \nSele a reply of the most spirited description. Win- \nthrop showed, to his own satisfaction at least, that it \nwas evident that God had chosen America to plant \nhis people in, and that it would be dangerous and \ndispleasing to try to change such a plan, and that \nhis lordship ought not to \" abase the goodness of \nthe country.\" It is interesting to note in passing \n\n\nINVITED TO IRELAND. 1 25 \n\nthat when Cromwell had conquered Ireland, in 1649, \nand wished to keep that country in subjection, he \nbethought himself of the few thousand Englishmen \nin New England, and invited them to come over and \noccupy the land. Some persons expressed a wish to \nlearn more of the project ; but there was no general \ndesire to change their abode. Similar offers were \nmade by Cromwell in 1655 to the New Englanders, \nif they would go to Jamaica which his fleet had re- \nduced. The Massachusetts court read Cromwell's \nletter, after a delay of eight months, and composed \na reply in which reference was made to the great \nmortality of the English in Jamaica, and the inten- \ntion of the Americans to remain where they were, \nthough the)- assured \" his Highness \" that they \nwould never cease to pray for him. They had \nwritten to him in 165 1 that during the ten years \nof his trouble with the late king they had constantly \nadhered to him, not even wavering in the times of \nhis weakest condition, but by their \" fasting and \nprayers for your good success,\" and our thanksgiv- \ning after the same was attained, in days of solemnity \nset apart for the purpose, as also \"by our sending \nover useful men,\" they had done him acceptable ser- \nvice and suffered hatred from other English colonies, \nand damage from the king's party, from the king of \nScots, and the king of Portugal. Neither of these \nschemes was further urged by Cromwell, who, by the \nway, was otherwise engaged pretty soon. \n\nBoston was meantime prosperous. The wigwams, \nhuts, and hovels of the first days were changed into \n\" orderly, fair, and well-built houses, well furnished \" ; \n\n\n126 THE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\nit was a \" city-like town,\" wharfed out with great \nindustry and cost, the buildings beautiful and large, \nsome fairly set forth with brick, tile, stone, and slate, \nand orderly placed with comely streets, \" whose con- \ntinual enlargement presages some sumptuous city.\" \nThere were \" streets filled with girls and boys sport- \ning up and down \" with, a great concourse of people, \nwhere once were \"wolves and bears nursing their \nyoung \" far from the eyes of all. Dr. Ellis has \ndrawn a picture of some of the wants and needs of \nthe inhabitants of Boston at this time in his work on \nthe \" Puritan Age.\" He says: \n\n\" A grim wilderness environed them, with real and \nvisionary dangers in its dark shadows. Marshes, moras- \nses, unbridged streams and devious trails made inter- \ncourse difficult and all travel tedious. The numerous \ninventories- left to us of household goods, of farm imple- \nments, and of apparel, are often amusing ihustrations of \nsimple thrift, and of the frugality, paucity, and rudeness \nof their furnishings, which still were of such relative \nvalue as to be carefully appraised. The tortures of the \nmedical and surgical practice of those days were fearful \nfor endurance. Our light foot-gear and water-proof pro- \ntection for snow-storms and tempests found substitutes \nfor them in boots of hide smeared with grease, and \ndoublets of leather which drank in the water so that \nthey had to be cast aside as the weight increased. The \nspoils of the hunter and safety from the Indian foe were \nwon by the long gun supported by a ' rest,' and fired by a \nmatchlock. What would the housewife and the forest- \ntraveller of those days have been ready to give for a \nbunch of friction-matches, the cost of which for us is \n\n\nTHE FATHER OF BOSTON DIES. 1 27 \n\none cent ! The lack of any currency, save Indian shell- \npeage, caused all traffic to be by barter of produce or \nlabor at shifting values. The entire lack of all the de- \nlights of intellectual intercourse and of literature, save \nthose of the most lugubrious character, must have had a \nmost depressing influence upon the spirits of those \nwho were so intently brooding over dismal theological \nproblems.\" * \n\nThere was nothing, or little, to make the citizens \nthink of the tumultuous doings that history records \nas going on in the mother-country; but they came \nto the knowledge of them in time. \n\nJohn Winthrop died, in 1649, and was buried in \nthe yard of King's Chapel, where his sepulchre may \nbe seen to this day. He had been governor of \" the \nconsiderablest part of New England,\" as Mather said, \nand \" he maintained the figure and honor of his \nplace with the spirit of a true gentleman.\" He let \nhis moderation be known to all men ; he \" abridged \nhimself of a thousand comfortable things\" that he \nhad been accustomed to, for the sake of those who \nwere about him. He was a true father, not only to \nMassachusetts, and to the New England Confedera- \ntion, of which he was chief, but also to Boston, and \nby his cheerful courage sustained the spirits of his \ncompanions when they were ready to droop. He \nwas mild, magnanimous, and firm ; he was benevo- \nlent and sympathetic ; mildly aristocratic, but con- \nsistent and well-balanced ; the noble founder of a \nstate and a civilization. He had nourished the \nchurch, the school, the college ; he had laid the \n\n* \" The Puritan Age and Rule,\" page 38. \n\n\n128 - THE CHARTER IS ATTACKED. \n\nfoundation of a system of laws that was to endure ; \nhe was mourned by the Dutch Stuyvesant, at the \nNew Netherlands, and by the governor of New Haven, \nwho wondered who could be chosen to take his \nplace in the arbitration of differences that might \narise in the future, as they had in the past. \n\nThe place left vacant in Boston was occupied at \nfirst by Thomas Dudley, who did not long survive, \nand then by John Endicott, who lived through the \ntime of the Commonwealth, and died during the \nstruggle with Charles the Second for the charter. \n\n\n3 — '\"Z^^^ \n\n\nXI. \n\n\nTHE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\n\nWhen Winthrop had been in Boston five years \nthere arrived an emigrant who was the first of a \nfamily destined to furnish poHtical and ecclesiastical \nleaders to the town for the whole of the colonial \nperiod. Richard Mather, for fifteen years minister \nof the church at Toxteth, finding himself in danger \non account of his dissent, fled to America in 1635, \nand as his reputation was already known, he was im- \nmediately accepted as a \" mighty man,\" and several \nparishes strove for his services. Mr. Mather relates \nthat on his long and dangerous voyage he saw \n\" mighty whales spewing up water in the air like the \nsmoke of a chimney, and making the sea about them \nwhite and hoajry,\" and they were \" of such incredible \nbigness \" that he exclaimed, \" I will never wonder \nthat the body of Jonah could be in the belly of a \nwhale.\" \n\nWhen put to the proof in Boston this mighty man \nwas found to be as learned in the classics and in the \nScriptures as his fame promised; his voice was \n\"loud and big,\" and he uttered his words with a \n\" deliberate vehemency \" which, in the language of \nthe day, \" procured unto his ministry an awful and \n\n129 \n\n\n130 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nvery taking majesty.\" He went to Dorchester and \nremained there until his death in 1689. He wrote \nmany of the ponderous tomes of the period, com- \nposed the preface to the Bay Psalm Book, as well as \nsome of its marvellous verses ; showed himself a \nvoracious reader and an indefatigable student ; and \nestablished his fame on a lasting foundation both as \na leader in church and state. \n\nThere were preachers of note in Boston besides \nMr. Mather, and among them Mr. John Cotton and \nMr. John Norton are to be especially remembered \nfor the influence they exerted upon the town in its \nimpressionable stage. Mr. Cotton was for twenty \nyears minister to the congregation that gathered in \nthe great church of St. Botolph, at old Boston ; but \nin the year 1633, when Laud became archbishop, he \nfound it necessary, like so many others, to seek the \nAmerican shores. He came to Boston with Thomas \nHooker and Samuel Stone, also distinguished lights \nin the New England pulpit, and was preacher to the \nFirst Church until his death in 1652. He has left \nbehind him nothing that gives to the present gen- \neration any strong impression of the '^ insinuating \nand melting \" style in which he is said to have \npreached — a style that is reputed to \" have carried \naway every adversary captive after the triumphant \nchariot of his rhetoric,\" and it seems to us often, \nas we shake the dust from the volumes in which \nthe ponderous pulpit oratory of those days is em- \nbalmed, that Boston audiences must have been very \neasily \" captivated \" by dry disquisitions ; though it \nmust be allowed that in the printed page we lose \n\n\nPONDEROUS PULPIT ORATORY. I3I \n\nall the earnest fervor which a preacher, loved by \nhis flock for his social virtues, threw into his formal \nutterances, and we are apt to forget, too, that an \nemigrant people who esteemed themselves perse- \ncuted for righteousness' sake, felt that there was a \nreality and an appropriateness in doctrinal discourses \nthat cannot be appreciated by their descendants who \nhave for generations enjoyed the peace that resulted \nfrom their tribulations. Mr. Cotton's death was \nbrought on by a cold caught in consequence of \nexposure in crossing the ferry on a visit to Cam- \nbridge, whither he went to preach to the students of \nHarvard College.* \n\nJohn Norton appeared in Boston three years later \nthan Mr. Cotton, and immediately attracted atten- \ntion by his scholarship, eloquence, and wisdom. He \nreluctantly accepted a call to Ipswich, where he \nwas assistant to the Agawam Cobbler until he was \nchosen successor to Mr. Cotton. He then removed \nto Boston, and took up his new duties in 1653, \nthough it was three years before he was installed. \nWe read that the court formally expressed its con- \ngratulations upon his accession to this influential \npost of duty, which was not a strange thing for \nthe court to do in the days when church and state \nwere intimately connected. Both of these ministers \nexerted a powerful influence upon the town both \npolitically and in their religious capacity, and were \n\n* The ferry over the Charles River from Brighton was at the foot of \nDunster Street. In 1662 a bridge was built at the foot of the present \nBoylston Street, on account of the increase of travel, especially on \nlecture days. \n\n\n132 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\ncomplimented by their people with constant expres- \nsions of fondness, but they left behind them no pos- \nterity equal to them in this respect, to continue their \nprestige. This the Mathers did, founding a dynasty \nwhich continued in uncrowned power for almost a \ncentury. \n\nThe second person to honor the name Mather was \nborn in the year 1639, and in consequence of the fact \nthat there was \" increase of every sort \" at the time, \nhe received the name Increase, which in his formal \nwritings he sometimes translated into Latin — \" Cres- \ncentius.\" At the time of Winthrop's death he was \nalmost ready for Harvard College, and he actually \nentered at the age of twelve ; though he did not take \nhis first degree until he was seventeen. Two years \nlater he preached in his father's pulpit and then \nsailed for Ireland, where he became a student at \nTrinity College, Dublin. After the Restoration he \nfound it best to return to his native land, and in \n1644 he became minister of the North Church, Bos- \nton, which stood on North Square, then the very \ncentre of the most aristocratic and influential homes. \nHis own dwelling was on North Street, near Clark. \n\nFor almost sixty years Increase Mather continued \nto hold the congregation by the force of his person- \nality, the strength of his logic, the adroitness of his \npolicy, and the sagacity of his devices. No man was \nso powerful in Boston as he for the first half of that \nperiod, and few or none dared to stand up against \nhis known views. Probably his scholarship and his \naccomplishments have not suffered by the mediums \nthrough which their fame has been carried down to \n\n\n0 ^ ~ „, <1>^6VA'-*V<' \n\n\n134 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nposterity ; but making all allowances for the favora- \nble prejudices of his biographers, we may conclude \nthat he enjoyed an ability to labor which is almost \nincomprehensible, that his knowledge had a wonder- \nful sweep, and that his diligence as a writer and \nspeaker, as well as a counsellor to his fellow-towns- \npeople, was so great that one marvels that his \nphysical system did not break under it long before \nhe had reached fourscore years of age. \n\nIncrease Mather married a daughter of John Cot- \nton, and thus united two noted families ; the eldest \nchild of the couple, who has been called the \" literary \nbehemoth of New England,\" in the colonial era, was \nnamed, for his grandfather. Cotton, The historian \nof our literature calls him \" a precocious and de- \ncidedly priggish young gentleman,\" with a well- \ndeveloped sense of his own importance.* He entered \nHarvard at the age of eleven, and when he gradu- \nated, the president, Urian Oakes, in handing him his \ndiploma, exclaimed, in Latin, \" What a name ! But, \nmy hearers, I confess I am wrong ; I should have \nsaid, what names ! I shall say nothing of his rever- \nend father, since I dare not praise him to his face ; \nbut, should he resemble and represent his venerable \ngrandfathers, John Cotton and Richard Mather, in \npiety, learning, and elegance of mind, solid judg- \nment, prudence, and wisdom, he will bear away the \npalm ; and I trust that in this youth Cotton and \n\n* \" A History of American Literature,\" by Moses Coit Tyler. In \nthis work one may read an entertaining sketch of the \" Mather \nDynasty,\" in which the merits and defects of each member of the \nfamily are brought out in an agreeable manner. \n\n\nCOTTON MATHER'S AMBITION, I 35 \n\nMather will be united and flourish again.\" Certainly \nthis was high praise, and well calculated to make \nthe young student all the self-conscious and self- \nimportant personage that he became. Increase \nMather returned his share of the fulsome compli- \nment in 1682, when he wrote that Oakes \"was one \nof the greatest lights that ever shone in this part \nof the world, or that is ever like to arise in this \nhorizon.\" \n\nCotton Mather was a strange mixture of strength \nand weakness, of wisdom and poor judgment ; his \nconceit must have been unbearable, and in his works \nit is simply ludicrous. Two notable examples of \nhis self-appreciation are connected with Harvard \nCollege, for the presidency of which he supposed \nhimself eminently adapted, though the corporation \ndid not agree with him. When President Willard \ndied in 1707, Mather thought that he ought to be \nchosen in the vacant place, and actually gave him- \nself to fasting and other exercises, in expectation of \nthe appointment ; but it did not come. In 1724, on \nthe death of President Leverett, he was certain that \nhe could be \" of singular service \" to the college, but \nDr. Sewall was chosen ; whereupon Mather writes : \n\" I am informed that yesterday the six men who call \nthemselves the corporation of the college met, and, \ncontrary to the epidemical expectation of the coun- \ntry, chose a modest young man, Sewall, for whose \npiety (and little else) every one gives a laudable \ncharacter.\" He adds, characteristically :\" I always \nforetold these two things of the corporation : first, \nthat if it were possible for them to steer clear of me, \n\n\n13^ THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nthey would do so ; secondly, that if it were possible \nfor them to act foolishly, they will do so. The per- \npetual envy with which my essays to serve the King- \ndom of God are treated among them, and the dread \nthat Satan has of my beating up his quarters at the \ncollege, led me into the former sentiment ; the mar- \nvellous indiscretion with which the affairs of the \ncollege are managed led me into the latter.\" \n\nThe year that Governor Winthrop died was the \nsame in which King Charles the First was beheaded, \nand that event had an important bearing upon the \ninterests of Boston. It was also the year in which \nParliament passed an act for the promotion of the \ngospel in New England, which led to the formation \nof the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel \namong the Indians, the learned experimental phi- \nlosopher, Robert Boyle, being appointed the first \npresident, by King Charles the Second, after his \nrestoration, in 1662. This society was useful in sup- \nplying funds for the encouragement of the \"Apostle \" \nEliot, in the labors that he had already begun, \nthough it had been anticipated by the general court \nof the Massachusetts colony two years before Win- \nthrop died. \n\nIt is said that at about this time the \" scrupulos- \nity \" of the good people of Boston was at its height, \nand in proof of it Hutchinson remarks that Governor \nEndicott, one of the most rigid of the magistrates, \njoined in an association pledged to use its influence \nagainst the wearing of long hair, as \" a thing uncivil \nand unmanly ; fit only for Russians and barbarous \nIndians.\" It was established as good form not to \n\n\nTALKING IN MEETING. 1 37 \n\npermit the hair to grow below the ears, though gov- \nernor Hutchinson wonders why some good soul did \nnot retort the text in Leviticus, \"Ye shall not round \nthe corners of your heads.\" There had been much \nlegislation and discussion regarding matters of this \nkind from the beginning of the settlement. As early \nas the year after his arrival in Boston, Mr. Cotton\" \nwas moved to preach at Salem on the subject of \nveils ; the court had passed a law against tobacco,* \nthe use of which Mr. Winthrop had given up before \ncoming to America ; and there were laws concerning \nthe wearing of gold and silver laces, girdles and hat- \nbands, embroidered caps, and too great sleeves ; \nconcerning all of which, the citizens of the little \nhamlet in the wilderness had been guilty. It was \npermitted to those who had such vanities to wear \nthem out, but not to have new ones made. There \nhad previously been a regulation mulcting smokers \nin the sum of one penny sterling for every time of \ntaking tobacco in any place, but apparently it did \nnot suffice. In 1635 a law was passed fining persons \ntwelve pence for falling into \" private conference \" \nin public meetings — that is, for talking in meet- \ning,— and the court was constantly giving its atten- \ntion to small matters of this sort. \n\nThe Agawam Cobbler thought to influence his \ncountrywomen by satire ; and though he asserted \n\n* The law reads : \" It is ordered that no person shall take tobacco \npublicly, under penalty of two shillings and sixpence, nor privately, \nin his own house or in the house of another, before strangers, and \nthat two or more shall not take it together anywhere, under the \naforesaid penalty for each offence.\" \n\n\n138 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nthat he was \" neither nigard nor cinick to the true \nbravery of the true gentry,\" he declared that \" it is \na more common than convenient saying that nine \ntaylors make a man : it were well if nineteen could \nmake a woman to her mind,\" \" Methinks it would \nbreak the hearts of Englishmen to see so many \ngoodly English women imprisoned in French cages, \npeering out of their hood-holes for some men of \nmercy to help them with a little wit, and nobody \nrelieves them. We have about five or six of them \nin our colony : if I see any of them accidentally I \ncannot cleanse my fancy of them for a month after. \n. . . It is a most unworthy thing for men that have \nbones in them to spend their lives in making fiddle- \ncases for futulous women's fancies ; which are the \nvery pettitoes of infirmity, the giblets of perquis- \nquillian toys. . . . When I hear a nugiperous gen- \ntledame inquire what dress the queen is in this week, \n— what the nudiustertian fashion of the court, — with \n6gg^ to be in it in all haste ; I look at her as the \nvery gizzard of a trifle, the product of a quarter of a \ncipher, the epitome of nothing, fitter to be kickt, if \nshe were of a kickable substance, than either hon- \nored or humored.\" It is doubtful if the \" nugiper- \nous gentledames\" knew enough Latin to understand \nthe \" loose-tongued liberty \" with which they were \naddressed by this ferocious crusader. \n\nDuring the time of Cromwell the people of Bos- \nton kept on their independent way with less dififi- \nculty than before ; they increased their trade and \nimproved their town ; they went so far in the way \nof independence that in 1652 they began to coin the \n\n\nPROTESTATIONS OF LOYALTY. 139 \n\nbullion that flowed to them from the West Indies \nand elsewhere, putting on the money, not the arms \nof the king or the name of the mother-country, but \nsimply the words \" New England \" and \" Massachu- \nsetts.\" Parliament was too much occupied to inter- \nfere, and it seems that Charles the Second, after his \nrestoration, allowed the process to continue. The \ntown was alarmed by news of the war between Eng- \nland and Holland, which, it was supposed, would \nmake complications with the New Netherlands, and \nby a rising of the Narragansett Indians in Connecti- \ncut, which came about in consequence of the relations \nbetween the Indians and the Dutch. Boston did not \napprove of war in this instance, and it was not pros- \necuted. \n\nAt the Restoration, the struggle over the charter \nwas renewed. Goffe and Whalley, two of the judges \nwho had condemned Charles the First, fled to Amer- \nica at that time, and were received in Boston, as might \nhave been expected, with cordiality. The king was \nnot \" proclaimed,\" and no \" address \" was sent to him. \nIt was not long before the colonists were called upon \nto meet more charges made against them by Quakers \nand others, and then an address was sent to Charles \nthe Second, abounding in protestations of loyalty. \nTo this the king replied in language that seemed \nkindly, but was not very satisfactory to the colo- \nnists. He demanded, at last, that the freedom of con- \nscience, which they emphasized, should be extended \nto those who used the Book of Common Prayer ; \nthat the elective franchise should be given to others \nthan merely the members of the orthodox churches; \n\n\nI40 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nand that the fugitive judges should be arrested and \nreturned. The judges probably obtained early in- \nformation of the king's demands, and when Gov- \nernor Endicott sent officers for them they were not \nto be found. \n\nAt about the same time the busy industry that \ncommerce had developed was interfered with by an \nAct of Navigation, under the terms of which every \nthing imported into Boston, except in English ships \nmanned by English sailors, was liable to forfeiture. \nThe court now thought it necessary to make a dec- \nlaration of rights under the charter, and at a meet- \ning held in Boston, June lo, 1661, it asserted that \nthe governor and company formed a body politic, \ncompetent to make freemen, to set up all sorts of \nofHcers, to make laws, and to repel invaders, but in \nall things to be loyal to the king. The king was \nproclaimed in Boston in the following August, fif- \nteen months after his accession, by order of this \n\" loyal \" ' court. No wonder the tardy colonists \nnever stood well with his Majesty King Charles the \nSecond. Their real feelings were too apparent. \nThey sent two agents to London in 1662, to look \nout for the colonial interests, who brought back a \nletter from the king, which the court proceeded to \nconsider at its meeting August 3, 1664, after a delay \nof two years. Meantime there had been rumors that \nmen-of-war were coming from England with troops \nand commissioners charged with the duty of deter- \nmining all matters of complaint. Eleven days be- \nfore the August meeting the commissioners had ac- \ntually arrived. There had been a solemn fast in \n\n\nFERVENT PLEAS. \n\n\n141 \n\n\nanticipation of this event, and \" in view of the many \ndistractions and troubles under which the country \" \nlabored ; the train-bands had been put in order and \nthe Castle prepared to give speedy notice of the ex- \npected arrivals. The commissioners came, but were \nnot able to remain long enough to attend the Au- \ngust meeting. They went to New Amsterdam, with \nwhich also they had business. \n\nAfter two months of solemn discussion (and we \nmay be sure that the affair was looked upon as a \nserious one), a letter was ready for the \" Dread Sov- \neraigne.\" In it the poor subjects \"prostrated\" \nthemselves before the royal feet, and with some \neloquence in a now antiquated style, begged favor. \nThey made fervent pleas for themselves, stiffly \nasserted the rights that they conceived were theirs \nby the sacred charter, pathetically presented the \nstory of the burdens of a new plantation, referred to \n\" the great labors, hazards, costs, and dififlculties \" of \n\" wrestling with the wants of a wilderness,\" and to \nthe royal promise of encouragement and protection \nconveyed in the king's letter of February, 1660; \nand asserted that they were grievously, afflicted by \nthe plan of sending to them rulers that they had no \nhand in choosing ; who were to proceed, not by \nestablished law, but by their own discretions ; that \nit pained them to see His Majesty put to great ex- \npense in a business that would never reimburse one- \nhalf the amount that was to be laid out on it. They \nreiterate the assertion that they did not come to \nthe wilderness to seek great things for themselves ; \nthat they meddled not with any business but their \n\n\n142 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nown ; that they were carefully studious of all due \nsubjection to His Majesty, not only for wrath, but \nfor conscience sake ; and in conclusion they exclaim, \n\" Royal Sir; it is in your power to say of your poor \npeople of New England, they shall not die . . . Let \nour government live, let our patent live, our magis- \ntrates live, our laws and liberties live, our religious \nenjoyments live, so shall we all }^et have further \ncause to say from our hearts, let the king live for- \never ! . . . And the blessing of them that were \nready to perish shall come upon your majesty, . . . \nand we and ours shall have lasting cause to rejoice \nthat we have been numbered among your majesties \nmost humble servants and suppliants.\" \n\nThe king's commissioners met in Boston in the \nfollowing February, and attempted to sit as a court \nto hear complaints against the governor and com- \npany; but the general court disapproved of such \naction, as inconsistent with the duty to God and the \nking which every colonist owed, and by sound of \ntrumpet prohibited all persons from sustaining the \ncommissioners, who were, therefore, unable to accom- \nplish any thing, and gave up the contest, telling the \nBoston people that they would refer the matter to \nHis Majesty, who, they expressively added, \" is of \npower enough to make himself to be obeyed in all \nhis dominions.\" The king wrote, in reply to the \nletter of the court of October, that he would recall \nthe commissioners, since it was evident that the \ncolonists thought that the charter had been violated \nby their appointment ; but he directed that four or \nfive persons should be sent to him that he might \n\n\nI^EW ENGLAND RICH AND INDEPENDENT. 1 43 \n\nhear what was to be said on that side. The court \nacknowledged this demand, but declined to send \nany one to the king, saying that all had been said \nthat there was to say, and that they preferred to \ncommit themselves to God. Boston and other com- \nmercial towns opposed this cavalier action, and the \ncommissioners also protested, but in vain. The \ncolonists endeavored to appease the king, however, \nby sending him a present of some shiploads of masts \nand other timber for the royal navy. The contest \nwas for a time closed, and during the following ten \nyears there were few communications between the \nparties at odds. \n\nJohn Evelyn tells us in his Diary that when the \nBoard of Trade* met to organize and take the official \noaths, May 26, 1671, and \" to counsel his majesty to \nthe best of our abilities for the well-governing of his \nforeign plantations,\" what was \" most insisted on \nwas to know the condition of New England.\" To \nthe board the people of that colony appeared \" to be \nvery independent as to their regard to Old England \nor his majesty, rich and strong as they now were,\" \nand there was \"great debate\" as to how such \ncolonists should be addressed, \" for the condition of \nthat colony was such that they were able to contest \nwith all other plantations about them, and there was \n\n* This important body comprised the Duke of Buckingham, the \nEarl of Sandwich, Sir George Carteret, and others. Its sessions \nwere held in the house of the Earl of Bristol, in Lincoln's Inn \nFields, which had been taken for the purpose. There were seven \nrooms on a floor, with long gallery, gardens, etc., and the meeting- \nroom was appropriately furnished with atlases, maps, charts, globes, \netc. \n\n\n144 THE TIMES OF THE MATHERS. \n\nfear of their breaking from all dependence \" on \nEngland. Some members were in favor of sending \n\"a menacing letter, which those who better under- \nstood the peevish and touchy humor of that colony \nwere utterly against.\" On the sixth of June there \nwas another debate on the same subject, and it was \ndecided that any action towards New England \nshould be \" civil and conciliating,\" because it was \nunderstood that the people were certainly \" almost \nupon the very brink of renouncing any dependence \non the crown.\" One would almost think that this \nwas written in 1771, instead of 167 1. It shows that \nhowever the Boston people might protest their \nloyalty, their acts appeared to observers at a distance \nto be those of men bound to maintain their inde- \npendency,— to govern themselves under their char- \nter, it is true, but to stretch its provisions to the \nutmost in their own favor. \n\nThe king did not acknowledge the gift of masts \nuntil 1669, though his clerk of the navy, the garru- \nlous Samuel Pepys, wrote in his private diary that it \nwas \" a blessing mighty unexpected,\" without which \nthe efforts of the navy might have failed the follow- \ning year, and he praised God \" for thus much good \nfortune.\" Eight years later, the same \" poor sub- \njects\" in the \"remote corner of the earth,\" sent his \nmajesty \" ten barrels of cranberries, two hogsheads \nof special good samp, and three thousand codfish,\" \nwith their compliments. \n\n\nXII. \n\n\nTHE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\n\nBoston was happily situated in many respects, \nbut in one particular it was especially fortunate. Its \nremoteness from the great body of Indians gave it \nimmunity from those attacks which devastated many \ntowns in Connecticut and others in Massachusetts, \nas well as those in the more northerly eastern region. \nWe read of intercourse between the immigrants and \nthe natives from time to time: how they came to \ntown to complain of ill-treatment on the part of \nwhites who were supposed to be under Massachu- \nsetts jurisdiction ; how they asked protection tribe \nfrom tribe ; how they at one time took advantage of \nthe Sunday gathering to break into an unprotected \ndwelling ; how they were convicted of assaulting \nEnglishmen, and were set in the bilboes for their \npains; and how the Pequod tribe had been fought \nto the fearful death ; but these were as nothing to \nthe terrible experiences that were suffered at Haver- \nhill, at Dover, at Deerfield. \n\nThere was an Indian called Philip, who made his \nsqualid home at Mount Hope or Montaup, and \nseemed to have little respect for the whites, and to \ncare nothing whether he offended or pleased them. \n\n145 \n\n\nH^ THE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\nTrouble was to come from him, not because Boston \nhad any grievance with him, but because Plymouth \ncomplained of his actions, and by the articles of \nconfederation the Massachusetts colony was obliged \nto give aid to her sister. Philip was accused of \nhatching a general conspiracy among the Indians \nfor the slaughter of all the Europeans around. \n\nMassachusetts was at peace, her men were busy \nat their trades, her matrons were caring for their \nfamilies, her children were going to the schools and \nthe college, her dwellings were growing in elegance \nand comfort, her fishermen w^ere bringing in the \nspoil of the mackerel and the whale ; those of the \ninhabitants who stood for men of letters were pro- \nducing works treating serious subjects that were \nthought worthy of notice in the mother-country, and \nthere was promise of still greater progress in all that \nrefines and exalts a people. Quaker and Baptist no \nlonger gave solicitude, and no menace came from \nEngland. Under such peaceful circumstances Bos- \nton, and all New England, were terrified by the \nmost threatening Indian disturbance that had yet \nbeen known. \n\nIn June, 1675, there came news to Plymouth that \nPhilip and his men were constantly in arms ; that \nthey had sent their wives to places of safety ; that \nmany strange Indians flocked to them ; that the \nyoung Indians were \" earnest for a war \" ; and, \nfinally, that the town of Swanzey, the nearest to the \nIndian country, had been attacked ; that two houses \nhad been burned, a dozen more rifled, and several \nwhites killed, upon whose bodies the savages had \n\n\nA FRIGHTFUL INDIAN WAH. I47 \n\n\" exercised more than brutish barbarities, beheading, \ndismembering, and mangling them, and exposing \nthem in a most inhuman manner.\" The frightful \nnews was sent post to Boston, and there were \nhurried arrangements, not for defence only, but \nfor the pursuit, capture, and destruction of the \nIndians. \n\nJohn Leverett was governor at the time. He was \nan old soldier of Cromwell's wars, and knew the \ndemands of the moment. The council was immedi- \nately called together, and Captain Edward Hutchin- \nson was directed to proceed to the Narragansetts \nand order them to break off correspondence with \nPhilip, and to give the English all possible informa- \ntion of his designs. Leverett concentrated what \nforces he could at Boston and sent messengers to \nPhilip. They found war actually begun, and re- \nturned with the news, spreading the alarm as they \nwent. On their arrival drums were beat up for \nvolunteers, and in the short space of three hours one \nhundred and ten men were ready to set out. It \nseems that a Dutchman under sentence of death for \npiracy, with others in like condition, was allowed \nto volunteer. \n\nThus Boston made its hurried preparations, and a \nwar which lasted more than a year was begun. It \nwas marked by all the proverbial atrocities of Indian \nwarfare. Massachusetts had six settlements on the \nConnecticut River, all of which suffered. Northfield, \nDeerfield, and Springfield were burned ; but North- \nampton, Hadley, and Hatfield, though attacked, \nwere not destroyed. An incident that occurred near \n\n\n148 THE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\nBoston shows the dangers of the times and the spirit \nof the people. On a Sunday in July, when the \nmembers of the houshold, excepting a maid-servant \nand children, were at meeting, an Indian came to \nthe house of John Minot, in Dorchester, about five \nmiles from Boston, and tried to gain admission. \nThe door was shut, and he attempted a window. \nThe maid, with presence of mind, quickly hid the \nchildren who had been left in her charge under two \nbrass kettles, ran upstairs, and fired a musket at the \nintruder. The Indian also fired, but missed his aim, \nupon which the maid shot him in the shoulder, but \nthe wound was not severe enough to make him give \nup his attempt. He was actually entering the win- \ndow when the maid threw a shovelful of live coals in \nhis face and forced him to retreat in pain, at the \nsame time placing a mark upon him by which he \nwas identified when he was afterwards found dead in \nthe woods. Both the intensity of feeling and the \nquickness of the Boston men to rally when required \nare shown by the fact that, on a day in September, \nwhen a guard at Mendon, thirty miles away, fired his \ngun in a drunken excess, the alarm spread until it \nreached the town at about ten in the morning, and \ntwelve hundred men were under arms in an hour. \nIn consequence of the trials of this w'ar there was a \nsolemn fast in October. \n\nWhile it was summer the savages had the better \nof their enemies, but, as winter came on, their pros- \npect darkened. In December a company of foot and \nhorse marched from Boston and fell upon the enemy \nin the Narragansett country. The Indians were in \n\n\nDEATH OF PHILIP. 1 49 \n\na fort ; snow covered the ground, and there was no \nshelter for the English for miles. \n\nThe fort was stormed, seven hundred fighting In- \ndians were slain, three hundred more were wounded \nand died afterwards, besides large numbers that per- \nished by fire and cold. The English loss was prob- \nably but one hundred, and has been estimated at a \nsmaller number. There was determination on both \nsides : the natives were fighting for their homes \nagainst a people that they felt to be superior to \nthem, and the whites were convinced that their very \npreservation depended upon striking a heavy blow \nat an insidious and treacherous opponent. It was a \nbloody and frightful bravery. \n\nDuring the winter there were other raids by horse \nand foot against the Indians in various directions; \nPhilip himself once ventured within twenty-two \nmiles of Boston and destroyed much property, and \nelsewhere the colonists were shot down by unseen \nfoes, their cattle were killed, and their houses burned. \nThe decisive struggle occurred at Great Falls, on the \nConnecticut, in May, 1676, and then the cause of the \nredskins went down apace : their haunts were broken \nup, and Philip was hunted from place to place until \nAugust, when he was surprised, near Mount Hope, \nand killed by an Indian bullet, fourteen months \nafter he had begun the war at that very spot. \n\nThe colonies most distressed were Massachusetts \nand Plymouth, though Connecticut had done its \nshare of the fighting, and had suffered the penalties \nof war. Plymouth was almost ruined, but Massa- \nchusetts was able to recover from its great loss. \n\n\n150 THE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\nThe towns were drained of men ; six hundred of the \ncolonists had perished ; thousands found themselves \nsuffering from the losses and sorrows that followed ; \nsix hundred dwellings had been burned, some towns \ntotally destroyed, and expenses incurred that were \nenormous in comparison with the resources of the \ncolonists ; but not a plea was sent to England for \nhelp. The Americans were \" poor and yet proud,\" \nas Lord Anglesey, \" not altogether groundlessly,\" \nwrote from London. They were not willing to \nplace themselves under any obligation to the crown, \nand yet they did not disdain to accept thankfully a \ngift of a thousand pouiids contributed \" by divers \nChristians in Ireland,\" to those who were, as it was \nexpressed, \" impoverished, distressed, and in necessity \nby the late war.\"* Hutchinson is authority for the \nstatement that all the sums bestowed upon the \ncolony from abroad were equalled by remittances \nsent thence after the fire in London, and at other \ntimes, for the relief of sufferers, so that it is evident \nthat even in these cases the colonists kept the gen- \nerous accounts balanced. \n\nThe war with Philip caused the court to enact \nmore rigid laws against Indians, and it was ordered \n\" that a guard be set against the entrance of the \ntown of Boston [on the Neck], and that no Indian \nbe suffered to enter upon any pretext, and without \na guard and two musketeers, and not to lodge in \n\n* This charitable gift was returned to Ireland by Boston, in 1847, \non the occasion of the potato famine of that and the previous years. \nInteresting details regarding the facts mentioned are to be found in \na contribution to the N. E. Hist. Gen. Register, by Dr. Charles \nDeane, vol. ii., pages 245, 398. \n\n\nASSERTING INDEPENDENCE. 151 \n\ntown.\" Indians even approaching by land or water \nwere liable to arrest. Most of those who had previ- \nously given themselves up to the government were \nsent to Deer Island, where they remained during the \nwinter, enduring some suffering. Many of the \nwomen and children who had been made prisoners \nwere sold into West Indian slavery, in spite of \npathetic protests from their friend, John Eliot, who \nwrote, in a formal letter to the council, that such \ntreatment was worse than death, and contrary to the \nteachings of the Saviour. He said : \" To sell souls \nfor money seems to me a dangerous merchandize.\" \nEver after this terrible war there was a horror con- \nnected with the mention of an Indian. \n\nIn writing to Governor Leverett, Lord Anglesey \ntook occasion to chide him, and \"the whole people \nof New England,\" for acting as if they were inde- \npendent of the crown, and needed not the protection \nof the king, and he assured them that His Majesty \nhad a tender and compassionate heart for all his \nsubjects who were industrious and orderly. Never- \ntheless, whatever King Charles may have been \ndesirous of doing for his subjects who were \" indus- \ntrious and orderly,\" he was not unwilling to take \nadvantage of the distress occasioned by this war to \nmake another move towards the abrogation of their \ncharter. At the very height of the Indian troubles \nhe sent a letter to the Massachusetts court by the \nhands of Edward Randolph, \" the evil genius of \nNew England,\" as he has been called, authorizing \nhim to institute inquiries which struck at the very \nfoundations of the government. \n\n\n152 THE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\nRandolph, who subsequently crossed the ocean at \nleast fifteen times, reached Boston a few weeks before \nPhilip's death, when the public sorrow and distress \nwere great, and proceeded to stir up all possible dis- \nsatisfaction with the magistrates. He learned, and \nvery soon reported, that \" the corporation of Boston \nis the most flourishing and powerful, and at the \npresent gives laws to a great part of this country, by \na pretended charter from His late Majesty.\" He \nfound that there were two parties, the patriots and \nprerogative men, whigs and tories, one of which was \nready to acquiesce in the orders of the king, while \nthe other held by the principles of the fathers, who \nwished, as they had told their sovereign, to govern \nthemselves after their own manner. Among the \nmembers of these parties Randolph sowed the seeds \nof bitter strife, and as a special measure recommended \nthe appointment of a general governor through whom \nKing Charles might have direct control of the colo- \nnies. This done, Randolph returned to England, in \nJuly, 1676. The colonists followed him with agents \ncharged with the presentation of their cause to the \nking. When these agents arrived in London they \nfound, of course, that the minds of those in influence \nhad been prejudiced against them and their cause. \nThey remained until the end of 1679, when they \nwere ordered back, the colonists being directed to \nsend others in their stead. \n\nThe first agents had accomplished nothing ; and \nmeantime Randolph had been crossing and recross- \ning the ocean, exciting the Americans on the one \nhand and the king on the other. Matters thus con- \n\n\nRANDOLPH, THE EVIL GENIUS. 1 53 \n\nstantly grew worse ; the king is represented to have \nbeen \" greatly provoked, and the colonists were \nalmost hopeless. Finally the second agents con- \ncluded that the case was too desperate for them, and \ncalled upon the general court to decide whether it \nwas best for them to remain any longer. The court \nmet in March, 1683, and voted to allow them to \n\" accept of and consent unto such proposals and \ndemands as might consist with the main end of their \npredecessors in their removing hither with their \ncharter.\" \n\nA few weeks after this vote had been taken, Ran- \ndolph sailed for home, and in June, 1683, made \nthirteen formal charges against the colonists. He \naccused them of assuming powers that the charter \ndid not give ; of carrying on the government in \nanother place than that which was intended ; of \nimposing an oath of fidelity that included no prom- \nise of allegiance to the king ; of opposing the acts \nof navigation ; of levying customs ; of discounte- \nnancing the Church of England ; of coining money, \nand of other misdemeanors. The agents, unable to \neffect any thing, returned to Boston, in October, \n1683, and Randolph followed immediately with a \nquo warranto, or writ requiring the Massachusetts \ncolony to answer by what right certain powers had \nbeen exercised. Joseph Dudley, a degenerate son \nof Winthrop's old friend, was one of the \" assistants,\" \nand it seems that on a visit to England he had made \nfriends with the \"mammon of unrighteousness,\" \nand was ready to take an open stand against the \ncolonists, a fact which Randolph had surmised be- \n\n\n154 THE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\nfore this time. Dudley saw that the charter was \ndoomed, and wished to gain for himself favor from \nthe king. The colonists at last discovered his true \ncharacter, and he was dropped from the list of \nmagistrates in May, 1684. \n\nThe governor and a majority of the assistants, in- \nfluenced by Dudley, had by this time become hope- \nless, and voted an address to the king, in which \nthey declared that they laid themselves at his ma- \njesty's feet and would not contend ; but from this \nthe deputies dissented, and the freemen of Boston, \nunder the lead of Increase Mather, at a meeting \nlawfully warned for the purpose of considering the \nmatter, voted unanimously that they would not re- \nsign their charter and privileges and make submis- \nsion to His Majesty. Mather said : \" I verily believe \nthat we shall sin against the God of heaven if we \nvote an affirmative. The Scripture teacheth us \notherwise : ' That which the Lord our God hath \ngiven us, shall we not possess it? ' \" It was not the \nfirst time that Mather had raised his powerful voice \nin similar strains. Three years previously he had \npreached a sermon ostensibly in reference to comets \nand earthquakes, but really having political lessons, \nin which Scripture was aptly quoted to prove that \nGod would interfere to protect his New England \nchildren. \n\nThe records of this notable town-meeting are not \npreserved, but we have a paper, apparently from the \nhand of Increase Mather, in which the subject be- \nfore it is discussed with as much regularity as the \ncharges of Randolph were made in his application \n\n\nPOPISH COUNSELS AT COURT. 1 55 \n\nfor the quo warranto. It argues that the sacred \ndocument ought not to be given up, because it \nwould be \" destructive to the interests of rehgion \" ; \nnothing would be gained by it (those corporations \nthat had already submitted to the pleasure of the \ncourt had gained nothing)* ; it would be a departure \nfrom the ancient principles and policy of the colon}^, \nfor in 1638, though under a quo zvarranto, which had \nbeen issued in 1635, judgment had been given \nagainst the charter, the fathers did not and durst \nnot make submission, and in 1664 they would not \nhave commissioners over them ; there was fear of \n\" popish counsels \" at court ; it would be contrary \nto the advice of the ministers, given only three years \nbefore, after \" a solemn day of prayer \" ; and it \nought not to be done in any event without the con- \nsent of the whole body of the freemen and church- \nmembers. Then, there is the sixth commandment, \nfor commonwealth-killing is as bad as man-killing ; \nsuicide is forbidden. — Judges, xi., 24, 27 ; I Kings, \nxxi., 3, etc. \n\nThis was no sudden impulse on the part of the \ndeputies, nor of the town of Boston ; the deputies \ndebated the question two weeks, and then voted \nthat they would not consent, but adhered to their \nformer view. It made no difference, however, what \nthe town of Boston thought, what the whole body \nof freemen and church-members thought ; everything \nhad been arranged by Randolph and the king, and \n\n* The allusion is to the quo warranto against the city of London, \nover which there had been great discussion not long before this \n(June 12, 1683). \n\n\n15^ THE CHARTER IS LOST. \n\nthe people of England interested in trade stood be- \nhind them. Randolph, who now returned to Lon- \ndon, took the votes to his royal master, and confi- \ndently looked for news that Dudley had prevailed \nupon the deputies to change their minds ; but he \nwas disappointed. Dudley wrote, instead, that all \nwho tried to lead the deputies to cast themselves \nhumbly at the feet of the king were regarded as \nenemies to public peace and liberty. Worse than \nall, it was reported that the governor and magis- \ntrates at Boston had been very busy repairing forti- \nfications. \n\nThe general court again addressed the king, reit- \nerating the appeal, as from his \" poor subjects,\" re- \nminding him that they were the children of those \nwho, under security of a charter granted them by \nhis father, had left \"all that was dear to them,\" etc., \netc., as in former addresses. Among themselves they \navowed their intention to \" spin out the case to the \nuttermost \" ; but they were staggered in September, \n1684, by the intelligence that a decree had been en- \ntered in the court of chancery in June, vacating the \ncharter. A session of the general court was held, \nand the information presented ; but nothing more \nwas done. F'ive weeks later another session was \nheld, and a last plea prepared to be sent to the king. \nIt sufficed nothing ; the sons had lost what the fa- \nthers had gained, and it seemed as though the hearty \nstruggles of half a century had availed nothing. \nKing Charles, in his gracious love for the New Eng- \nland colonists, selected as their new \"-overnor the \nnotoriously bloody Col. Piercy Kirke of the Second \n\n\nBLOODY COLONEL KLRKE. I 57 \n\nFoot, whose subsequent atrocities have made him \ninfamous. The colony awaited his coming with \ndread.* Meantime His Majesty was called to ac- \ncount to a higher power for his share in the transac- \ntion of the past years. The people of Massachu- \nsetts still treasured the charter ; its parchment and \nits seals were intact, and the sign-manual of the \nminister of King Charles the First was as distinct as \never ; but possession did not give validity. It was \ndead sheepskin, and dead wax, and conveyed no \nrights to its holders. \n\n* This was before the Bloody Assize, when Jeffries condemned \nmore than three hundred at once to the gallows ; and when Kirke \nand his officers sat carousing at the White Hart at Taunton, order- \ning a prisoner hanged for their merriment at every toast, causing \ndrums to give music for the drunken crew the meanwhile. It was \nat the time when the captured rebels were sold to be sent to Jamaica \nas slaves, by request of the queen and her maids of honor, to furnish \nthem money to bedeck their bodies. We cannot imagine the terrible \nforebodings of the colonists. \n\n\nXIII. \n\n\nAN 'AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\n\nTo understand the feelings of the Bostonians at \nthis juncture, it must be remembered that the death \nof Charles the Second, just at the time when the \ncharter was lost, placed on the throne of England a \nsovereign from whom they could expect only worse \ntreatment, for James the Second was looked upon \nas surely a papist, and that the colony should have \nfallen into the hands of such an one was of all things \nthe most to be dreaded. Not only this, but the \nevents that occurred in the rebellion of Monmouth \nwere calculated to throw the colonists into a state \nof consternation. They expected that Col. Kirke \nwould be their governor ; sent over with absolute \nauthority, responsible to the king only ; and as the \nstories of his doings after the battle of Sedgemoor \ncame to them, they doubtless all shuddered with Secre- \ntary Rawson as he said : \" Our condition is awful ! \" \nAccustomed to the atrocities of the savages, the \nAmericans could appreciate keenly the situation that \nthey would find themselves in if their ruler were one \ntrained in African warfare, for Kirke had been gov- \nernor of Tangiers. Increase Mather said of him : \n\" That cruel, and horrid, and hideous tiger, whose \n\n158 \n\n\nANTICIPATED HORRORS. 159 \n\nbarbarous cruelties have rendered him famous to all \nsucceeding ages, was coming over with a regiment of \nmyrmidons, in quality of governor.\" It matters not \nthat the character of this threatened governor was \nblackened by report far beyond truth ; we are con- \ncerned only to remind ourselves of the consternation \ninto which the people of Boston were thrown by the \nnews that Kirke had been appointed by one king and \nconfirmed by his successor. It presented to them \nscenes which cannot be described, — real, as they then \nappeared in the correspondence with their agent and \nothers in the mother-country ; pictures of a coarse \nand brutal soldiery, led by an equally coarse and \nbrutal captain, quartered upon the community, and \nmaking themselves free with all that was held sa- \ncred. It was a picture of pandemonium, as if the \n\" promiscuous crew \" described by the Puritan poet \nwere to be turned loose upon the land that the Lord \nhad reserved for better things. \n\nThe suffering in anticipation must have been in- \ntense throughout New England ; but it was not \ndestined to be real, for James found that the \nservices of Kirke were more needed at home than \nabroad, and he was never sent to America. In his \nplace the king chose Joseph Dudley, of whom Ran- \ndolph said, \" no man better understands the con- \nstitution of your country and hath more loyalty and \nrespect to his majesty's affairs.\" The old form of \ngovernment had been continued after the abrogation \nof the charter simply because there was nothing else \nto be done, and the court was too much occupied \nafter the death of King Charles to give attention to \n\n\nl6o AN AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\nany thing so remote as the colonies, especially when \nthe rebellion called for prompt action. It was not \nuntil the middle of May, 1686, that a commission \nreached Boston under which Mr. Dudley was \nelevated to the office of president, a position in \nwhich he thought that no American was his equal. \nCertainly his domain was sufficiently extensive, for \nhis commission made him supreme over the colony \nof the Massachusetts Bay, Maine, New Hampshire, \nand the Narragansett Country, and he was also vice- \nadmiral of the seas around New England. A \ndeputy-president and sixteen councillors were to \nexercise authority with him, but there was no plan \nfor a house of representatives of the people. \n\nRandolph was already registrar of the same region, \nand he and Dudley now laid their commissions be- \nfore the general court, addressing them, however, as \n\"some of the principal gentlemen and chief inhabi- \ntants of the several towns of the Massachusetts,\" in \norder that their official capacity might not be \nacknowledged. The court gave up under protest, \nsaying that the rule for the administration of justice \nseemed indeterminate and too arbitrary, and that \nthey were to be abridged of their liberties as \nEnglishmen, which, they significantly added, may \nnot \" be safe for you or for us.\" The court ad- \njourned until a day in the autumn, throwing upon \nthe new officers all responsibility for the govern- \nment of the people, and hoping, as Randolph said, \nthat by some unhappy accident in England, or by \nraising dissensions among the new rulers, they might \nsucceed in dissolving the constitution and thus re- \n\n\nTHE EAST END OF THE TOWN-HOUSE. l6l \n\nassume the direction of affairs themselves. The book \nof the records of the Massachusetts colony was now \nclosed. \n\nA week or so later the new government, which \nhad been duly proclaimed, was convened ; twenty- \none pounds' worth of wine was drunk in its honor, \nand there was some affectation of general festivity ; \nbut it was factitious, the people were simply acqui- \nescent. Differences soon arose between Dudley \nand Randolph. Dudley was not sufficiently favor- \nable to the Church of England. He wrote a letter \nto Increase Mather the very day that he made his \ndemand upon the general court, in which he said \nthat he was exceedingly anxious for the prosperity \nof his \" dear mother at Cambridge,\" and that he de- \nsired to act in civil matters in such a way as to \nreceive the approval of one to whom he had so long \nlooked for ghostly counsel. Mather was at the time \n■president of Harvard College, and also the minister \nof greatest influence in the colony, and doubtless \nDudley was sincere in desiring to retain his favor. \nDudley was also not sufficiently active in encoura- \nging the Episcopalians to suit Randolph ; and when \nthe minister, Mr. Robert Radcliffe, whom Randolph \nthought \" a sober man,\" petitioned for the privilege \nof using one of the three meeting-houses for his ser- \nvice, neither of them was allowed him, but he was \n\"granted the east end of the Town-House, where \nthe deputies use to meet, until those who desire his \nministry shall provide a litter place.\" After this \nRandolph discovered that Dudley was \" a man of \nbase, servile, and anti-monarchical principles.\" He \n\n\n1 62 AN AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\ncomplained that his own hfe was made very uneasy, \nthat \" Independent ministers flourish and expect to \nbe advised with in pubhc affairs\" ; and that but one \nmember of the government besides himself was a \nmember of the Established Church. \n\nOn the first Sunday after the inauguration of the \nroyal government, Mr. Radcliffe worshipped accord- \ning to the rites of the Church of England in the \nTown-House. Sewall records in his diary that as he \nsat at home he listened to the reading \" in course,\" \nby his son of two passages \" exceedingly suited to \nthe day.\" They were the twenty-sixth chapter of \nIsaiah, and the one hundred and forty-first Psalm. \nWe can imagine the twain sitting that day in the \nhouse near the water, on the present Washington \nStreet, near Summer, which had been occupied by \nhis father-in-law, John Hull, the first man to coin \nmoney for the colonists.* There sat Samuel Sewall \nthe typical Puritan ; the man who would not sell a \nslice of his grounds to the Episcopalians for a church \nlot ; the rich, sagacious, garrulous scholar, listening \nto the words as they fell from the lips of his son, and \nmaking his inward comments. Both noticed the in- \nteresting fact that the passages they read came \" in \ncourse.\" Let us listen : \n\n\" Lord, I cry unto thee : make haste unto me. . . \n\n* John Hull owned a house near Pemberton Square (which had \nbeen occupied by John Cotton and Harry Vane), described as being \n\"considerably distant from other buildings and very bleak,\" but \nSewall still occupied the old home. The investigations of the late \nEstes Howe, communicated to the Massachusetts Historical Society \nin November, 1884, in a letter to Charles Deane, LL.D , settled the \nmatter. \n\n\nRADCLIFFE'S MOVABLE PULPIT. 1 63 \n\nLet the wicked fall into their own nets, whilst that I \nwithal escape. . . . When their judges are over- \nthrown in stony places, they shall hear my words : for \nthey are sweet. . . . Our bones are scattered at \nthe grave's mouth. . . . Trust ye in the Lord \nforever. . . . For he bringeth down them that dwell on \nhigh. . . . Lord, wilt thou ordain peace for us. \n. . . Thou hast increased the nation, O Lord, thou hast \nincreased the nation : thou art glorified : thou hadst \nremoved it far unto all the ends of the earth. Lord \nin trouble have they visited thee ; they poured out \na prayer when thy chastening was upon them. . . . \nCome, my people, enter thou into thy chambers, and \nshut thy doors about thee ; hide thyself as it were for a \nlittle moment, until the indignation be overpast.\" \n\nThe meeting that Mr. Radcliffe was to have held \nwas deferred until the sixth of June, \" at which time \nthe pulpit is provided.\" \" The pulpit is movable,\" \nMr. Sewall says, \" carried up and down stairs, as oc- \ncasion serves ; it seems many crowded thither, and \nthe ministers preached forenoon and afternoon \" ; \nbut it mattered not, the words of David and of \nIsaiah were comforting to the Puritan, who looked \nupon the minister of the Established Church as one \nwhose insidious influence would upturn all that was \nsacred, and fasten upon the colonists the burden of \nbishops and every hateful thing that they had left \ntheir mother-country to free themselves from. To \nRandolph, acting under directions of his royal mas- \nter, the establishment of Episcopal services in Bos- \nton is due. He counted that there were four hun- \ndred attendants upon the services by the following \n\n\n164 AN AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\nOctober, though \" some were tradesmen and others \nof mechanical professions, and threatened by the \ncongregational men to be arrested by their creditors \nor to be turned out of their work if they come to \nour church.\" Few persons in Boston had ever at- \ntended such a service, and there was much curiosity \nin regard to it. \n\nDudley did not long enjoy his greatness, for in \nDecember a new governor. Sir Edmund Andros, ar- \nrived in a fifty-gun ship the Kingfisher . He reached \nNantasket on the nineteenth, but it was Sunday, \nand he did not land until the next day. Mr. Sewall \nwas engaged in reading the Song of Habakkuk, at \nthe time of the Sunday arrival, when he heard a \ngun, and immediately thought of the new governor; \n\" but none of the family speaking of it,\" he writes, \n\" I held my peace.\" He kept on reading the mag- \nnificent words before him, and comforting his soul \nin the midst of the tribulations of the church and \nstate. \n\n'* O Lord, I have heard the report of thee, and am \nafraid. ... In wrath remember mercy. \nTlie eternal mountains were scattered, the everlast- \ning hills did bow. . . . Thou didst march through \nthe land in indignation, thou didst thresh the nations in \nanger. . . . Thou woundest the head out of the \nhouse of the wicked. . . . Thou didst pierce with \nhis own staves the head of his warriors : they came as a \nwhirlwind to scatter me ; their rejoicing was as to de- \nvour the poor secretly. ... I heard and my belly \ntrembled, my lips quivered at the voice. . . . \n'* Though the fig tree shall not blossom, \nNeither shall fruit be in the vines ; \n\n\nSEWALL COMFORTS HIS SOUL. 1 65 \n\nThe labor of the olive shall fail. \n\n\n*> \n\n\nAnd the fields shall yield no meat ; \nThe flock shall be cut off from the fold, \nAnd there shall be no herd in the stalls : \nYet will I rejoice in the Lord, \nI will joy in the God of my salvation.\" \n\nMonday afternoon Andros came up to Governor \nLeverett's (now Long) wharf, where Dudley and \nothers met him, and a procession was formed that \nmarched the short distance to the Town-House, \nwhere the royal commission was read. Standing \nwith his hat on, he took the oath of allegiance, and \nshowed something of the spirit in which he came, \nby almost- immediately speaking to the ministers in \nthe library about accommodations as to a meeting- \nhouse for the Episcopalians, suggesting that one \nhouse might serve for two assemblies in the same \nday. The ministers did not give him a definite \nreply ; but on Wednesday evening, after having \ntaken time to confer with others, Mr. Mather and \nMr. Samuel Willard, of the South Church, called \nupon the new governor at his lodgings, at Madame \nTaylor's, on Hanover Street, at the corner of Elm \nStreet, and told him \" with great plainness \" that \nthey could consent to no such arrangement as he \nproposed. The following day the governor did not \nattend the \" lecture,\" but on Saturday, which was \nChristmas, and a very fair and pleasant day, he \nwalked forenoon and afternoon to the Town-House, \nto hear service. Andros was not able to restrain \nhimself long, and when Good- Friday approached he \ndetermined to find better accommodations than a \n\n\ni66 \n\n\nAN AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\n\ncorner of the Town-House. He therefore exam- \nined the three meeting-houses, and demanded the \nuse of the South on the Wednesday before. It was \nrefused by those who had control over it, but he \nprevailed upon \" goodman Needham \" to ring the \n\n\nTHE FIRST king's CHAPEL (l683), SHOWING THE BEACON. \n\nbell and open the door on Friday morning, and the \nservice was held. The governor continued to use \nthe building until the first King's Chapel was built \nin 1686. On the first Sunday of this use of the Old \nSouth, the exercises were very long, and the regular \n\n\nAT THE KING'S MERCY. 167 \n\ncongregation was obliged to stand in the street, \nprobably in a very undevout frame of mind, moving \nto and fro, until after two o'clock ; but an effort was \nmade to harmonize the hours of the two sets of \nworshippers afterwards. \n\nAccording to the principles that controlled the \ngovernor's action, every privilege and right that had \nbeen founded upon the charter now fell to the \nground, for the king of England was possessor of \nthe soil of New England by virtue of the discovery \nof the Cabots. Massachusetts had no legislative nor \nexecutive power ; the struggles of the past had won \nnothing for the Americans ; every thing was at the \nmercy of the sovereign as extended through his \nrepresentative, the governor. The Americans had no \ninterest in the Magna Charta ; the governor and coun- \ncil could regulate trade, constitute courts of justice, \ndirect the militia, and plan and execute naval opera- \ntions ; the governor was ordered to protect liberty \nof conscience, but that valued little, for he was to \ncountenance and encourage the Church of England ; \nhe could impose taxes and collect them. The men \nof Boston felt that they were bound hand and foot. \n\nAndros and Randolph now went to work with a will \nto carry out the principles which have just been out- \nlined ; they called for the public records, and directed \nthat all of them should be deposited at Boston ; they \ndemanded fees \" extraordinary and oppressive\" for \nregistering wills, deeds, and mortgages ; they caused \njurors and witnesses to kiss the Bible when taking \noaths, instead of holding up the right hand, as had \nbeen the custom (this was thought idolatrous) ; they \n\n\nl68 AN AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\nimposed arbitrary taxes, and demanded that new \npatents should be taken out by all landholders, for \nwhich fees were charged. Such dealings as these \ncould not be permitted, and even if the public ofificers \nwho undertook to perform them had been popular, \nthe people would soon have rebelled. They thought \nthat the taxes should not be levied except by their \nrepresentatives, and they hoped that even so arbi- \ntrary a prince as King James would permit his re- \nmote subjects to have a house of representatives; \nbut he was certain to be arbitrary both at home and \nabroad, and there was no prospect of relief. In \n1688, internal trade was obstructed by a law confin- \ning the business of every dealer to his own town, \nand prohibiting the sales of goods by peddlers or \ntravelling merchants; heavy taxes also were laid \nupon trade; and finally the spring meetings of the \ntowns were estopped. \n\nMatters had reached such a pass by the spring of \n1 688 that the citizens of Boston determined to send \na representative to plead in person for them with the \nking. They chose the Reverend Increase Mather, \nthen at the age of forty-eight, and at the height of \nhis reputation. He set sail April 17th, and to \nescape the enmity of Randolph, was obliged to dis- \nguise himself and reach his ship by night. The \nvoyage was a short one, and Mather soon had the \ninterview that he sought with King James at White- \nhall. The king happened at that time to be desirous \nto cultivate friendship with dissenters, and listened \nwith courtesy to the Puritan preacher as he asked \nfor checks upon the progress of Episcopacy in New \n\n\nA BUZZING AMONG THE PEOPLE. 1 69 \n\nEngland ; he also vaguely promised a satisfactory- \nsettlement of the matter of titles to lands. Mather \nseems to have had hopes aroused that the king would \neven recall his favorite Andros. While these delus- \nive negotiations were slowly progressing, on the fifth \nof November William of Orange landed on English \nsoil, and William and Mary were soon proclaimed. \nThe news did not reach Boston until the following \nApril. It arrived just after Andros had returned \nfrom an expedition to the eastward, where he had \nbeen with a thousand men to pacify the Indian tribes. \nThe political movements in England were well \nknown in Boston as they occurred, and it seems that \nan insurrection was imminent before the final news \narrived there. In the middle of April there was a \n\" buzzing among the people, great with expectation \" \nof something, apparently they knew not what. \nAndros knew before he returned from Maine that \nWilliam had landed, and he was on the alert to \nguard against the entrance of any fleet into the har- \nbor; but he was not prepared for what actually hap- \npened. On Thursday, the eighteenth of April, it \nwas reported at the South End that there was a \nsudden rising at the North End, and the same report \nwas spread at the North End regarding the other \npart of town ; by nine o'clock the drums were beat- \ning through the streets, an ensign was set up on the \nBeacon, the people were in arms on all sides ; Ran- \ndolph and the chief supporters of the governor were \narrested and lodged in jail, and a number of the \nprincipal citizens, including the venerable ex-govern- \nor, Simon Bradstreet, convened at the Town-House. \n\n\nI/O AN AMERICAN DESPOTISM. \n\nAt noon some of these gentlemen appeared on the \nbalcony overlooking King Street (now State), and \nread to the crowd a \" Declaration of the Gentlemen, \nMerchants, and Inhabitants of Boston, and the Coun- \ntry Adjacent,\" in which they gave a brief account of \nthe oppression under which the colony had suffered, \nreferred to the \"noble undertaking of the Prince of \nOrange,\" and declared that the persons of the few \nof the grand authors of the public miseries had been \nseized to secure them for such justice as the prince \nand parliament should decree. It closed by advising \nall the neighbors, for whom they had endangered \nthemselves, to join in prayer and action for the de- \nfence of the land. A message was sent to Andros, \nin which the signers said : \" Ourselves and many \nothers, the inhabitants of the town and places adja- \ncent, being surprized with the people's sudden taking \narms, in the first motion whereof we were wholly \nignorant, are necessitated to acquaint your excel- \nlency \" that, to quiet the people and for your own \nsafety, it is best that you give up yourself and the \ngovernment and fortifications to be disposed of \naccording to orders that are expected to arrive at \nany moment. Andros was confined for one night in \nMr. John Usher's house, and was then taken to the \nFort. Dudley, \\vho was absent on official duty, was \ncapturtd and confined in his house at Roxbury, for \nhis safe'y, as the people euphemistically expressed \nthemselves. The following day the Castle was sur- \nrendered, and the Rose frigate struck her topmasts. \n\nMr. Bradstreet, and the others who had taken the \ncharge of these affairs, formed themselves into \" A \n\n\nMATHER'S WORK IN ENGLAND. 171 \n\nCouncil for the Safety of the People and the Con- \nservation of the Peace,\" and called a meeting of \ndeputies for the ninth of May. As a matter of pru- \ndence the old charter was not resumed, and news \nwas anxiously awaited from England. It came in a \nfew weeks, and William and Mary were proclaimed \nin Boston with greater ceremony than had ever been \nknown on such an occasion before. Andros and \nDudley were kept in confinement about twenty \nweeks, and then sent to England by royal order in \nFebruary, 1690. \n\nMeantime Mather was in England, laboring earn- \nestly for the restoration of the charter. He easily \nobtained promises that religious liberty should be \nensured ; but the restoration of the charter in its \noriginal terms was vigorously opposed, and there \nwas an old-time war of pamphlets. After many \ndelays, after an interview with the queen, at which \nshe promised her influence in behalf of the Ameri- \ncans, and much correspondence, a new charter was \nsigned on the seventh of October, 1691. Sir William \nPhips was nominated governor by the representatives \nof New England, and duly appointed by the king. \nIn company with Mather he left London in March, \nand arrived at Boston May 14, 1692. \n\n\nXIV. \n\n\nTHE king's governors BEGIN TO RULE. \n\n\nThe period that we now close was one of the \ngreatest importance, not only in the history of Bos- \nton and New England, but also in the history of the \nAmerican people. Two generations of emigrants \nhad been carefully building up a republican form of \ngovernment on strange shores. They had been edu- \ncating themselves in the independent management \nof public affairs, and they were the most notable \ncommunity of men who up to that time had been \ngoing through a similar process. At no point \non the American continent was there a settlement \nof Englishmen who had come to the New World \nfor a purpose so explicit and pronounced ; nowhere \nwas there one that attracted so much attention \nin England ; nowhere was there one that exerted \nso great an influence upon the future of the whole \nnation that afterwards grew up. Whatever Win- \nthrop, and those who came and acted with him \ndesigned or thought, they laid the foundation of \nindependence ; they stood up boldly against any \ninterference with their management of affairs ; and \nthey handed down to their children the spirit that \nanimated their own hearts. The children in the \n\n172 \n\n\nCREEPING STATESMEN APPEAR. 1 73 \n\nsecond generation, though inferior to their fathers,''^ \nHkevvise stood manfully for their heritage, but they \nwere overpowered, as we have seen ; still they \ndid not intend to allow the English government \none particle of authority among them that they \ncould hinder it from obtaining. We shall see their \nchildren in turn wrenching from the sovereign every \nthing that he had gained in 1684. \n\nThe era of the biblical commonwealth that the \nfathers of Boston had endeavored to establish, for- \never closed with the abrogation of the charter of \nKing Charles the First. The change in every thing \nthat concerns the management of public affairs was \ncomplete. The Puritans, in their protest against the \n\" corruptions \" of the church to which they belonged, \nhad laid down a hard and fast line of conduct, and \nall who overstepped it were liable to censure. Every \nmember of the Boston community who tried to be \njust to the royalists was looked upon askance by \nthose who could see nothing good in men whose \ntheological opinions did not agree with their own. \nThus moderate men were naturally kept in the \nbackground, and our impressions of the real con- \ndition of affairs are in many respects necessarily \nsomewhat one-sided. We see that many acts in \nthemselves indifferent were thought then to be of \nthe greatest moment. In his determination not to \n\n* The officers of government in the second generation were, \nHutchinson says, some of them Dii inijioriim genfiian ; and one of \nthe New England divines is reported to have said that \" they were \nin danger of being undone by creeping statesmen.\" In the first \ngeneration they \" confined themselves to the principal gentlemen of \nfamily, estate, understanding, and integrity.' \n\n\n1/4 THE KING'S GOVERNORS BEGIN TO RULE. \n\noverstep the rigid line that had been laid down, the \nearly Bostonian, like his partisans in England, went \nto extremes of intolerance and bigotry. It is diffi- \ncult to find fault with earnest men who in times of \nexcitement and strife err in this way ; but the facts \nregarding them must be known or the men them- \nselves can but partially be understood. \n\nIt strikes us as a little odd that, when (in 1687) \n\" brother Wing,\" of Boston, arranged seats in a con- \nvenient room in his private house, and gave permis- \nsion for \" a man to shew tricks in it,\" certain other \nbrethren, including Judge Sewall, should have found \nit necessary to go and \" deal \" with him, showing \nhim from \" what Dr. Ames saith of callings,\" that \nthis \" man's practice was unlawful, and therefore \nCapt. Wing could not lawfully give him accommo- \ndation.\" There was a solemn time when, as Sewall \nsays, they \" sung the ninetieth Psalm from the \ntwelfth verse \" before they \" broke up.\" We can \nhardly appreciate the feelings of men who were so \nseverely \" exercised \" as these were because the \ncross appeared in the national colors ; but it was to \nthem the symbol of all that they protested against \nin papacy and in the Church of England. As late \nas 1686, fifty-two years after Endicott cut the cross \nout of his flag at Salem, we find Sewall writing in \nhis diary : \n\n\" I was and am in great exercise about the cross to be \nput in the colors, and afraid, if I should have a hand in \nit, whether it may not hinder my entrance into the holy \nland. . . . Went and discoursed with Mr. Mather. \nHe judged it sin to have it put in, but the Captain not \n\n\nSOME BOSTON WAYS. 175 \n\nin fault ; but I could hardly understand how the com- \nmand of others could wholly excuse them, at least me, \nwho had spoken so much against in April, 1681, and that \nsummer and forward, upon occasion of Capt. Walley's \nputting the cross into his colors.\" \n\nThe change in affairs was shown by the fact that \nthough the cross had been kept out of the colors for \nhalf a century, Sewall says that he \" fetcht honae the \nsilk Elizur Holyoke had, of me, to make the cross,\" \nthough he faithfully read Cotton's arguments to the \ncontrary. He was obliged sadly to record : \" The \ncross much set by in England and here.\" Degen- \nerate times, he thought them. \n\nThe Bostonians began to keep Sunday on Satur- \nday afternoon at sunset, and it disturbed them very \nmuch when the royalists, who came with the king's \ngovernors, did not think it necessary to do the same. \nWhen the queen's birthday came, on Saturday, in \n1686, it was duly proclaimed through the town by \ndrum-beats ; but bonfires were forbidden. In conse- \nquence of the strict regulations in town, the persons \nwho wished to have a celebration went to the royal \nships in the harbor, where flags were raised, and \nguns fired in the evening, and there were many \nhuzzas, which were very offensive to the Puritans. \nThe following day the Reverend Mr. Willard, of the \nSouth meeting-honse, expressed great grief (in his \nprayer) for the \" profanation of the Sabbath.\" The \nday of the Thursday lecture was not so sacred ; but \nwhen a man came to Boston towards the end of the \nyear 1685 ^\"d sought to set up dances, and especially \nmixed dances, and to hold his meetings on lecture- \n\n\n1/6 THE KING'S GOVERNORS BEGIN TO RULE. \n\nday, boldly proclaiming that he could teach more \ndivinity by one play than Mr. Willard could, or than \nwould be found in the Old Testament, the Boston \nministers came to court and complained of him. \nMr. Moodey said that it was not a time for New \nEngland to dance ; and Mr. Mather, as one hearer \nreported, struck at the root in an argument against \nmixed dances at any time. Just fifty years later the \nselectmen allowed a school for dancing to be opened ; \nbut the application warily set forth that it was a \nschool for \" reading, writing, cyphering, dancing, \nand the use of the needle \" ; which shows that in all \nprobability it was thought necessary to cover up the \niniquitous feature of the proposed school under the \nother harmless subjects that were to be taught. \nPrevious applications to open a dancing-school had, \nin fact, been denied. \n\nOn Sunday, which was called the Sabbath Day, \nBostonians were exceedingly strict in their observ- \nance. Not only did the law direct that there should \nbe no work on that day, but every person was \nobliged to apply himself to the duties of religion \nand piety, public and private ; there was to be no \nunreasonable walking in the streets or the fields, no \ndigging of graves or making of coffins, no funerals ; \ntwo or three persons who might meet on the street \nby accident were not permitted to stop to talk ; they \nmight not walk down to the water-side on hot sum- \nmer days, nor take the air on the Common ; nor \ncould they be entertained in taverns except in \nemergencies. Justices were ordered to walk about \nfor the purpose of observing the people, to make \n\n\nMARRIAGES AND FUNERALS. IJJ \n\nsure that the Sunday laws were obeyed. Marriages \nwere, in the early times, solemnized not by the min- \nister, but by a magistrate, and once, when it was \nproposed to have a wedding in Boston, with a minis- \nter from Hingham to preach a sermon, the magistrates \nsent word to him to forbear, because they were not \nwilling that \"the English custom of ministers per- \nforming the solemnity of marriage, which sermons \nat such a time might induce,\" should come into \nvogue. At a funeral there was at first no service ; \nbut the company came together at the tolling of a \nbell, and carried the body solemnly to the grave, \nstanding by until it was covered with earth, and \nthat not in a consecrated ground, but in some such \nenclosure by the roadside as one sees now fre- \nquently in America. \n\nIt is hardly necessary to say that in many respects \nthe habits of the royalists who came with the king's \ngovernors were quite the reverse of all this, for the \ncustoms of the emigrants had been modelled for the \nexpress purpose of avoiding resemblance to those \nthey left behind them. The religious customs of the \nBoston churches did not continue in the form at first \nestablished, however, as we learn from a detailed ac- \ncount of them printed by Cotton Mather in 1726. \nThe Sunday laws remained strict, and it was said \nthat the body of the people were a sober, honest, in- \ndustrious, and well-disposed sort of men, \"unexcep- \ntionally loyal to the British sceptre,\" and \" better \nacquainted with religion than in any other country \non the face of the earth,\" some whole towns having \nno household that did not maintain religious worship. \n\n\n178 THE KING'S GOVERNORS BEGIN TO RUIE. \n\nIn conducting funerals a change had come before \nthe time of Cotton Mather's death, and we find that \nthere were prayers at the house, and sometimes a \nspeech at the grave. Weddings were then generally \nconducted by the ministers, though the justices had \nstill the legal right to marry people. Before mar- \nriage the parties to be united were \" published,\" and \nat the time of the ceremony a certificate that this \nhad been done was presented to the minister, bearing \nthe signature of the town-clerk. Sometimes there \nwas a \" Contraction \" a little while before the actual \nwedding, on which occasion the pastor preached a \nsermon ; but that custom fell into desuetude. The \nceremony began with the presentation of the certifi- \ncate of publishment, after which the minister offered \na prayer. He then said to the couple : \" You are \nnow to attend unto a covenant of God : the covenant \nof your marriage before him. Give therefore your \nhands with your hearts unto one another.\" The \nhands being joined, the minister called upon the man \nto promise to love, honor, and support the woman, \nand upon her to love, honor, and obey the man. \nThe consent to these covenants being \" in some way \nsignified,\" the minister pronounced the couple \" mar- \nried, according to the laws of God and of this \nprovince.\" The wedding-ring was especially omit- \nted ; and the exercises were concluded by a compre- \nhensive prayer. In due time a return of the marriage \nwas made by the minister to the secular authorities. \n\nThe men of the Boston \" State-Church,\" as Cotton \nMather calls it, protested mightily against imposed \nholy-days, as \" the first weapon wherewith the \n\n\nHOL Y DA YS OPPOSED. \n\n\n179 \n\n\nbishop of Rome played his prizes against other \nchurches\" ; but they thought fit that the governor \nshould proclaim a fast-day in the spring season and \na thanksgiving-day in the autumn, the proclamation \nto be read by the ministers before their congrega- \ntions on a Sunday. Other such days were allowed \n\n\nTHE FIRST CHURCH, OR \"OLD BRICK.\" \nBuilt on the site of the present Joy's Building in 1713, and occupied until 1808. \nsounded the alarm at the time of the \" Massacre,\" March 5, 1770. \n\n\nIts bell \n\n\nl80 THE king's governors BEGIN- TO RULE. \n\nto be appointed by the churches also from time to \ntime. \n\nEvery Sunday the congregations met twice, the \nintermission between the services being shortened in \ncases where the people lived at considerable distance \nfrom the meeting-house. When the people were \nassembled, the pastor began the services by reading \nany \" bills \" which might have been handed him, \nasking for special prayers or praises by any of \nthe neighbors. There was no liturgy — pagans had \na form, but the Saviour did not provide any prayer- \nbook, — and the minister was allowed \" liberty \" to \nmake such supplications as seemed to him appro- \npriate in the opening, or \" larger prayer.\" A psalm \nwas next sung, it being read line by line by some \nperson appointed by the minister, and sung to some \ngrave tune, \" disorderly clamors \" being especially \ninhibited. The way was now clear for the sermon, \nwhich was a well-studied treatise, based upon a text \nfrom the Bible, longer or shorter, as the minister \npleased, and the example of St. Paul was pleaded in \ncase the minister felt disposed to continue an hour \nor two, for the Apostle is said to have preached till \nmidnight, on one occasion at least. Preaching \" with \nnotes \" was \" extremely fashionable \" in 1726, Mr. \nMather says, and he approved it, provided the min- \nister could still speak with vigor and vivacity, and \nnot lose his fervor. The sermon was followed by a \nshort prayer and another psalm, and in the afternoon \nthere was often a \" collection \" for church expenses. \nIt had formerly been thought improper to read the \nBible in the meeting-houses without explanations, \n\n\nP URI TA N WA YS UP TURNED. 1 8 I \n\nbut Mather approves the custom, and says that it \nwas practised with profit in many of the churches, a \nfact that shows that there was a gradual change in \nthe habits and customs of the people in some \nrespects. Private prayers on coming into church \nwere especially disapproved, it being deemed a \n\"vanity that a Christian cannot have his devout \nejaculations without signalizing them unto the \nnotice of his neighbors.\" \n\nIt was a part of Randolph's work to overturn all \nthese Puritan customs, and bring the people back to \ntheir allegiance to the Church of England, as well as \nto loyalty to the king. He began by asking that \nsome able ministers should be appointed to perform \nthe duties of the church, and that no marriaees \nshould be lawful except those solemnized by a min- \nister of the Church of England. He thought that \nthere would be some who would contribute largely \nto the maintenance of such, and that something\" \nmight be raised from the estates of those persons \nwho should prove treasonable to his majesty. He \nwrote that Boston was the chief place in the seven \ncolonies ; that it was managed by \" men of weak and \ninconsiderable parts \" ; that it had become great by \nreason of the continual concourse of people from all \nparts ; that it drove a large trade, and gave laws to \nall the other colonies, but that it was itself controlled \nby the ministers, without whom the magistrates dare \nnot act. To supply a new clergy, and a new form \nof service, would, Mr. Randolph thought, very much \nhelp in changing all this. He therefore arranged to \nhave a supply of prayer-books, tables of marriage, \n\n\n1 82 THE KING'S GOVERNORS BEGIN TO RULE. \n\nhomilies of the church, etc., ready to be sent over \nwith Mr. Dudley's commission as president, and in \nthe same ship with the Reverend Robert Radcliffe, \nwho, as we have seen, was the first Episcopal clergy- \nman to hold service in Boston. Radcliffe had been \nin town but three or four days when he solemnized \nthe first marriage in the Town-House, according to \nthe service-book, though it was found necessary on \nthe occasion to \" borrow a ring.\" \n\nIf the Puritan ministers were objectionable, so \nmuch more was Harvard College, of which Governor \nCranfield wrote to Sir Leoline Jenkins, Secretary of \nState : \n\n\"There can no greater evil attend his majesty's affairs \nhere than those pernicious and rebellious principles \nwhich flow from their college at Cambridge, which they \ncall their University, from whence all the towns both in \nthis and in the other colonies are supplied with factious \nand seditious preachers, who stir up the people to a dis- \nlike of his majesty and his government, and the religion \nof the Church of England, terming the liturgy of our \nchurch a precedent of superstition, picked out of the \npopish dunghill ;■ so that I am humbly of opinion that \nthis country can never be well-settled, or the people \nbecome good subjects, till their preachers be reformed, \nand that college suppressed, and the several churches \nsupplied with learned and orthodox ministers.\" \n\nMr. Randolph ventured to suggest that the funds \nof the society for converting the Indians might well \nbe used in setting up good schools and providing \nfor the Church minister ; but, as he had already \ngiven the people offence, he was afraid to attempt \n\n\nS \n\n\n2 \n\n\n2 \nS \n2 \n\nO \n\n\nW \n\n\n— w \n\n\no \n\nH \n2 \n\n\n183 \n\n\n184 THE KING'S GOVERNORS BEGIN TO RULE. \n\nto seize it lest he should too greatly increase their \nhatred for him. The royalists might well speak as \nthey did about Harvard College, for it was at the \nmoment presided over by Increase Mather, whom \nRandolph, venting his vain spleen, called \" Mather, \ntheir Mahomet,\" \" the bellows of sedition and \ntreason.\" \n\nA French refugee, who described Boston in 1687, \nsaid that at this time very handsome dwellings of \nbrick were going up ; that the citizens were served, \nto a considerable extent, by negroes and negresses, \nno family being too poor to have less than one or \ntwo, and many having five or six, and that savages \nwere employed to work in the fields. These negro \nslaves cost from two hundred to four hundred francs, \nand there was no danger that they would run away, \nthere being no well-defined roads except those that \nled to the English towns and villages, the citi- \nzens of which would immediately return the run- \naways ; and, if they took to the woods, the savages \nwould find them for small compensation. Workmen \nwere scarce and wages high, but materials for build- \ning were cheap. All sorts of cattle were said to \nthrive well, and horses and cows were plenty. The \nwoods were full of strawberries, and there were \nchestnuts and hazel-nuts of \" wonderful flavor,\" \nwhile the grape throve and produced good fruit. \nNo account was made of the fish, for the sea and \nthe fresh waters were full of them. Beef, mutton, \nand pork were plenty at two or three pence per \npound, and flour and vegetables were provided in \nample quantities. The trade was great with the \n\n\nTHE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. 1 85 \n\nAmerican islands and with Spain. To the islands \nthe ships carried salted beef, pork, codfish, salmon, \noysters, and mackerel, and brought back sugar, \nmolasses, indigo, and sago ; while with Spain dried \nfish was exchanged for oils, wine and brandy, all of \nwhich, however, was taken by way of London, where \nthe duty demanded by the navigation laws was paid. \nBears and wolves abounded and committed ravages \namong the sheep, and there were many rattlesnakes. \nThere was perfect liberty for travellers, though those \nwho wished to carry on business were obliged to be \nnaturalized in London. As for the inhabitants, this \nFrenchman found good and bad, \" as elsewhere,\" \nthough the good preponderated ; and there were all \nkinds of life and manners. Some practised no for- \nmality of marriage, except joining hands and then \nliving together. There were not more than twenty \nFrench families, and the number was daily diminish- \ning, for they were going to settle elsewhere, probably \nwith a view to bettering their condition. \n\nThe first of the king's governors arrived at Boston \nat an inopportune moment. The witchcraft delusion \nbroke out at Salem that year, and two weeks after \nSir William landed a son of John Alden, the Plym- \nouth hero, was accused of witchcraft and taken to \nSalem for examination. It was not at all strange \nthat the settlers of New England should have brought \nover to their new home the belief in witches that \nhad been fully accepted in Europe for centuries, nor \nthat they should have felt it necessary to visit con- \ndign punishment upon them, since they read in the \nBible, upon which their commonwealth was founded, \n\n\n1 86 THE king's governors begin to rule. \n\nthe command, \" Thou shalt not suffer a witch to \nlive.\" Witches had been executed by the hundred \nin England in the reign of Charles the First, and in \ncomparison with that butchery the score of execu- \ntions in Salem in 1692 counts as scarcely nothing, \nwhile the three poor sufferers who expiated their \nsupposed crime in Boston prove that the citizens of \nthat town must have been much more merciful and \nrational than their English and other European \ncontemporaries. \n\nThe disagreeable literature of this subject is exten- \nsive, and in it we find the names of Increase and \nCotton Mather frequently repeated. That they \nshared the weakness of their age, in company with \nthe wisest and the best, not only in Boston but else- \nwhere in Christendom, is no indication that they \nwere worse than other men, but simply that they \npossessed the failings of human nature. Sir Will- \niam Phips was also involved in the persecution of \nwitches ; he instituted a court for the trial of such \ncases, of which Samuel Sewall was one of the judges,* \nIt sat at Salem and Boston, but the governor was \nabsent during most of the proceedings, prosecuting \na campaign against the Indians and building a fort \nat Pemaquid. On his return he found to his dismay \nthat his own wife was an object of suspicion, and he \nput a stop at once to the horrid proceedings. The \nfourteenth of January, 1697, was observed as a day \n\n* We have already read, in Michael \\Yiggles\\vorth's verses, the \npreconceived notions which the New Englanders entertained regard- \ning the \" hellish fiends \" to be found in the howling American wil- \ndernesses. Perhaps some who at this period read his lines regarded \nhim as a seer. \n\n\nA PHENOMENAL FAMILY. 187 \n\nof general fasting and prayer throughout the prov- \nince, and \" the late tragedy was referred to as having \nbeen \" raised up by Satan and his instruments.\" On \nthat day Judge Sevvall sent up a \" bill \" in the Old \nSouth, in which he confessed that he had offended \nin the matter of the witchcraft condemnations, and \nasked the prayers of the congregation that the divine \ndispleasure \" might be stayed against the country, \nhis family, and himself,\" and he humbly remained \nstanding while the minister read the paper. This \nchildlike man annually made his mourning, and hu- \nmiliated himself on this account during the remainder \nof his long life. \n\nThe first royal governor was son of a blacksmith, \nwho, if Cotton Mather's love for the marvellous did \nnot lead him to make an extravagant statement, had \ntwenty-five other children. He was born in the \nwoods of Maine, near the mouth of the Kennebec, \nin 165 1. His opportunities for education were but \nsmall, for his mother, who was left a widow when he \nwas a child, probably had no easy task to provide \nfor her phenomenal family. He naturally engaged \nin building ships at first, but visions of something \nbetter rose in his mind, and at the age of twenty he \nwent to Boston. There he worked at a trade, tried \nto learn to read and write, and married a widow \nmuch his senior who had some property, which he \nlost for her. At last he found a fortune beneath the \nocean, for he searched for a Spanish treasure-ship \nthat had gone to the bottom half a century before, \nfound it, and received as his share of the enterprise \none hundred thousand dollars, a knighthood, and a \n\n\n1 88 THE KING'S GOVERNORS BEGIN TO RULE. \n\ngoblet valued at five thousand dollars for his wife. \nAfter serving as high sherifT under Andros, he built \na \" fair brick house,\" as he described it, in Boston, \nand went to England, where he' was ready to be \nselected to be first governor when Mather was \nasked to nominate a fit person. Sir William found it \ndifificult to make up for the lack of early advantages ; \nhe never could write with ease, and spelling was an \naccomplishment that, in common with many of his \nday, he either despised or thought beyond his ca- \npacity. He did not become proud, either on account \nof riches or honors, and never forgot that he had \nbeen a ship-carpenter ; perhaps he wished sometimes \nthat he had never been any thing else, especially \nwhen he was involved in strife with men who under- \nstood far better than he the ins and outs of political \nlife. He was a communicant in the church of the \nMathers, but grace did not entirely overcome nature \nin his case, and when Captain Short, of the Nonesuch \nfrigate, crossed his path, he coolly knocked him \ndown ; likewise, when the collector of customs \noffended him, he gave him pugilistic arguments. \nProbably the lieutenant-governor, William Stough- \nton, Avas in danger from his brawny arm, for there \nwas very \" warm discourse between them \" when \nPhips rescued Captain Dobbins from a sheriff, and \ntold the sheriff that if he touched the captain he \nshould himself be sent to prison. Sir William's \nstyle of argumentation did not suit his Boston sub- \njects, and they sent complaints to London, which \ncaused him to be summoned to England in 1694, \nand thither he went in November. He died early \nthe following year. \n\n\nAN INDIAN WAR. 1 89 \n\nWilliam Stoughton, who had been chief of the \njudges in the court formed by Phips for the trial of \nwitches, performed the duties of governor after the \ndeparture of Sir William until his successor, Richard \nCoote, Earl of Bellomont, appeared in Boston with \na commission from his Majesty, May 26, 1699. Eng- \nland and France were at w^ar, and the Indians on \nthe American frontier were incited by their French \nneighbors to make bloody raids upon the unpro- \ntected settlements of their enemies. The war con- \ntinued until 1697, in which year the Peace of Ryswick \nwas celebrated in Boston with an earnestness which \nonly the relief from such distresses as accompany an \nIndian war can give. The struggle had lingered for \nten years, and many inhabitants of Boston had been \nkilled by the savages or lost on the weary marches \nthrough the woods. The Indians had escaped \nalmost with impunity, and it was estimated that \nevery one of them that was killed cost the country \na thousand pounds. For several years a noted chief \nfrom the Kennebec region named Bomazeen, who \nhad incited many of the enormities that his tribe \nhad committed, was imprisoned in Boston in a jail \nthat Hutchinson confesses was \" a very bad one.\" \nHe was exchanged in December, 1698. \n\n\nXV. \n\n\nTHE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nThe period during which Boston was governed \nby rulers of the king's appointment was one of per- \npetual strife and friction, and we find several ques- \ntions coming up with constancy, all being connected \nwith the paramount topic, the independence of the \ncolonists of all interference from England. The \nAmericans had opposed the change of government \nfor so long a time and with such persistence that \nthey could not very easily fall into the ways that the \nking and his agents pointed out for them. \n\nThe colonists protested in the first place against \nthe appointment of rulers for them by any authority \nbut their own votes, and Boston was always the most \nactive in protesting. They naturally fortified them- \nselves with the pertinent words of Jeremiah — \n\n\" Their nobles shall be of themselves, \nAnd their governors shall proceed from the midst of \nthem.\" \n\nThis privilege had been exercised from the day \nwhen John Winthrop was first chosen to ofifice, and \nit did not appear to the colonists that any right to - \nchange the custom existed, nor that there was any \nneed for such a departure from old usage. If the \n\n190 \n\n\nSUSPICION AND CONFLICT. 191 \n\nroyal governor were a representative of the king, his \npresence was an impertinence ; and he certainly did \nnot represent the Americans, The presence there- \nfore of such an officer gave them a not unnatural \nfeeling that they were looked upon as citizens of a \nconquered province. This sensation was deepened \nwhen Massachusetts lost its separate and distinct \nexistence, and became but a fraction of a satrapy \nthat stretched from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to \nDelaware Bay ; when her governor was acting under \na roving commission, — was at one time attending to \ntheir concerns in their own Town-House, and at \nanother holding court at Hartford or New Amster- \ndam ; when the laws that their representatives \nmade (sitting with deputies from Plymouth colony \nand appointees of the king) were suspended from \ntheir full force for three years, in order that his \nMajesty might have that unreasonable length of time \nin which to consider their bearing upon current \npolitics. \n\nUnder such conditions there was, of necessity, a \nperpetual jealousy and a constant fretting, for the \ngovernors were sure to be on the look-out for every \nassertion of an independent spirit, and the colonists \nwere equally alive to all suspected usurpations of \nauthority based upon kingly prerogative. If the \ncolony had been begun with an organization of this \nsort there might have been peace between the par- \nties ; a spirit of loyalty might have been developed, \nsuch as Virginia showed, for example, in its earlier \nhistory, but in Massachusetts, where quite different \nprinciples had obtained at the beginning, nothing \n\n\n192 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nbut conflict was to be anticipated, — and nothing but \nconflict was, as a matter of fact, the rule, from the \nabrogation of the charter until the time when the \nRevolutionary war ensured to the entire body of \ncolonists, from Maine to Georgia, complete and \nacknowledged independence of the mother-country. \nWhen a governor was sent to Boston from Eng- \nland an early question presented itself in regard to \nhis support, and the people were always quite cer- \ntain that, as he was not their servant, he should not \nbe in their pay. They therefore usually declined to \nvote a regular salary for him, and there was gener- \nally an unseemly struggle on the subject. If, on the \nother hand, the king undertook to pay his servant, \nthe unlogical colonists protested that he had no \nright to keep an oflficer among them in his pay for \nthe purpose of acting the spy over their affairs. \nThus, for example, when Joseph Dudley demanded \na salary, the court speciously argued that \" the cir- \ncumstances of this province as to our ability to sup- \nport the government are at times so different that \nwe fear the settling of fixed salaries will be of no \nservice to her majesty's interest,\" and further, that, \nas it was the privilege and right of English subjects \nfrom time to time to raise and appropriate such \nsums of money as the immediate exigencies may \nrequire, they hoped that they might continue to \nenjoy the privilege under her most gracious Majesty. \nOn the other hand, when Thomas Hutchinson (in \n1772, seventy years later) received a grant from the \ncrown for his salary, a committee of the Assembly \nreported that it was \" a dangerous innovation, which \n\n\nBOSTON'S FOREIGN TRADE. I93 \n\nrenders him, as a governor, not dependent on the \npeople, as the charter has prescribed, and conse- \nquently not, in that respect, such a governor as the \npeople consented to * at the granting thereof \" ; and \nthe house most solemnly protested that the innova- \ntion was an important change of the constitution, \nwhich exposed the province to a despotic adminis- \ntration of government. It happened that each of \nthe governors thus opposed was a native of the \ncolony, but that fact made no difference to the peo- \nple ; they were just as much on the alert in watching \nthe movements of the other governors, and not a \nwhit more. \n\nMost of the New England provinces had no foreign \ncommerce, but received all their imported goods \nthrough traders at Boston, who dealt directly with \nLondon, and therefore any laws made by parliament \nwhich affected trade were of the greatest interest to \nBoston, and the merchants there were watchful of \nall legislation in the mother-country on this subject. \nWhen, therefore. Parliament secured, in 165 1, the \nmonopoly of trade with the colonies to the English \nmerchant by making active a principle that had been \nestablished in the reign of Richard the Second, and \nwhen, in 1660, it avowed its design of sacrificing the \nnatural rights of the colonists to home interests, rul- \ning that \" no merchandise shall be imported into \nthe plantations but in English vessels, navigated by \nEnglishmen,\" and thus excluded the merchants of \n* Governor Hutchinson was prompt to point out that the charter \nwas not of the nature of a treaty between the king and his New \nEngland subjects, but was a grant of defined privileges of the sover- \neign's good pleasure. \n\n\n194 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nBoston from a profitable trade, it aroused indignant \nopposition. Governor Bellomont said, in 1698, that \nBoston had one hundred and ninety-four ships of \ndiiTerent sizes engaged in its trade, and ventured to \nassert that there were more good vessels belonging \nof her than all Scotland and Ireland owned. The \ncommerce increased so rapidly that the Board of \nTrade reported, in 17 17, that the trade of the coun- \ntry employed continually no less than three thousand \nfour hundred and ninety-three sailors, and four hun- \ndred and ninety-two ships, making twenty-five thou- \nsand four hundred and six tons. These figures \nwere derived from the accounts of the naval ofificers \nof the ports of Boston and Salem. The activity of \nBoston commerce had excited the envy of the Eng- \nlish, and the measures in antagonism to it were \nmade by degrees more strict. \n\nIn 1663, a law was enacted prohibiting the col- \nonists from obtaining supplies from Europe except \nby way of England and in English vessels. Later \nstill Parliament took away even the liberty of free \ntraffic between the colonies themselves ; and, grow- \ning more grasping as time went on, it was ordered, \nat last, that America should not even manufacture \nthose articles which might possibly compete with \nEnglish goods in foreign markets. What England \nwould not buy the colonists were entirely at liberty \nto sell to other nations, for otherwise they might \nfind it difficult to pay their London bills. By unin- \ntended irony, for the protection of Virginia, the cul- \ntivation of tobacco was prohibited in England and \nWales, where it would have been difficult to have \nbrought a crop to maturity ! \n\n\nHATH NOT A AT AMERICAN EYES? 1 95 \n\nIf Parliament had paid attention to its Shakes- \npeare, it might have derived a lesson from Shylock. \nForsooth, England hindered Boston of more than \nShylock's \"half a million\"; she laughed at her \nlosses, mocked at her gains, scorned her nation, \nthwarted her bargains, cooled her friends, heated \nher enemies ; \" and what 's her reason ? \" Boston \nwas in far-away America, and was supposed to be \nweak. Boston might well have retorted : \" Hath not \nan American eyes? hath not an American hands, \norgans, dimensions, senses, affections, passions? fed \nwith the same food, hurt with the same weapons, \nsubject to the same diseases, healed by the same \nmeans, warmed and cooled by the same winter and \nsummer, as an Englishman is? If you prick us do \nwe not bleed? if you poison us do we not die? and \nif you wrong us, shall we not revenge? If we are \nlike you in the rest, we will resemble you in that. \nThe villainy you teach us we shall execute, and it \nshall go hard but we shall better the instruction ! \" \n\nThere were ten governors sent over during the \nperiod we are now considering. Let us see how they \nmanaged their uneasy subjects. The time of sus- \npense during which Stoughton was at the head of \naffairs was pretty well filled up by Indian strife ; but \nthere were also fears of attacks upon Boston by some \nfleet from France ; commerce was always in danger \nfrom buccaneers or pirates ; and there was an epi- \ndemic of small-pox, which carried off a thousand \npersons in a twelvemonth, a great proportion in a \ntown which counted but about seven thousand in- \nhabitants in all. There were some one thousand \nhouses in Boston at this time. \n\n\n196 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nCotton Mather bewailed the increase of vice, the \ngreat number of drinking-houses, and the advent of \nfortune-tellers, \" consulted by the sinful inhabitants,\" \nand warned his fellow-citizens that Port Royal in \nJamaica was \" swallowed up the other day in a \nstupendous earthquake,\" and that just before that \ncatastrophe \" the people were violently and scandal- \nously set upon going to fortune-tellers upon all \noccasions.\" The town was full of widows, in con- \nsequence of the Indian butcheries; and there were \nmultitudes of helpless orphans. Mather estimated \nthat one sixth of the communicants in his church \nwere widows and that the proportion was not far \nfrom that through the town. \n\nPhips was followed by Richard Coote, Earl of \nBellomont, who was appointed governor of both \nNew York and Massachusetts in 1697. He did not \nreach Boston until May, 1699, when he was received \nwith the cordiality that a nobleman of fine person, \nelegant manners, conciliatory actions, and respectable \nyears might have expected. He took occasion to \nmake himself popular with the religious portion of \nBoston citizens by attending the Thursday lecture, \nfor which the court usually adjourned, and by pro- \nfessing a high esteem for the ministers, though he \ndid not find the precisians the most agreeable \nprivate company, nor the most entertaining intimate \nacquaintances, much as he professed to respect them \nin public* \n\n* In his efforts to achieve popularity Governor Bellomont avoided \nall unnecessary contests with private persons or with the representa- \ntives of the people, and knowing the general detestation in which \n\n\n\"YOU HAVE LOST A PRECIOUS SERMON.\" 1 97 \n\nHistory records the fact that on returning from \nlecture one day surrounded by a crowd of curious \ncitizens, Bellomont passed one Dr. BulHvant, who \ndid not attend the service ; upon which he remarked \nin an audible tone, probably .for the benefit of his \nattendants, \" Doctor, you have lost a precious ser- \nmon to-day,\" in reply to which the doctor said in a \nwhisper to a companion, \" If I could have got as \nmuch by being there as his lordship will, I should \nhave been there too.\" On another occasion when \nthe governor was dining in his own house with a \nnumber of deputies from the country towns, he said \nto his wife: \"We must treat these gentlemen well, \nfor they give us our bread.\" The feeling towards \nthe royal governors is shown by another anecdote. \nIt is related that on an occasion when a deputy \nobjected to voting money to defray the funeral ex- \npenses of a governor's wife, he said that if it were for \nthe purpose of burying the governor, he should have \nvoted it gladly. \n\nLord Bellomont was particularly directed to take \norders for the extirpation of piracy and the establish- \nment of the authority of the acts of trade, which \nwere very little regarded in any of the colonies. In \n\nthe Stuart dynasty was held, he ventured to make ad captandttm re- \nmarks about the reigning sovereign, whom he characterized as \" the \nglorious instrument of our deliverance from the odious fetters and \nchains of popery and tyranny.\" He saw something godlike in King \nWilliam, though, speaking after the familiar manner of the Puritans, \nhe added : \" I would not be misunderstood so as to be thought to \nrob God of the glory of that stupendous act of his providence, in \nbringing to pass the late happy and wonderful revolution in Eng- \nland. His blessed work it was, without doubt, and he was pleased \nto make King William immediately the author and instrument of it.\" \n\n\n198 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nendeavoring to destroy piracy, he entered into an \nagreement with one William Kidd, who was to range \nthe oceans capturing pirates, and on his return to \ndivide the profits of his expeditions with Bellomont \nand others who were associated with him. Whether \nrightly or wrongly, history has recorded that Kidd \nturned pirate himself, and he was tried, and, in due \ncourse, hanged for the crime, — an offence, be it re- \nmembered, of which many persons who would have \nscorned not to be rated as respectable in New York \nsociety bad been for a generation guilty without \nhaving penalties meted out to them, and for which \nBellom':nt's predecessor in office in that city had \nissued formal commissions. \n\nBellomont remained at his post in Boston but \nabout fourteen months. By his suavity and con. \nciliatory measures he led the court to vote to him \n\" presents \" (in lieu of a salary, which they would \nnot grant even to him), amounting in the aggregate \nto a larger sum than he had expressly desired as a \nformal stipend. This was far more than any of the \nother royal governors was able to accomplish. He \nfound it entirely impossible to cajole the \" Bos- \ntoneers,\" as Randolph had called them, into any \nhabit of dependence upon the crown ; nor could he \nlead them to give up a single privilege that they \nconsidered theirs by right. He went to New York \nin 1700, and died there in the following March. \n\nStoughton became the chief executive upon the \ndeath of Bellomont, but he died himself in the fol- \nlowing July, and then the council carried out the \nlaws until a successor could be sent from England. \n\n\nPROGNOSTICKS OF CALAMITIES. 199 \n\nThe times were thought to be very bad, and In- \ncrease Mather preached two sermons that he entitled \n\" Ichabod ; or, the Glory Departing from New Eng- \nland,\" in which he showed that both church and \nState were fast declining. \" O New England ! New \nEngland ! \" he exclaimed, \" look to it that the glory \nbe not removed from thee ! It has come to the \nthreshold of the house, if not to the East Gate!\" \n\" If the fountain should fail ; I mean the college, \nwhich has been one of the glories of New England, \nor (which is worse) become a nursery, not of plants of \nrenown, but of degenerate plants, . . . the glory \nis like to be gone from these churches in less than \none generation.\" On the death of Stoughton, Mr. \nWillard preached another sermon, entitled : \" Prog- \nnosticks of Impending Calamities.\" \n\nLooking from the Puritan stand-point, there ap- \npeared to be reason for these forebodings. The crops \nhad been poor for several years, the French and In- \ndian wars had filled die land with mourning, and be- \nsides there were efforts to give a new, and in the \nopinion of the old ministers, a dangerous, turn to \nthe teachings of the college. It was in 1699 that \nBrattle Street Church was begun, and it was one of \nthe indications of change, for it departed from the \n\" Cambridge Platform,\" and broke in upon the \nOrder of the Churches, for which reasons it was \nmade the object of a protest by the existing minis- \nters. The church bore the name of the \" Manifesto \" \nChurch, among those opposed to it, because it issued \na manifesto defending its course. It had for its first \nminister, Beniamin Colman, and he was followed by \n\n\n200 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nWilliam and Samuel Cooper, Joseph Stevens Buck- \nminster, Edward Everett, John Gorham Palfrey, and \nthe late Samuel K. Lothrop, all of them eminent as \nscholars and preachers. In this church the Psalms \nwere no longer read and sung line by line, as had \nbeen the custom, a society for practising music was \nestablished, and singing by note was first intro- \nduced.* \n\nThe choice of the sovereign for governor was \nmade in 1702, and Joseph Dudley, who had been in \nEngland since he was sent there with Andros, some \nten years previously, was appointed. He had often \nexpressed a desire to lay his bones in America, and \nhad long been an active aspirant for the ofifice that \nhe now obtained. Colman was a friend of the new \ngovernor, but the Mathers were his bitter opponents. \nDudley was determined to rule the colony with a \nfirm hand, and, remembering his former experience, \nhe immediately objected to every member of the ex- \nisting council who had taken part in his condemna- \ntion, and also entered upon the usual struggle for \nsalary. The court offered him less than one half the \nsum that had been given Bellomont (as a present, of \n\n* Instrumental music was apparently not relished or not approved, \nespecially in churches ; and at about the time of the Restoration of \nthe Stuarts, we find an uncle writing to a student in Harvard College, \nin regard to his studies : \" Music I had almost forgotten. I suspect \nyou seek it both too soon and too much. This be assured of, that if \nyou be not excellent in it, it is nothing at all ; and if you be excellent, \nit will take up so much of your time and mind that you will be worth \nlittle else ; and when all that excellence is attained, your acquest will \nprove little or nothing of real profit to you, unless you intend to take \nup the trade of fiddling.\" See Palfrey's \" New England,\" ii., 67 ; \niii., 134. \n\n\nVIRULENT LETTERS AGAINST DUDLEY. 20I \n\ncourse), and he refused it until he was advised to \ntake it rather than nothing.* \n\nThe war known as Queen Anne's began in 1702, \nand did not close until the peace of Utrecht in 171 3. \nDuring that period New England was again devas- \ntated by the savages, and the French, and armed \nbands were sent out from Boston by sea and land to \nattack and to repulse the enemies. Bounties were \noffered for Indian scalps, as high as forty pounds, \nin one case at least, and the men of the colony were \ndebased by this new incentive to blood-shedding. \nIn the midst of this war a vessel was sent to Nova \nScotia with a flag of truce, the owner of which \nremained absent a long time, and on his return he \nwas accused of having engaged in trade with the \nenemy. A number of persons were thought to have \nbeen implicated in the venture, and, after a trial by_ \nthe court, several of the persons were heavily fined. \nDudley was accused of conniving in the crime, if not \nof sharing its profits, and a bitter petition was sent \nto the queen asking for his punishment. \n\nIt was at about this time that the Mathers burst \nout with their virulent letters against Dudley. They \ncharged him with most of the political crimes that \na statesman can be guilty of, among which were \nbad faith, cruelty, corruption, bribery, and hypocrisy. \nThree days after these letters were written, as Judge \nSewall was returning from the funeral of Mrs. Anne \nNeedham (Jan. 23, 1708), in company with the \n\n* In 170S, about the first of July, the deputies voted a present to \nthe governor of two hundred pounds, and two hundred and twenty- \nfive to the treasurer, \" at which the governor was very angry, and said \nhe would pass none of them [the votes], they would starve together.\" \n\n\n202 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nyounger Mather, engaged in very devout conversa- \ntion, they turned aside to go to Madam Usher's, \nwhere Mather showed the Judge a copy of his letter, \nand Sewall expressed much interest to learn what \nthe result of such plain-dealing would be. \n\nThese matters seem to have been fought out at \nfunerals, and in prayers and sermons. We are told \nthat Mr. Colman shortly after \" lashed \" the Mathers \nin a sermon, for what they had \" written, and \npreached, and prayed about the present contest with \nthe governor.\" On January 25th, Mr. Mather made \na prayer about certain faithful ones, in which Judge \nSewall thought that he intended to animadvert upon \nhis own vote against the virulent petition sent to \nEngland for the governor's removal ; and on the \n26th of May Mr. John Norton, minister of the \nchurch at Hingham (nephew of the former minister \n'of the First Church in Boston), took up the matter \nand preached a \" flattering sermon as to the gov- \nernor.\" The newspaper in Boston * in those good old \ndays seems not to have been familiar enough to be \nused for such personal matters as these. Mr. Norton \nwas formally thanked by the court for his discourse, \nand a copy of it was desired for publication. Mr. \nSewall was in close quarters at this time, for his son \nhad married a daughter of Governor Dudley. \n\n* The first American newspaper, Publick Occiirretucs, appeared in \nBoston, September 25, 1690, but its editor, Benjamin Harris, a \" brisk \nasserter of English Liberties,\" possessing too great a share of colonial \nindependence, uttered \" reflections of a very high nature,\" and the \nauthorities stopped his venture at its first number. The Boston \nNews-Letler, which followed, April 4, 1704, was for fifteen years the \nonly newspaper in America. — Hudson, \" Journalism in the United \nStates,\" ch. i. \n\n\n4^, \n\n\n\\ ^ \n\n\nINTERIOR OF CHRIST CHURCH AT PRESENT (bUILT 1 723). \n\n\n203 \n\n\n204 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nJudge Sewall relates an amusing occurrence of \nthis sort that happened in 1710. It seems that the \njudge had failed to invite the testy pastor of the \nSouth Church, the Reverend Ebenezer Pemberton, \nwho was some twenty years his junior, to court on \na certain November day in that year. Mr. Pember- \nton resented the omission as an injury, \" with extra- \nordinary vehemency \" and passion, \" capering with \nhis feet,\" the judge relates. Sewall replied that his \n'' carriage was neither becoming a scholar nor min- \nister,\" and he tells the readers of his Diary that he \nwas surprised to see himself insulted with such ex- \ntraordinary fierceness by his pastor. He was destined \nto be surprised again, for at the afternoon service at \nthe South Church on the following Sunday, Mr. \nPemberton asked the congregation to sing the first \nfive verses of the fifty-eighth Psalm, and when the \njudge turned to the place he saw that that particular \nPsalm was directed against unjust judges, that it \ndescribed their inveterate wickedness, and prayed for \ntheir speedy punishment. As the congregation sang : \n\n\" Speak, O ye judges of the earth \nif just your sentence be : \nOr must not innocence appeal \nto heaven from your decree ? \n\n\" Your wicked hearts and judgments are \nalike by malice swayed ; \nYour griping hands, by weighty bribes, \nto violence betrayed. \n\n\" No serpent of parched Afric's breed \ndoth ranker poison bear ; \nThe- drowsy adder will as soon \nunlock his sullen ear. \n\n\nODD TEXTS FOR SERMONS. 20$ \n\nUnmoved by good advice, and deaf \n\nas adders they remain ; \nFrom whom the skilful charmer's voice \n\ncan no attention gain.\" \n\nIt is not surprising that Sewall wrote of this act : \n\n\" I think if I had been in his place, and had been \nkindly and tenderly affectioned, I should not have done \nit at this time. Another Psalm might have suited his \nsubject as well as the fifth verse of this. 'T is certain \none may make libels of David's Psalms ; and if a person \nbe abused, there is no remedy. I desire to leave it to \nGod, who can and will judge righteously.\" \n\nIn 1 714, Boston received the news that Queen Anne \nhad died, and that a new dynasty was upon the British \nthrone. George the First became king August ist \nof that year, but the news did not reach this side of \nthe ocean until September 15th. Dudley occupied \nhis ofifice, with a brief intermission, until November \n9, 1715, when he retired from public office to his \nestate at West Roxbury, where he died in 1720. On \nthe occasion of his death laudatory notices were \nprinted, and the Rev. Mr. Colman, of the Manifesto \nChurch, preached from a pulpit hung with black, \nfrom the text, selected by Dudley, \" By faith, Joseph, \nwhen he died.\" The clergy set the fashion of this \naffected use of Scripture. When Sewall's second \nwife died suddenly in the middle of the night, \nThomas Prince, of the South Church, preached from \nthe words : \" At midnight, behold a cry was made \" ; \nand when the judge himself died the same minister \nbased his funeral discourse upon the words in I. Sam- \n\n\n206 THE GOVERNORS AND THE BOSTON PEOPLE. \n\nuel vii., 15 : \"And Samuel judged Israel all the days \nof his life.\" This custom was long continued. The \nfather of Mrs. John Adams, the Rev. William Smith, \nof Weymouth, is said to have preached in reference to \nher marriage in 1794, from Luke vii., 33: \"John came \nneither eating bread nor drinking wine, and ye say, \n' He hath a devil.' \" John Adams was a lawyer, and \nthere had been an ancient prejudice against his call- \ning, which was thought hardly honest. Mr. Smith's \neldest daughter had married Richard Cranch, on \nwhich occasion he is reported to have preached from \nLuke X., 42, \" Mary hath chosen that good part, \nwhich shall not be taken away from her.\" \n\nThe colony was not in a prosperous condition \nbetween 1675, when the war with Philip began, and \n171 3, when the struggle called Queen Anne's war \nclosed. Five or six thousand of the best young men \nof the country had lost their lives, either in actual \nservice or by disease contracted in it. This had \nretarded the growth of population, and the wars \nthemselves had directly increased taxation, and this \nsent many persons to other colonies, thus adding to \nthe burdens of those who were left. The strife of \nwar had quieted party disputes during the last few \nyears of Dudley's official life, but it cannot be said \nthat the experiment of governing Boston and the \ncolony by rulers of the king's choosing had been \nremarkably successful thus far. \n\n\nXVI. \n\n\nSTRAINED RELATIONS. \n\n\nCommunities, like private persons, are often free \nto overlook matters in their times of prosperity that \nwould be considered very annoying in periods of \npenury or pain. The same contrast exists between \ntimes when the mind is occupied by the effort to \naccomplish a much desired purpose, and the season \nafter the design has been effected. It Avas not sur- \nprising that while the New England communities \nwere occupied in war with the Indians they allowed \ntheir party strifes to lapse, nor that at those periods \nthey had no wish to engage with the governor in \nquarrels about his salary. During the war that was \nclosed by the treaty of Utrecht, public expenses, \nwhich were of course heavy, had been defrayed by \nissuing bills of credit ; and at the end of the struggle \nit was found that gold and silver had been banished \nfrom circulation, that exchange had risen, and that \nprices of commodities had followed it. There was \nfinancial distress, and various suggestions were made \nby those who wished to alleviate it. \n\nThe first party thought best to draw in all paper \ncurrency, and return to the use of gold and silver ; a \nsecond, and very numerous one, was in favor of the \n\n207 \n\n\n208 STRAINED RELA TIONS. \n\nestablishment of a private bank, which should issue \nnotes to be received as money; and the third party \nwished to arrange for loans from the government to \nsuch citizens as would mortgage their estates for the \npurpose of providing security for principal and inter- \nest. The hard-money scheme had but few support- \ners, and the colony was divided between the two \nother plans ; but as Boston favored the public loans, \nthat method of relief was adopted, after a long \nstruggle, and fifty thousand pounds in bills of credit \nwere placed in the hands of trustees to be loaned to \nany of the inhabitants at five per cent, interest for \nfive years. \n\nThe choice of the sovereign for governor at this \njuncture fell upon Colonel Samuel Shute, whose \nbrother, afterwards Lord Barrington, was leader of \nthe dissenting interest in Parliament. The family \nof Shute were generall}^ dissenters, and he himself \nsustained a good character as a friend of liberty, but \nnot long after his arrival in Boston he professed that \nhe was a member of the Church of England, and he \nwas certainly very positive in efforts to bring the \nBostoneers into a state of proper dependence upon the \ncrown. He sustained the king's prerogative, and \nw^as determined to repress every token of popular \ngovernment. Such a governor was destined to be \nin continual conflict with the inhabitants, except in \nmeasures against the still troublesome savages. \n\nThe policy of controlling trade in such a manner \nas to militate against the interests of America, which \nhad so long been popular in England, was now \nmaintained with oppressive force. The \" Board of \n\n\nTROUBLE ABOUT MONEY AND TRADE. 209 \n\nTrade \" was a department of government which \nseems to have been developed from an arrangement \nmade by Cromwell in 1655, who then directed his \nson Richard, and others, to meet and consider means \nto promote the national commerce. In 1660, Charles \nthe Second erected two councils of Trade and Plan- \ntations, which were soon made one, and that, after \nvarious fortunes, was given a new life in 1695. John \nLocke, one of its wisest and most influential members, \nadvised the appointment of a dictator to control the \ncolonies; and in 1701 the entire board urged the \nabrogation of all the charters and the establishment \nof such a government as should make the colonists \nduly subservient to England. Though this policy \nwas not determined upon in form, it was the con- \nstant aim of the governors to bring about such a \ndependence as it proposed. The Board of Trade* \nasserted, in 1728, that the inhabitants of Boston did \nnot make suitable returns to his majesty for the ex- \ntraordinary privileges they enjoyed, and were \" daily \nendeavoring to wrest the small remains of power out \nof the hands of the Crown, and to become indepen- \ndent of the mother kingdom.\" \n\nGovernor Shute joined the opponents of the \nbanking scheme, and while he was incompetent \nto devise any plan to give effectual financial relief, \nhe permitted another emission of bills of one hun- \ndred thousand pounds to run ten years, which merely \n\n* Hutchinson says that Col. Martin Bladen, for many years one \nof the Board of Trade, often expressed to the colonial agents and \nothers his apprehension that the Bostoneers intended to \"set up for \nthemselves.\" \n\n\n2 1 0 S TRA I NED RELA TIONS. \n\nadded to the difficulties. He took sides with the \nroyal surveyor of the forests of Maine, who claimed \ncertain white-pine trees for the king's navy, and \ncaused the formation of parties which continued to \ngive him trouble as long as he remained in Boston. \nOn his arrival in America he gave consent to the \nlevying of an impost duty upon goods from the \nWest Indies and England brought to New England. \nThis was considered to conflict with the interests of \nEnglish traders, and notice was received from Lon- \ndon that the action must be reversed. This the \ncourt declined to do, and a long conflict followed. \n\nThe people were, as usual, ill-disposed in the mat- \nter of salary, and refused to make this governor the \ncustomary \" present,\" reducing the sum offered \nuntil, in the depreciated currenc}% it amounted to \nbut three hundred and sixty pounds. The governor \nattempted to take from the house of deputies the \nprivilege of choosing its own speaker, and this still \nfurther aroused their jealousies. The strife on this \npoint was long and bitter. In the midst of it the \nhouse attempted to retaliate by taking into its own \nhands the appointment of the annual fast ; and, in \nconsequence of the prevalence of the small-pox in \nBoston, it ventured to assert itself by adjourning to \nCambridge, which brought about another contro- \nversy. The resentment of the house was finally \nextended to the governor's friends, and at last \nShute left for England somewhat abruptly at the \nbeginning of the year 1723, for the purpose of laying \nhis grievances before the king. \n\nThe year 1 72 1 was notable for the scourge of \n\n\nTHE SMALL-POX SCOURGE. 211 \n\nsmall-pox, which has been mentioned. It attacked \nsome six thousand persons, of whom one thousand \ndied. Inoculation had just been introduced in Eng- \nland by Lady Mary Wortley Montague, who began, \nin the face of intense opposition, by practising upon \nher little daughter, afterwards Lady Bute; and now \nDr. Zabdiel Boylston did the same thing in Boston, \nin Uie face of similar opposition, which caused him \nmuch suffering in business and repute. Dr. Boylston \nlikewise submitted one of his own children to the \nordeal. The selectmen investigated the matter and \npronounced against it ; it was thought little better \nthan murder, but Cotton Mather came out in its \nfavor, and gave his powerful encouragement to Dr. \nBoylston. Mather invited the physicians to meet \nand consult about undertaking inoculation, in order, \nhe said, \" that whoever first begins this practice may \nhave the concurrence of his worthy brethren to \nfortify him.\" The conservative physicians did not \naccept the invitation, but Dr. Boylston was not de- \nterred ; he inoculated two hundred and eighty-six \npersons, of whom but six died, and it was shown \nthat the recovery of those who died would have \nbeen little short of a miracle. Of five thousand \nseven hundred and fifty-nine who were not inocu- \nlated eight hundred and forty-four died. \n\nThis scourge was a serious detriment to the \nprogress of the town ; but in the midst of the in- \nfliction (in spite of the ill-success of the second \nnewspaper, the News-Letter), James Franklin, brother \nof the more celebrated Benjamin, began the third \npaper in Boston. The Franklins had no reverence \n\n\n212 STRAINED RELATIONS. \n\nfor the Mathers, being more influenced probably by \nthe puerile pomposity and vanity of Cotton Mather, \nfor example, than by his piety and learning. The \nvenerable Increase, then eighty-four years of age, \ndiscerned \"the inspiration of the devil \" in the third \nnumber of the Courant, in consequence of which he \ndenounced it in the columns of the Neivs-Letter. \nHe said that though it had been reported that he \nwas one of the supporters of the Courant, he was, on \nthe contrary, \" extremely offended with it,\" because \nin one of its numbers it insinuated \"that if the min- \nisters of God approve of a thing, it is a sign it is of \nthe devil ; which is a horrid thing to be related.\" \n\" I, that have known what New England was from \nthe beginning,\" he continued, \"cannot but be \ntroubled to see the degeneracy of this place. I can \nwell remember when the civil government would \nhave taken an effectual course to suppress such a \ncursed libel, which if it be not done, I am afraid that \nsome awful judgment will come upon this land, and \nthe wrath of God will arise and there will be no \nremedy. I cannot but pity poor Franklin.\" The \ncourt did take the matter in hand, and the publisher \nwas obliged to give bonds not to print any thing \nthat had not passed an appointed censor. \n\nGovernor Shute did not return to Boston, and for \nseveral years the lieutenant-governor, William Dum- \nmer, occupied the post. He was largely employed \nby the ever-active Indians to the eastward. Being \na native, it might have been expected that he would \naccomplish something towards mediating between \nthe crown and the colonists, but he did not affect \n\n\nONE OF SEWALVS PICTURES. 213 \n\nany thing in that direction. During the time that \nhe was performing the duties of chief executive, the \nefforts of Shute resulted in the granting of an \n\" Explanatory Charter\" (in 1725), which ensured to \nthe governor a veto power upon the nomination for \nopeaker of the house, and took from that body the \nright of adjourning for longer periods than two days ; \nbut left the vexed subject of salary open, to remain \na matter of constant dispute. \n\nDuring this interval, also, both Increase and Cot- \nton Mather died, the one in 1723, and the other five \nyears later, and with them closed the paramount \ninfluence of the dynasty upon the affairs of the town \nand the colony. The father had preached sixty-six \nyears, and had presided over Harvard College for \ntwenty; the son was in the pulpit forty-seven years, \nand was one of the overseers of the college. In spite \nof his lack of ordinary judgment and his great \ncredulity, he must be acknowledged to have been a \nperson of merit, and his ability to acquire all sorts of re- \ncondite information has, perhaps, never been equalled \nin America. Six of the first ministers of Boston bore \nCotton Mather to the tomb, and the body was fol- \nlowed by alLthe principal officials, ministers, scholars, \nand men of affairs, while the streets were thronged \nand the \" windows were filled with sorrowful specta- \ntors all the way to the burying-place,\" which was on \nCopp's Hill. \n\nJudge Sewall lets us into many an intimate view \nof character in the days of the Mathers, and some of \nhis pictures are by no means adapted to hold up the \ngood old times to our admiration. In many particu- \n\n\n214 STRAINED RELATIONS. \n\nlars the men of those days acted in a way that would \nbe thought quite unworthy of persons in the same \nstations now, and the way in which they used lan- \nguage, especially opprobrious language, is astonishing \nto those not familiar with the vigor of some of the \ncontemporary worthies in the mother-country. There \nwas in those days a bookseller named Richard VVil- \nkins, whose shop was a favorite resort, and we are \ntold that one day Mr. Cotton Mather went there and \ntalked very sharply against Sewall, who was then \ncaptain of the \" Ancient and Honorable '\" Artillery \nCompany. He said that Sewall had used his father. \nIncrease, worse than a nigger ; and he spoke so loud \nthat he was audible in the street.* The humble and \nguileless captain says that he had read that morning \nMr. Dod's saying \" Sanctified afflictions are good \npromotions,\" which he now found was a cordial ; \nbut he thought it well to expostulate with Mr. \nMather a little in the same shop two days later, \n\"from I. Timothy v., i,\" in company with witnesses. \nMather said he had considered the passage men- \ntioned ; whereupon Sewall turned upon him his own \nbook upon the \"Law of Kindness for the Tongue,\" \nand asked whether Mather considered that his acts \ncorresponded with his precepts, and whether they \ncorresponded with Christ's rule. Mather only justi- \nfied his \" reviling me behind my back,\" says Sewall, \n\n* When Cotton Mather was excited in debate he found, as he said \nto Governor Dudley, in 170S, with his usual pompous verbiage, that \n\" the schemes of speaking and modes of addressing used among per- \nsons of the most polite education \" did not prove equal to the demands \nmade upon them. He, therefore, adopted the \" schemes of speaking\" \nused among less polished persons, as in the present instance. \n\n\nJO ST AH WILLARD CUTS HIS HAIR. 21 5 \n\nand charged the council with \" lying, hypocrisy, \ntricks, and I know not what all.\" Sewall asked if \nthis were done with meekness ; and Mather replied, \nconfidently, \" Yes ! \" retorting a speech made by \nSewall in the council, to the effect that if Mather \nshould go to Cambridge, his example would do more \nhurt than his going would do good. Sewall owned \nhis words, and asked if Mather would like to have \nhim exclaim against him in the street, if he supposed \nhim to have done amiss as a church officer, and \nadded, very appropriately, it seems to us, that he \nconceived that Mather had done much that was un- \nbecoming a minister of the Gospel. The discussion' \nbecame so loud and unseemly that Wilkins was fain \nto have Mather go into a private room ; but Mather \nwould not, and soon Sewall was called to a meeting \nof the council, where, he says, we \" hammered out \nan order for a Day of Thanksgiving.\" The next \nday Mr. Increase Mather went to the shop, and de- \nclared that, as he was a servant of Jesus Christ, \n\" some great judgment would fall on Captain Sewall \nor his family.\" Two days later still, Sewall gave \na copy of his speech in council to Wilkins, to show, \nin order that all might see the grounds of Mr. \nMather's anger. \n\nWhile we are with this unreserved diarist, let us \nsee something of the customs of the time, as he \nexhibits them in his bland and childlike style. One \nJune day in the year 1701, Sewall heard that Josiah \nWillard, son of the minister of the Old South Church, \nhad cut off his hair, and put on a wig, — and he had \na full head of hair, — so he felt it his duty to call \n\n\n2 1 6 S TRA IN ED RE LA TtONS. \n\nupon the young gentleman. He found his mother, \nand announced his errand, upon which Josiah was \nsent for. Sewall began the conversation by enquiring \nwhat \" extremity had forced him to put off his nat- \nural hair,\" and Josiah was obliged to reply that \nthere was none at all ; but said that his hair was \nstraight and parted behind, and seemed to argue \nthat men might as well shave their heads as their \nfaces. Sewall responded that half of mankind never \nhave any hair on the face, which was an unexpected \nadmission that women belonged to \" mankind.\" He \ncontinued to the effect that God seems to have \n*given men hair as a test, to see if they would be \ncontent to remain as he made them, or whether they \nwould be their own \" carvers and lords.\" He said \nthat such conduct as this of Willard's would be dis- \npleasing to good men, and \" they that care not what \nmen think of them, care not what God thinks of \nthem.\" Sewall was prepared for this interview, for \nhe had that morning read the \" tenth chapter of the \nthird book of Calvin's Institutions,\" \" in course,\" \n{Comment il faiit user de la vie prhent et ses aides) \nand he commended the same to Willard. He told \nhim that such cutting of the hair was condemned at \na meeting of ministers at Mr. Stoddard's house in \nNorthampton, \" when the said Josiah was there,\" \nupon which the young man wavered, '' and seemed \nto say that he would leave off his wig when his hair \nwas grown.\" Willard's father afterwards thanked \nSewall for this plain-dealing, and promised that when \nthe son's hair was long enough to cover his ears, the \nwig should be put off ; that the cutting should never \n\n\nSEW ALL DRLNKS TO MATHER. 21/ \n\nhave been accomplished had he known it ; and that \nMrs. Willard heard her son talk of doing it, but seemed \nto fear to forbid it, lest the son should do it in spite \nof her, and \" so be more faulty.\" \n\nIn June, 1701, the aged lieutenant-governor \nwished to go to commencement at Cambridge, his \nspecial desire being to make a present of a \"grace \ncup to the corporation.\" He proved too feeble to \ngo, and Sewall made the presentation in a vein of \nsolemn pleasantry. After the dinner, Sewall took \nthe cup, had it filled up, and drank to the President \n(Increase Mather), saying that by reason of the ab- \nsence of \"him who was the firmament and ornament \nof the province and of that society,\" he presented \nthe Grace Cup, adding, \" The providence of our \nSovereign Lord is very investigable in that our \nGrace Cups, brim-full, are passing round, when our \nbrethren in France * are petitioning for their coup \nde grace y It was not only on such occasions as this \nthat Mr. Sewall and those of his strictly religious \nviews partook of the brimming cup ; they appreci- \nated highly the virtues of \" canary wine \" and good \nbeer, and we find that it was a not infrequent custom \nto step into a place where such creature comforts \nwere legally supplied, for the purpose of obtaining \nthem and of using them \" on the premises.\" \n\nThey were exceedingly careful about many things \nthat are yet considered important, as well as about \nsuch indifferent matters as cutting the hair, and the \n\n* This was at the time of suspense between the death of Charles the \nSecond, of Spain, and the formation of the Grand Alliance against \nLouis the Fourteenth. \n\n\n2l8 STRAINED RELATIONS. \n\nstyle of dress. The world has overtaken them in \nthe matter of dress, and any man who should now \narray himself in the ribbons and gold that were \nafTected by the Cavaliers, and against which the \nPuritans protested would be deemed little better \nthan a coxcomb, if he were not supposed to have \nlost his wits. The simple black of the Puritans \nis now the color of all well-dressed gentlemen in \nAmerican society. On the other hand we have not \nfollowed them in their views about the garments of \nwomen, nor in their appreciation of the moderate \namount of education that the fair sex may be per- \nmitted to obtain. We can w^ell sympathize with Sew- \nall, however, when he writes : \" Having been long and \nmuch dissatisfied with the trade of fetching Negroes \nfrom Guinea, at last I had a strong inclination to \nwrite something about it ; but it wore off. At last \nreading Bayne about servants, who mentions Black- \namoors, I began to be uneasy that I had so long \nneglected doing any thing. . . . Mr. C. Mather re- \nsolves to publish a sheet to exhort masters to labor \nfor their conversion, which makes me hope that I \nwas called of God to write this apology for them.\" \nJudge Sewall was decidedly in advance of \" C. \nMather,\" for he wrote a tract entitled \" The Selling \nof Joseph,\" in which he amplified an expression of \nhis own that we have already quoted regarding the \nslave trade. He said there was no \" proportion \nbetween twenty pieces of silver and LIBERTY\" \n(which he spelled large); that Joseph's brethren had \nno right to sell him, and that (bringing the argument \ndown to a low basis) it \" may be a question whether \n\n\nEARLY CONSCIENTIOUSNESS. 219 \n\nall the benefit received by Negro slaves will balance \nthe account of cash laid out upon them.\" Finally, \nrising in the argument, he says : \" Methinks when \nwe are bemoaning the barbarous usage of our friends \nand kinfolk in Africa, it might not be unseasonable \nto enquire whether we are not culpable in forcing \nthe Africans to become slaves among ourselves.\" \nSewall was out of sympathy with his time, but we find \nthat six months after this tract was published, some \nhad come to see the weight of his reasoning, for one \nof the officers of the crown, at the time of taking \nhis official oath, thanked him for \" The Selling of \nJoseph,\" saying \" 't was an ingenious discourse.\" \n\nThe correspondence and diaries of the time are \nfull of evidences of that conscientiousness which is ap- \nparent in those of the earlier day. Sewall tells us, \nfor example, that in August, 1701, he went down \nthe harbor to the Castle, now Fort William, where \nColonel Romer, a famous engineer, more noted for \nhis ability in the line of his profession than for his \nPuritanic character, was rebuilding the works. The \nobject of the visit was to \" tell the young men that \nif any intemperate language proceeded from Col. \nRomer,\" it was not the intention of the authorities \nin employing him to \"countenance that, or to en- \ncourage their imitation,\" but that they should obey \nhis directions only in so far as he was exercising his \nprofessional skill in the work, \" lest it should be \nthought,\" he carefully adds, \" that the Council had \ntoo much winked at his cursing and swearing, which \nwas complained of.\" \n\nWe find that the tables at this time were exceed- \n\n\n220 \n\n\nSTRAINED RELATIONS. \n\n\ningly well provided. Mrs. Sewall feasted some of \nher women one day with a dinner that her husband \ncalled \" good,\" comprising \" boiled pork, beef, fowls, \nvery good roast-beef, turkey pie and tarts.\" On \nother occasions there were provided \" roast beef, veni- \nson pastry, cake and cheese,\" and there was not un- \ncommonly \" cider, apples, and a glass of wine,\" sack \nand posset, or similar provisions, even when they \n\"sung several Psalms,\" or when there were exhorta- \ntions and prayers. \n\n\nXVII. \n\n\nIS IT LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\n\nIn the last days of the Mathers there stood in the \nNorth End, on the corner of an alley that ran from \nNorth Street eastward to Ship Street, an inn some- \ntimes known as the Two Palavcrcrs, because it bore \non its sign a representation of two old gentlemen in \nwigs, cocked hats, and knee-breeches, ceremoniously \nsaluting each other. It was better known as Saluta- \ntion Inn, and from this fact the alley was called Salu- \ntation Alley. It was in the vicinity of the ship-yards, \nand the hospitable apartments of this inn, at about \nthe year 1724, a score of men, most of whom lived \nin that region of Boston, were accustomed to meet \nfrom time to time as a club, or \"caucus,\" to lay \nplans \" for introducing certain persons into places of \ntrust and power.\" * The most prominent member of \nthis club was Samuel Adams, a man born to be a \nleader, then thirty-five years of age, a justice of the \npeace, and deacon in the Old South Church, not far \nfrom which he occupied a pleasant home on Pur- \nchase Street. He was a wise man, a good man, and \n\n* \" The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the \nIndependence of the United States of America,\" by Wm. Gordon, \nD.D., vol. i., p. 252, note. \n\n221 \n\n\n222 IS ir LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\nwas entrusted by his fellow townsmen with the im- \nportant offices of selectman and member of assembly.* \nSamuel Adams was of Celtic blood, descended from \nan immigrant reputed to have come to Ouincy from \nDevonshire, England, who became ancestor of a long \nline of men who made the name of Adams famous \nin the annals of America for a century and a half. \nThe \" Caulker's Club,\" as the organization just re- \nferred to was called, is an indication that the Bos- \ntoneers were uniting for the purpose of strengthen- \ning their hold on public affairs, and wc shall find \nthat it proved an educating influence that was influ- \nential not on the membership alone, but also through \nthem upon the whole Boston community. \n\nAt the time of the departure of Governor Shute, \nand during the interval that Dummer was acting in \nhis stead, a son of the famous Bishop Burnet was \ngoverning New York and New Jersey, and he was \ndoing it so judiciously that when George the Second \nwished that position for a favorite, he transferred \nWilliam Burnet to Boston, and made him governor \nof Massachusetts. Burnet did not look upon this \nchange as a reward, but as a calamity; for he had \ncome to America to retrieve his fortune, and he \nforesaw that the new post was not a favorable one \nfor that purpose, as, indeed, it was not. He com- \nplained that his fate was a hard one, and it was \nevident that his spirits were depressed. \n\n* Mr. Adams was one of the most influential among those persons \nwho formed the New South Church in 1715, and built a meeting-house \non land granted them by the town. The site was apparently intended \nby the early settlers for such a use, and was known as Church (Ireen. \nIt was on Summer Street, in the \" South End\" of those days. The \nbuilding was completed in 1717. \n\n\nSAMUEL ADAMS — AT THE AGE OF 45 YEARS. \nAfter the portrait by Copley in the Art Museum (1772). \n\n\n223 \n\n\n224 IS IT LA WFUL TO RESIST? \n\nWhen he came to Boston, which was not until \nJuly, 1728, he was welcomed with wondrous pomp ; \nmany gentlemen went as far as Narragansett Bay to \nmeet him as he disembarked from the schooner in \nwhich he arrived from New York, and such a multi- \ntude of horses and carriages waited upon him as he \napproached Boston that he passed along the Neck \naccompanied by a cavalcade greater than had ever \nbeen seen on such an occasion, and none equalled it \nfor many years afterwards.* The town expended \neleven hundred pounds upon the pomp and parade ; \nthere was a thunder of artillery, from the ships in \nthe harbor and the cannon in the forts, and loud \nhuzzas from a multitude that was described as al- \nmost numberless ; there were addresses and there was \na poetical welcome written by that uncontrollable \npunster, the bombastical Mather Byles, afterwards \nminister of the Hollis Street Church. In this effu- \nsion the young theologian gave free wing to his \nfancy and patriotism, crying out in his enthusiasm, \n\n\" Welcome, great man, to our desiring eyes ; \nThou earth proclaim it, and resound ye skies ! \n\n* At the time of these joyous proceedings, Sir William Keith, once \nGovernor of Pennsylvania, proposed to the king that duties of stamps \non parchment and paper should by act of Parliament be extended to \nthe American colonies. Sir Robert Walpole, it is said, remarked \nthat he would leave the taxing of the colonies to some successor \npossessing more courage and less desire to increase commerce. \nWalpole wished to enlarge American trade ; but eleven years later \nthe proposal was renewed by some British merchants, and received \nconsideration. Later still (1765) the suggestion was adopted, much \nto the disadvantage of English commerce, as Samuel Adams shall \nshow us. \n\n\nGOVERNOR BURNET WELCOMED. 22$ \n\nVoice answering voice in joyful consort meet, \nThe hills all echo, and the rocks repeat : \nAnd thou, O Boston, mistress of the towns. \nWhom the pleased bay with amorous arms surrounds, \nLet thy warm transports blaze in numerous fires, \nAnd beaming glories glitter on thy spires ; \nLet rockets streaming up the ether glare. \nAnd flaming serpents hiss along the air ! \" \n\" While rising shouts a general joy proclaim, \nAnd every tongue, O Burnet, lisps thy name ! \" \n\nBurnet's commission was opened at the court- \nhouse, and received with uncommon joy. He was \nhimself conducted to the BuncJi of Grapes tavern, a \nfew doors from the town-house, for what reason the \nanti-temperance principles of the people may allow \nus to guess. It is not strange that in the face of such \nexuberance as this Burnet should think that his path \nwas to be smoother than he had been led to expect. \nIn addressing the citizens he disssimulated his dis- \nappointment and said that it was not easy for him to \nexpress the pleasure he had in coming to Boston, that \nhis commission had been received \" in so respectful \nand noble a manner,\" and the \"glory and wealth of \nthis great province had appeared in so strong a \nlight \" that he had no doubt that they would settle \nthe matter of salary in a suitable manner. \n\nThis began a contest, for the people were then \njust as determined as they had been before, that all \ntaxes should be laid of their own free will, and not \nby dictation of king or parliament. They were just \nas determined then as they were fifty years later ; \nin fact, their stand was not changed from the begin- \nning,— they were independent at all times. The \n\n\n226 IS IT LA WFUL TO RESIST? \n\nhouse was willing to meet the expenses of the gov- \nernor's coming to them, and to support him ; but \nthey would not vote a \" salary \" ; and the governor \nwas true to his instructions ; he would receive noth- \ning less than an established stipend. The colonists \nwere somewhat encouraged in their course by the fact \nthat the inhabitants of Barbadoes were at the same \ntime engaged in a contest with their governor against \na fixed salary, especially as the islanders could not \nsustain their cause by an appeal to a charter. The \npeople of the Barbadoes had given their governor a \nlarge salary, but he had oppressed them, and they \nretaliated in this way. They gave up the struggle \nat last, but compromised by decreasing the amount \nof the stipend. Governor Burnet thought to gain \nhis point by refusing consent to all acts of the legis- \nlature until the salary should be voted, and thus the \nmembers of the house were unable to obtain their \nown pay ; but the merchants of Boston stepped to \ntheir relief and advanced the necessary funds, the \npeople voting them at the spring town-meeting.* \nThe governor said that the house was too much \ninfluenced by the inhabitants of the town; for in \nvoting the. money to the representatives the Bos- \ntonians had unanimously declared their opposi- \ntion to the salary. This Burnet, in great wrath, \npronounced \"an unnecessary forwardness, an at- \ntempt to give law to the country,\" and accordingly \nhe adjourned the legislature to Salem, \" where \n\n* In all of these discussions the town of Boston was stiff in its \nindependence, though the deputies from the country places sometimes \nfavored the royal prerogative. \n\n\nGLOVES AND KINGS FOR MOURNERS. 22/ \n\nprejudice had not taken root.\" The change of \nplace did not effect any change of temper, and \nthe unhappy dispute continued. Nothing was done \nafter several unsuccessful sessions, and the governor \nadjourned the house to Cambridge. Meantime he \nwas in straits for money, himself, but no town \noffered to give him help, and he was much dis- \ntressed ; but ever true to his royal master, he would \nnot compromise the matter. The discussion grew \nwarmer, the breach wider, and messages flew faster \nand faster between the house and the governor, \nuntil, at last, the governor being overthrown in his \nchaise on the Cambridge causeway, caught a cold, \nwhich, with his ofificial perplexities, so wore upon \nhim, that his death followed, of a fever (after an \nillness of about five days), at Boston, September \n7, 1729. He had held his office but fourteen months. \nGovernor Burnet was an amiable and estimable \nman in many respects, and the people of Massachu- \nsetts found no fault with him ; they objected to a \nprinciple only. When he died they appropriated \neleven hundred pounds for the expenses of his \nfuneral, which was conducted after the English \nfashion. Gloves and rings were given to the mourn- \ning members of the general court, and the ministers \nof King's chapel, to three physicians, the bearers, \nthe president of Harvard College, and the women \nwho laid out the body ; while gloves only were \ngiven to the under-bearers, the justices, the captains \nof the castle and of the man-of-war in the harbor, to \nofficers of the customs, professors and fellows of the \ncollege, and the ministers of Boston who happened \n\n\n228 /S IT LA WFUL TO RESIST? \n\nto attend the funeral. Wine was furnished to the \nBoston regiment as much as was thought needful.* \nSeveral years later a grant of three thousand pounds \nwas made to the governor's children, who were \norphans. \n\nGeorge the Second now commissioned as governor \nJonathan Belcher, son of a prosperous Boston mer- \nchant, and a graduate of Harvard College, who had \npreviously been in ofifice in the colony. He was \na polished and sociable gentleman, had travelled \nextensively, and in the course of his European wan- \nderings had been more than once at the court at \nHanover, where he had been noticed with distin- \nguished politeness. As governor he lived elegantly, \nentertained much, made great show in equipage \nand dress, and might have been popular had he not \nbeen indiscreet in his personal remarks about those \nwhom he disapproved. He was a supporter of the \nroyal prerogative, and the people found very soon \nthat in changing governors they had gained nothing ; \nbut had simply changed the person with whom they \nwere fighting. \n\n* The distribution of rings was common at New England funerals, \nand gloves and scarfs were also given away at such times, until 1721 \nwhen the general court decreed that scarfs must not longer he dis- \ntributed, because a burdensome custom. In 1741, wine and rum \nwere forbidden to be distributed. In the English funerals of the \nolden time vast quantities of eatables and drinkables were given away, \nand we read that on the occasion of burying a lord in the time of \nCharles the Second, \\\\hile an oration was delivered, \"a large pot of \nwine stood upon the coffin, out of which every on drank to the health \nof the deceased.\" One Boston clergyman, in T748, left a record of \ntwo thousand nine hundred and forty pairs of gloves that he had \nreceived. He sold as many of the rings and gloves as he could. \n\n\nDISCUSSIONS OF SALARY AND CURRENCY. 22g \n\nGovernor Belcher landed from a war-ship, August \n10, 1730, and was received with much parade. He \nsoon began his efforts to obtain a salary, and it was \nfound that his instructions were couched in much \nstronger terms than those of Burnet, the sovereign \nthreatening that in case of obstinacy the previous \nunwarrantable practices of the colonists would be \nbrought to the attention of Parliament. Belcher \nwas directed to return immediately to England if \nthe salary were not voted. Session after session \npassed ; the house voting as usual that to grant a \nsalary would deprive themselves of their rights as \nEnglishmen, and the governor threatening that he \nwould go back to London if a salary were not pro- \nvided. At last, in 1735, orders came from England \nto Belcher, first to accept certain particular grants, \nand then to take whatever he could get. Robert \nWalpole, who did not care to meddle with the \naffairs of the colony when he could with decency let \nthem alone, probably had enough to occupy his \nattention in his efforts to keep England out .of a \ncontinental war, and did not enjoy the constant \nstories of bickerings that came to him from the dis- \ntant colonies of New England, the importance of \nwhich he could not so clearly estimate as he could \nthat of those nearer home. The victory seems to \nus to have been clearly on the side of the Americans. \n\nAt this time (1740) the currency was paper, and it \nhad so greatly depreciated that five hundred and \nfifty pounds of it were worth but one hundred \npounds of sterling exchange. The balance of trade \nwas against Boston, and the good coins that Hull \n\n\n230 IS IT LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\nhad made in 1650 and 1660 had all gone out of cir- \nculation. The projector of the bank of 17 14., who \nhad seen his plan ignored, now proposed it anew, \nand the people were pleased to establish what was \nknown as the \" Land Bank \" scheme, a private en- \nterprise by which it was hoped to put farther off the \nday Avhen financial affairs should be brought to a \nspecie basis. This action was opposed to an act of \nParliament passed twenty years before, which had, \nhowever, no bearing upon the plantations ; and now \nParliament suppressed the new bank, by simply de- \nclaring that its former act should extend to the col- \nonies from its passage ; a singular retroactive asser- \ntion, the propriety of which may well be doubted. \nIts effect was not only to stop the operations of the \nland bank, but to give every bill-holder a right to \nsue every partner or director for the sum which he \nmight have lost. This threw the directors into con- \nsternation. The stockholders of this bank were \nmen of character, and among them we find the \nnames of Samuel Adams, of Purchase Street, Robert \nHale, of Beverly, and others of equally high repute. \nDuring this time there had been a dispute between \nMassachusetts and New Hampshire regarding their \nrespective jurisdictions, and it was settled by Belcher \nin such a way that Massachusetts lost a considerable \nterritory that she had claimed. The same process \nhad been pursued in the region of Plymouth and \nRhode Island, and Massachusetts had also lost in \nthose directions. There had always been a party in \nthe colony disaffected with the governor, and his \nopposition to the bank strengthened it and increased \n\n\nTHE FIRST \"CENTENNIAL.\" 23 1 \n\nthe number of his enemies to such an extent that \nthey were able to undermine him in England and \nfinally to effect his recall. He was removed in 1741. \nEngland had accomplished nothing in the way of \nbreaking down the spirit of independence in New \nEngland by his instrumentality. \n\nThe year that Governor Belcher came to Boston \nwas the close of the first century of its existence, \nand \" centennial sermons \" were preached in which \nthe occasion was made the most of, not by way of \nhistorical edification so much as for the purpose of \nimpressing proper moral and religious lessons. It \nhappened that Judge Samuel Sewall died on the \nfirst day of January in that }'ear, and at his funeral \nhis pastor, Thomas Prince, the chronologist, who was \nminister of the South Church, being colleague of \nJoseph Sewall, son of the judge, preached a sermon \nwhich was of the nature of a centennial discourse. \nAt the opening of the general court in May, Mr. \nThomas Prince again was preacher, and he made \nfitting reference to the events of 1630, and probably \nrepeated to his hearers many facts that he had re- \nceived from his old parishioner Judge Sewall, who \nhad been familiar with the history of Boston to \nwithin thirty years of the landing of Winthrop. In \nAugust Mr. Thomas Foxcroft of the First Church \nfollowed with a discourse entitled \" Observations \nHistorical and Practical on the Rise and Primitive \nState of New England \" ; and during the sessions of \nthe court Mr. John Webb, of the North Church, \npreached a Thursday lecture \" On the Great Con- \ncern of New England,\" in which he brought before \n\n\n232 IS IT LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\nhis congregation the \" awful signs of God's with- \ndrawing from us,\" mentioning especially the \" flood \nof irreligion and profaneness,\" the \" terrible cursing \nand swearing, pernicious lying, slandering and back- \nbiting, cruel injustice and oppression, rioting and \ndrunkenness,\" etc. \n\nIn 1740 Boston had a visit from the celebrated \nyoung evangelist, George Whitefield, who had gone \nto Georgia the year before and now stopped in New \nEngland on his way home. He preached for Dr. \nColman and Mr. Cooper in the Brattle Street Church \nfirst, September 19th, and at the South Church the \nfollowing day, to vast crowds on each occasion ; and \nhe spoke several times on the Common to audiences \nestimated at from eight thousand to twenty thou- \nsand persons. A very acrimonious warfare of \npamphlets was waged over him afterwards, but it is \nunquestioned that his audiences were deeply im- \npressed by discourses which are said to have been \ndelivered in \" such a tender, earnest, and moving \nmanner as melted the assembly into tears.\" \n\nWhen Mr. Whitefield visited Cambridge, he was \nrather sharp in his criticism of the college. In his \ndiary, published afterwards, he wrote, under date Sep- \ntember 24, 1740 : \n\n\" Went this morning to see and preach at Cambridge, \nthe chief college for training up the sons of the prophets \nin all New England. It has one president, four tutors, \nupwards of one hundred students. It is scarce as big as \none of our least colleges in Oxford, and as far as I could \ngather from some who well knew the state of it, not far \nsuperior to our universities in piety and true godliness. \n\n\nWHITEFIELD VS, HARVARD COLLEGE. 233 \n\nTutors neglect to pray with and examine the hearts of \ntheir pupils. Discipline is at too low an ebb. Bad books \nare becoming fashionable among them.\" \n\nA few weeks later he added : \" As for the univer- \nsities, I believe it may be said their light is now \nbecome darkness, — darkness that may be felt ; and \nis complained of by the most godly ministers.\" \n\nPresident Holyoke was inclined to think well of \nWhitefield, though he deprecated his extravagance, \nand thought that his \" godly jealousy for the \nchurches of Christ \" had caused him to bear false \nwitness against the college, and he united with the \nprofessors in publishing a pamphlet in which the \nevangelist's \" arrogance, rashness, and censoriosness \" \nwere exposed, and he himself boldly pronounced an \n\" uncharitable person and a deluder of the people.\" \nTutor Flynt thought that Whitefield was a \" com- \nposition of a great deal of good and some bad,\" as \n\"very apt to judge harshly, and censure in the \nseverest terms those who differ from his scheme.\" \nDoubtless there was truth in what Tutor Flvnt said. \nIt must be remembered that Whitefield was at the \ntime only twenty-five years of age, had been flattered \nand caressed in a remarkable manner, and that he \nmight well have been led into extravagances by per- \nsons not friendly to the college. \n\nThe last years of the official life of Governor \nBelcher are to be remembered as connected with \nthe foundation of one of Boston's most noted public \nbuildings. For many years the subject of markets \nhad been discussed in one form and another. In \n1717 it was represented that the inhabitants were \n\n\n234 ^^ IT LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\nimposed upon by hucksters, and a committee of the \ntown-meeting reported in favor of establishing a \nmarket-house, but the town, after debating the sub- \nject, disallowed it. It 1733 it was voted to put up \nthree such buildings in different parts of town, \nand money was appropriated for the purpose. They \nwere erected ; but that at the North End was taken \ndown and the timber used for building a work-house ; \none at the South End was changed into shops ; and \nthe third, which was at Dock Square, was demol- \nished by a mob that carried off the timber for pri- \nvate use. \n\nNow the matter was brought up again, and many \nfavored the erection of such a structure, but a \nmajority could not be obtained at town-meeting \nuntil Mr. Peter Faneuil, a wealthy member of \na Huguenot family from Rochelle, offered to \nbuild a market-house on the site of the one de- \nstroyed at Dock Square, provided the town would \nlegally authorize it and make proper regulations for \nits care. So great was the opposition to the project \neven in this form that three hundred and sixty \npersons voted against accepting the gift, and \nbut seven more in favor of it. The majority of \nseven votes carried the day, however, and Faneuil \nHall was given to the town. It Was finished and \nformally accepted in 1742 ; but so few people re- \nsorted to it that it was almost entirely abandoned, \nand in 1747 the town voted to close it. It was \nopened again in March, 1748, for three days in the \nweek, but in 1752, after a sharp contest, it was in- \ndefinitely closed. It was destroyed by fire in 1761, \n\n\nFANEUIL HALL IS BUILT. \n\n\n235 \n\n\nbut rebuilt in 1763, with some alterations, but of the \noriginal size, a lottery being authorized for the pur- \npose of supplying the funds. The first building was \nof brick, one hundred feet by forty; in 1806 it was \nenlarged to eighty feet in width and one story was \nadded to its height. Faneuil Hall became the favorite \nplace for public meetings, and it is not a little notable \n\n\nTHE SECOND FANEUIL HALL (1764). \n\n\nthat the first formal oration pronounced in it was \ndelivered March 14, 1743, on the occasion of the \nfounder's death. The Reverend Charles Chauncy, \nof the First Church, began the exercises with prayer, \nafter which Mr. John Lovell, master of the South \nGrammar School, advanced to the moderator's seat, \nand pronounced his eulogy, in the course of which \n\n\n236 IS IT LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\nwith prophetic forecast he exclaimed : \" May Liberty \nalways spread its joyful wings over this place ! \" \n\nThe year 1740 is memorable because it was the \none in which a son of Samuel Adams of the Caulk- \ners' Club graduated at Cambridge, Of all the orators \nwho ever opened their lips in Faneuil Hall this son, \nwho was, like his father, named Samuel, was the one \nwho gave it the right to be called the \" Cradle of \nLiberty,\" and may be said to have begun the fulfil- \nment of the somewhat rhetorical prophesy of Master \nLovell. \" Sam \" Adams, as his contemporaries \ncalled him, probably in affectionate distinction from \nhis father, was a Puritan of the Puritans; educated \nin the atmosphere of strict fidelity to the religious \nfaith of the fathers, familiar with the independent \nconversation of the members of the Caulkers' Club, \nsome of whom were doubtless among the throng of \nwelcome visitors at the Purchase Street dwelling, an \nintelligent pupil at the wooden school-house that \nthen stood back of King's Chapel, and gave its name \nto the street ; stirred in his soul by the preaching of \nWhitefield, which quickened all Boston, he was \nready after his college course was completed to ex- \nemplify in his life the principles upon which the gen- \nerations before him had founded the commonwealth. \nThree years after graduation Sam Adams began to \nshow that he was to be a thoughtful and daring \nspeaker for the liberties of the people, for he took for \nhis subject when candidate for the degree of Master \nof Arts the question, \" Whether it Be Lawful to Re- \nsist the Supreme Magistrate, if the Commonwealth \nCannot Otherwise be Preserved ? \" \n\n\nADAMS ASKS A QUESTION. 237 \n\nWhatever Adams said on this occasion, standing \nin the presence of the President, Edward Holyoke, \nthe dignified professors, and his excellency the gov- \nernor, representing His most gracious Majesty, King \nGeorge the Second, besides the other officials of the \nCrown, he showed in what direction events were \ntending. The people had now been for a hundred \nyears standing up for what they considered their \nrights, in the employment of measures of a peaceful \nkind ; they had placed every obstacle in the way \nof the king when he attempted to take from them \ntheir charter ; and when it had been snatched away, \nthey had made the path of the governors sent to \nthem as full of thorns as they could, interposing ob- \nstacles almost insurmountable to the peaceful per- \nformance of the duties demanded of them; now they \nstood at a place where Samuel Adams could ask \nthem whether it was lawful to take up arms in case \nthe liberties of the people could not otherwise be \npreserved. It was a bold step on the part of a \nyoung man, and it was taken at a moment when its \ninfluence must have been great, and on a spot to be \nremembered. \n\nPublic occasions at Harvard College were import- \nant in those days, and they are still considered times \nwhen high themes are to be presented and discussed \nin a rational manner. In one of his least objection- \nable \" poems,\" Mather Byles describes a festal occa- \nsion at Harvard College in glowing terms. It was a \nday when all the neighboring towns emptied them- \nselves into Cambridge, when those who followed the \nthrong hastened \n\n\n238 IS IT LAWFUL TO RESIST? \n\n\" To that admired solemnity, whose date, \nTho' late begun, will last as long as fate ! \" \n\nMr. Byles describes the passage of the Charles River \nby ferry in a way that is quite amusing. He shows \nus the crowd from Boston waiting for the slow- \napproaching boat, into which \n\n\" With impetuous haste they clustering pour ; \nThe men the head, the stern the ladies grace. \nAnd neighing horses fill the middle space. \nSunk deep, the boat floats slow the waves along. \nAnd scarce contains the thickly crowded throng ; \nA general horror seizes on the fair, . . . \nTill rowed with care, they reach the opposing side, \nLeap on the shore and leave the threatening tide. \nAnd now the time approaches when the bell \nWith dull continuance tolls a solemn knell. \nNumbers of blooming youth in black array \nAdorn the yard and gladden all the day.\" \n\nIn the rugged and monotonous verse we see the \nprocession formed, the president at the head, fol- \nlowed by the senate, the clergy, the undergraduates, \nand the populace, until they enter the church, where \n\n\" The work begun with prayer, with modest pace \nA youth advancing mounts the desk with grace, \nTo all the audience sweeps a circling bow, \nThen from his lips ten thousand graces flow. \nThe next that comes a learned thesis reads.\" \n\nWe can readily imagine Adams \" sweeping the \ncircling bow \" to the crowded audience at Cam- \nbridge, and dropping into their minds seeds that he \ndesired to have spring up in the future. No man \nknew better how to time his utterances, and we may \n\n\nADAMS EMBRACES AN OPPORTUNITY. 239 \n\nbe sure that it was not chance, nor the prescription \nof any tutor, that led him to take the particular \nsubject that he discussed on this notable occasion. \nHe knew that Cambridge would be crowded, that \nthe audience would come from all the country \naround, that Boston would be well represented, that \nthe learned clergy would be present, that the hearers \nwould be in a frame of mind adapted to receive \nwhat was told them without specially questioning it, \nand, above all, he knew that he was to address the \nyoung men upon whom the answer to the question \nwas to depend a few years later. Perhaps James \nOtis, who was a member of the class, graduated that \nmorning, heard the weighty words, and did not forget \nthem. \n\n\nXVIII. \n\n\nTESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\n\nMore than a hundred years before this time, \nafter the war with the Pequods, it seemed to some \nof the inhabitants of Boston that a military organi- \nzation would be a good thing, and accordingly, in \n1637, certain men formed themselves into a company, \nwhich continues to this day, the oldest band of citi- \nzen soldiery in America. The organization was very \ninformal at first. John Winthrop says, in his journal : \n\n\" Divers gentlemen and others being joined in a mili- \ntary company desired to be made a corporation, but the \ncouncil, considering from the example of the Praetorian \nBand among the Romans and the Templars in Europe, \nhow dangerous it might be to erect a standing authority \nof military men, which might easily in time overtop the \ncivil power, thought fit to stop it betimes ; yet they were \nallowed to be a company, but subordinate to all authority.\" \n\nAccordingly, the \" Military Company of the Mas- \nsachusetts \" was formed, and Robert Keayne (who \nafterwards had the trouble with Mrs. Sherman and \nher pig) was captain. These persons had a formal \ncharter authorizing them to choose oi^cers, to as- \nsemble and drill wherever they pleased, and to \n\n240 \n\n\n\" THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE\" 24I \n\nmake laws for their own government ; it being \nspecially stipulated that no officers should be put \nupon them but those of their own choice. One \nthousand acres of land were given them for the pay- \nment of any charges they should be put to, and the \nfirst Monday of every month was set apart for their \ndrill-day, no other training, or even town-meetings, \nbeing permitted on that day. Captain Keayne had \nbeen connected with the \" Honourable Artillery \nCompany \" of London, and, in course of time, this \nnew organization was called the \" Honourable \" \nArtillery Company. In 1738, it was styled the \n\"Honourable and Ancient Company;\" since that \ntime it has been known as the \"Ancient and Honor- \nable Artillery Company,\" and the last name has been \nconfirmed by the Legislature. In 1770, this body \nstood forth in gold-laced hats, blue coats, buff under- \nclothes, silk stockings, and white-linen spatterdashes ; \nits days of parade were signalized by a drummer, \nwho passed through the principal streets vigorously \nbeating the rappel, and the company was assembled \nbv the same martial sounds.* The election of its \nofficers is a notable ceremony, and on the occasion \nthere is still, as there was in the days of the fathers, an \n\" Election Sermon.\" \n\nAll men in Boston between the ages of sixteen and \nsixty were, in early times, required to belong to the \nmilitia, and the privates were provided with pikes, \nmuskets, swords, bandoleers (pouches for powder \nand bullets), and a rest for use in taking aim ; while \n\n* \" History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company,\" by \nZacariah G. Whitman, Boston, 1842, p. 456. \n\n\n242 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\ntheir bodies were sometimes protected by little \ncuirasses, and by coats quilted with cotton. These \nmen were formed into train-bands, each of which \ncounted not less than sixty-four, nor more than two \nhundred, members, and these, in turn, were .distrib- \nuted into regiments, the governor being commander- \nin-chief. At stated times, the train-bands met for \nexercise, and there were prayers before and after the \ndrill ; the whole business being entered upon and \nperformed with the same religious earnestness that \ncharacterized all the doings of the Bostoneers of the \nolden time. Officers, when chosen, considered their \nelections cause for thanksgiving to God, and entered \nupon the discharge of their duties after solemn \nprayer. The people believed and said that \" piety \ncould not be maintained without church ordinances \nand officers, nor justice without laws and magistracy, \nno more can our safety and peace be preserved with- \nout military orders and officers,\" and that it was an \nequally solemn duty to support them all. Doubtless \nthe trained soldiers of the regular armies of France \nand England, when they came in contact with these \nAmerican militiamen in times of peace, felt some dis- \ndain for them ; but, when they met in war, they \nfound to their dismay that the New Englanders, \ntrained from early life to the use of the musket, and \naccustomed to desperate encounters with savage \nfoes, were not wanting in courage nor in effective- \nness, though they did not wear the gorgeous uniforms \nnor understand the intricate manceuvres' of older \npeoples. Probably the Boston company that did \nescort duty to the soldiers of La Tour, on that \n\n\nA BUSTLING AND SPIRITED GOVERNOR. 243 \n\n\\ \n\ntraining-day in 1643 when the Frenchmen were per- \nmitted to come ashore for purposes of exercise, were \nas much interested as the governor and magistrates \nwere in the \"variety of miHtary movements \" that \nthe strangers went through ; and at other times, \nwhen English veterans came among the Bostonians, \nsimilar feelings must have been excited. \n\nThe next royal governor, William Shirley, though \na native of London, was practising law in Boston at \nthe time of his appointment, May 16, 1741. He was \nwell acquainted with the distracted condition of the \ncolonial currency, and he knew also what dififilculties \nhis predecessor had encountered in managing His \nMajesty's affairs among an unsympathetic people. \nHe served until 1756 ; but was absent from Boston \nfour years of that time. He was much occupied by \nimportant movements in King George's War, which \nlasted from 1744 to 1748, and in the French and \nIndian War, so-called, which began two years before \nhe left, the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle having proved \nonly a truce in the contest that was at the same \nperiod exciting Europe. Governor Shirley was a \nbustling and spirited military man, and took his \nshare in actual warfare, besides giving his counsel to \nthose who fought when he did not ; though he left \nthe colony in a state of great depression, probably \ngreater than that in which he found it. \n\nThree points demand notice in the career of Gov- \nernor Shirley : first, the struggle for a salary ; next, \nthe capture of Louisburg ; and lastly, the Albany \nConvention of 1754, called by the American gov- \nernors, by advice of the English Board of Trade. \n\n\n244 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\nThe governor opened the dispute about the salary \nvery promptly, and it ran through the usual stages, \nuntil, at last, both he and the ministry at home con- \ncluded that the colonists were only aggravated by \npressing the matter and that it had better be dropped, \nespecially since the cooperation of the colony was \nneeded in war at the time. \n\nKing George's War was declared in the early spring \nof 1744. By means of fast sailing vessels the news \nhad reached the French at their strong fortress at \nLouisburg some time before it was known at Boston \nor by the English in America anywhere. Immediate \nadvantage was taken of this early information, and \nan expedition was sent out which captured an Eng- \nlish garrison at Canso. It was an unfortunate ad- \nvantage, for it alarmed Boston and the rest of New \nEngland, and put them in the way of valuable infor- \nmation that might not otherwise have come into \ntheir possession. Some of the prisoners from Louis- \nburg found their way to Boston and told the author- \nities just what they wished to know about the \nstrength, but especially the weakness, of that cele- \nbrated garrison. \n\nThe French had occupied themselves for thirty \nyears in building fortifications around Louisburg, \nand it was thought at this time that every point that \nan enemy could possibly approach was protected by \nthe wall, which was of stone, from thirty to thirty-six \nfeet high, guarded by a ditch eighty feet wide out- \nside of it. Two batteries commanded the entrance \nto the harbor. The position of Louisburg was very \nimportant to the French, for it was not only conve- \n\n\nA HARVARD MAN'S PLAN\". 245 \n\nnient to protect the St. Lawrence, but it was also a \ngood place from which to send out expeditions to \noperate on the New England coast. There was at \nthe time living at Damariscotta, Maine, a graduate \nof Harvard College, who was engaged in the fishing \nbusiness, and therefore interested in whatever the \nFrench might do affecting the safety of vessels in \nthat part of the Atlantic. He collected all the in- \nformation that he could about Louisburg, and then \nwent to Boston to tell Governor Shirley what he \nhad learned. The governor was also informed that \nin the winter the snow was piled up against the \ngreat walls in such a way that soldiers could easily \nclimb over into the fortress, and that the garrison \nwas badly provisioned and insubordinate. \n\nThe court of Massachusetts had already been \nwarned by the governor that it was necessary to \nprepare for a war, and the fact was well adapted to \ncarry dismay among the members as they contem- \nplated the condition of the colonial finances ; but he \namazed them now by bringing before them, under \nthe seal of secrecy, a scheme for the capture of the \n\" Gibraltar of America,\" as Louisburg was called. \nHe told them all that he had learned from Vauehan \nand the escaped prisoners, and added that he had \nasked for a fleet from England to \" defend Annap- \nolis,\" and had written to Commodore Warren, then \ncommanding the forces in the West Indies, asking \nhim to take some of his vessels thither. The court \nwas naturally astonished ; the proposition that Mas- \nsachusetts should send out an expedition against a \nplace so well fortified was preposterous. The mat- \n\n\n246 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\nter was submitted to a committee, which reported \nthat the undertaking was altogether beyond the \npower of the province, and that, if it were possible, \nthere was not enough money in the treasury to per- \nmit of entering upon the project. The matter was \ndropped ; but one of the members, who referred to \nit in his domestic worship, in a moment of inadver- \ntency, was the means of bringing it again to public \nnotice, upon which the people became excited about \nit. The governor, we may be sure, took no pains to \nallay the interest ; in fact, it is thought that he en- \ncouraged it, and in consequence a petition was pre- \nsented to the court from merchants in Boston and \nelsewhere urging the undertaking of the enterprise. \nA committee now reported in favor of it, and the \ncourt approved the report by a single vote ; though \neven this majority would have been wiped out had \none of the delegates not fallen and broken his leg \nwhen on his way to the meeting, where he intended \nto oppose the scheme. \n\nWhen the plan was once adopted it was entered \nupon with enthusiasm, and the citizens of Boston \nand the towns about vied with one another in mak- \ning preparations. Business was dull ; seamen were \nunemployed ; provisions were abundant, thanks to a \ngood harvest ; and when it was known that William \nPepperell, of Kittery, had taken the position of com- \nmander of the expedition, grave deacons and justices \nof the peace presented themselves ready to officer \nthe regiments ; while rich farmers, mechanics, and \nenthusiastic Protestants, desirous of wiping away \nthe popish French from the northern region, volun- \n\n\nHOW THEY TOOK LOUISBURG. 247 \n\nteered to take places in the ranks. After a day of \nfasting and prayer the fleet started for its foolhardy \nenterprise in March, 1745. On the seventeenth of \nJune the garrison surrendered, the victorious New \nEnglanders marched in, and the Catholic chapel was \noccupied for religious worship by Protestants. The \ncolonists were much elated by this success, which, \nhowever, was more creditable to their daring than to \ntheir judgment or their military skill. \n\nGovernor Shirley had given directions that the \nfleet should sail through wintry seas, to a harbor \nthat its pilots had not explored ; should meet after \ndark, effect a landing in spite of the surf, march \nthree miles through woods and bogs, and then sim- \nply scale the stone walls and take the place ! When \nthe fortunes of war placed him inside of the fortress, \nPepperell saw, of course, the futility of such wild \nplans as these. The joyful news reached Boston on \nthe morning of the third of July, and the exultant \npopulace kept holiday with earnestness that night \ndid not repress. England showed the same jubilant \nsymptoms, and Pepperell was made a baronet, being \nthe first native American to receive that distinction. \nThe colonists were lost to reason, and visionary \nplans were made for the capture of all Canada, plans \nwhich the British ministry deemed too grand, fearing \nthat the conquest of a country so vast might give \nrise to too strong a sentiment of independence in \nthe Americans. \n\nThe colony paid the price of victory in a greatly \nincreased public debt, and all institutions and persons \nthat depended upon incomes found themselves in a \n\n\n248 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\ncondition of distress, for the currency depreciated \nanew to an alarming extent. Clergymen and officers \nemployed by government felt the depreciation keenly, \nand the governor informed the court that many of \nthe ministers would probably be forced to betake \nthemselves to secular occupations for a livelihood.* \nTrade degenerated into barter, and sharp practices, \nwhich many felt necessary in order that they should \nincrease their incomes to the utmost, threatened to \nmake the whole body of the people corrupt. Parlia- \nment at last came to the rescue and British gold \nwas seen in Boston streets, sent over in settlement \nof an equitable claim which the ministry recognized \non account of the efforts of the Americans in a \ncommon cause. The war had, indeed, been brought \nupon them rather by European complications than \nby any reason touching the needs of the colonies. \nIt was four years, however, before the distress was \nalleviated. Then the financial troubles which had \nso long perplexed legislators and people were \nsettled. In September, 1749, the money for this \npurpose arrived at the Boston wharves in hundreds \nof casks and chests, containing Spanish dollars \nand coins of copper. It is much to the credit of \nThomas Hutchinson, then Speaker of the House, \nthat through his efforts this coin was, with the ap- \n\n* The ministers were probably not all in this danger. Some may \nhave had the foresight oi the Rev. Nicholas Gilman (H. C. 1724), \nwho, when he was settled over a parish at Durham, N. H., made out \n\" A Carnal Scheme,\" in which he put down in detail the supplies \nthat were to be furnished him, especially stipulating that in case the \ncurrency should depreciate his nominal income should increase in the \nsame ratio. \" The Gilman Family,\" by Arthur Gilman, page 59. \n\n\nBOSTON INFLUENCES THE COLONIES. 249 \n\nproval of the governor, set apart for the payment \nof the provincial bills, and that thus the embar- \nrassnnents of fifty years of paper money were done \naway, and for a quarter of a century afterwards \nMassachusetts was blessed with a solid medium of \nexchange. Rhode Island and Connecticut, which \ndid not at this time reform their currency, felt a \nshock in their trade from which it took long to \nrecover. \n\nWe have now to notice the influence of Boston in \nthe direction of self-government in the colonies in \ngeneral. In the year 1690, when the news of the \nmassacre at Schenectady reached the Bay, Governor \nBradstreet urged upon the other colonies the neces- \nsity of providing immediately for common defense, \nand the general court of Massachusetts caused let- \nters to be written to the governors inviting them to \nsend delegates to a meeting to be held at New York. \nWilliam Stoughton and Samuel Sewall of Boston \nwere commissioned from Massachusetts, and in ac- \ncordance with the plan laid down by their governor \nthey there met the others. On the first of May an \nagreement was signed to raise a force for the pur- \npose, \" by the help of Almighty God, of subduing \nthe French and Indian enemies.\" This was the first \ntime that the colonists had held a congress. The \nseed thus dropped (it was during the interval just \nafter Andros had been banished from Boston) was \ndestined to bear fruit nearly two generations after; \nthough there were to be important intermediate \nsteps before a union could actually be formed. In \n1698 William Penn presented a plan for united \n\n\n250 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\naction ; and from time to time the different govern- \nors met or sent delegates to meetings for consultation \nupon occasions of common danger. The people \ngenerally were slowly learning lessons of self-govern- \nment ; but, singularly enough, it was not from them- \nselves but from the British ministry that the motion \nfor a general congress next came. The Board of \nTrade invited a meeting, that was held at Albany, \nJune 19, 1754, at which the delegates of most note \nwere Thomas Hutchinson, of Massachusetts, and \nBenjamin Franklin, then of Philadelphia. Franklin \nand Shirley had discussed the subject of colonial \nunion at Boston earlier in the year without coming \nto common ground, and Franklin had published in \nhis paper* a rough picture of a snake cut into thir- \nteen pieces, accompanied by the motto: \" Unite or \ndie ! \" No plan presented at Albany found general \nacceptance, the delegates being too positively di- \nvided between prerogative men and independents, f \nand the subject was dropped for the time. \n\nIn 1755, Governor Shirley, the most prominent \npolitical character in the colonies, met a number of \nroyal governors at Alexandria, and with General \n\n* The press was now becoming very important in American history. \nIt dropped its fresh intelligence and its stirring appeals into a thou- \nsand minds at the same moment, and gave the same impulse to each \nof the thousand. We shall see with what eminent skill it was used \nby Samuel Adams and those who knew its power in the preliminary \nstages of the Revolution. \n\nf The origin of the two parties, patriots and prerogative men, is \ndated from 16S3, and the controversy between them did not end until \nAmerica was free from Britain. There had been the same difference \nin earlier times between those who stood for all the privileges of the \ncharter and those who sided with the king and Parliament. \n\n\n.; -fi \n\n\n^m>.. o^ \n\n\n< \n\n\nz \no \n\n\nEd \nZ \n\nO \n\n\n1:4 \n< \n\n\n2 \n\n\nZ \n\n(4 \nen \n\nA< \n\nW \nX \nH \n\na \n\no \n\nS \nw \n\nH \n\nz \n\n\n252 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\nBraddock, then commander-in-chief of His Majesty's \nforces, planned the quadruple scheme for the con- \nquest of the French by campaigns respectively \nagainst Ohio and the Northwest, Crown Point, Fort \nNiagara, and Nova Scotia, — for Louisburg and the \nregion about had been restored to France by the \ntreaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. In putting this great \nscheme into practice, Braddock was defeated and \nkilled ; Shirley failed at Niagara ; John Winslow, of \nBoston, effected the pitiful carrying away of the poor \nAcadians; and Sir William Johnson accomplished \nnothing at Crown Point. Shirley, who had become \ncommander-in-chief upon the death of Braddock, was \nsuperseded after his disastrous campaign, and was \nrecalled to England in the autumn of 1756. When \nLouisburg had been acquired, it was necessary to \nprotect it, and as a very large number of soldiers had \ndied there, in consequence of a severe winter, Gov- \nernor Shirley \" impressed \" such seamen as he could \nfind on the Boston wharves, and sent them, much \nagainst their will, down to the dreary land of colds \nand disease. This simply irritated the people ; but \nwhen the testy Commodore Knowles, who had co- \noperated with Pepperell, arrived in the harbor and \nproceeded to fill the places of some deserters by \ncarrying away mariners from the vessels moored at \nthe wharves and men peacefully at work building \nships, he threw the citizens into a flame of anger. \nBoston was not familiar, as London was, with this \nhard and arbitrary custom, and the bereaved families \nof the impressed men cried to the court, which con- \nvened that day, for revenge. The mob armed them- \n\n\nIMPRESSMENTS CAUSE IRRITATION. 253 \n\nselves with sticks and clubs and pitch-mops, and, in \ntheir rage, caught an innocent lieutenant, who hap- \npened to be ashore, and threatened him with \nvengeance. They surrounded Governor Shirley's \ndwelling, where it was said that some officers were ; \nthey filled the yard ; they seized a sheriff who tried \nto calm them, and carried him off to the stocks, \nwhere he furnished them a little merriment, and put \nthem in a frame of mind more ready for dinner than \nfor blood. When ^dusk fell upon the town, another \ncrowd of several thousand persons gathered about \nthe town-house ; bricks and stones were thrown \nthrough the windows into the apartment in which \nthe council was sitting, and quiet was not restored \nuntil the governor appeared at a balcony and ex- \npressed his disapproval of the impressment, and his \nintention to obtain the freedom of the men that had \nbeen arrested. The mob demanded the seizure and \nrestraint of the officers in town, and the governor \nwas so much alarmed that he retired to his house, \nwhere the mob soon appeared with a boat, supposed \nto belong to one of the ships, and proposed to burn \nit on the spot. On consideration of the danger to the \ntown, this boat, which proved to belong to quite \na different vessel, was burned elsewhere. The gov- \nernor retreated to the Castle for safety ; Commodore \nKnowles, in his blunt and reckless fashion, threat- \nened to bombard the town ; and Captain Erskine, of \nthe Canterbury, and other officers were arrested by \nthe authorities. The military was aroused by Shir- \nley, and Boston was thronged with men from Cam- \nbridge, Roxbury, and other towns, many of whom \n\n\n254 TESTED AND NOT FOUND WANTING. \n\nhad never carried a gun. The governor was escorted \nby them to his house with great parade, the people \nhaving expressed in town-meeting at once their sense \nof their insults and injuries, and their desire that \ntumultuous and riotous acts should be stopped. The \nHouse also indicated its determination to stand by \nthe governor, and to make exertions to have the \nwrongs redressed. The upshot of the tempest, \nwhich was indeed very threatening, was that the \nirascible Knowles released most ,of those whom he \nhad impressed, and sailed out to sea, greatly to the \nrelief of Boston. \n\nGovernor Shirley is to be remembered for another \nreason. At the beginning of the year 1752, one \nCharles Paxton, a native of America, was commis- \nsioned as Surveyor of the Port of Boston. He was a \nman of energy, who had obtained his office by pur- \nchase, for the purpose of making his fortune. The \nof^cers of the crown at the time openly allowed \nsmuggling, and a large trade had grown up, in con- \ntravention of the Molasses Law, or Sugar Law, as it \nwas indifferently called, which (1733) laid a duty on \nmolasses, sugar, rum, etc. This law was felt to \nbe so unnatural, that scarcely any attempts had been \nmade to carry it into execution,* and of^cers of His \nMajesty's customs service accumulated fortunes by \nconniving at the importation of contraband goods, \ndividing the ill-gotten gain with their English \npatrons, to whom they were indebted for the oppor- \ntunity of wrenching it from the merchants. The \n\n* See \"The Rise of the Republic,\" by Richard Frothingham, \npage 163. \n\n\nGENERAL WARRANTS GIVE TROUBLE. 255 \n\nindependent people were indignant at the thought \nthat England, supposed to be bankrupted by its late \nheavy war with France, was determined to make \nAmerica pay a part of her indebtedness. The cus- \ntoms officers aroused them still more by demanding \nof Governor Shirley general warrants, authorizing \nthem to enter any house, shop, cellar, warehouse, \nroom, or other place in which they might suspect \nprohibited goods would be found, and, in case of re- \nsistance, to break open doors, chests, trunks, or other \npackages, and take the goods to His Majesty's ware- \nhouse for examination. Hutchinson considered it \nextraordinary that Shirley, who was a lawyer by \neducation and a man of sense, should have given \nsuch authority, and expressed the belief that the \nwrits had no legal value. When Shirley learned (in \n1752) that his warrants were pronounced illegal, he \ndiscontinued them ; but they were issued by the \nSuperior Court, on application of the revenue officers. \nThis, Judge Sewall thought, was also illegal, though \nit was not disputed that the court might issue a \nwarrant authorizing search of a particular place \nmentioned, in which there was ground to suppose \ncontraband goods were to be found. The \"general\" \ncharacter was objected to. These warrants were \nsimilar to the writs of assistance issued by the Eng- \nlish Court of Exchequer, and their legality was ac- \ncepted in the mother-country. Much more irritation \nwas caused by them a little later in Boston. \n\n\nXIX. \n\n\nA MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\n\nWhen Samuel Adams left college he began to \nprepare himself to practise law ; but he soon turned \nto commerce and entered the counting-room of a \nprominent merchant, though he had no taste for \ntrade. Leaving this pursuit in turn, he began busi- \nness for himself upon money given him by his father, \nall of which he managed to lose, and then he joined \nhis father in carrying on a malt-house on Purchase \nStreet. He was a young man of twenty-three when \nthe triumphant soldiers from Louisburg brought \nhome the iron cross* which they wrenched from the \nchapel in that stronghold, and when the tumultuous \ncrowds in Boston's streets celebrated the victory \nprobably no one rejoiced more heartily than he. \nHis father was prominent in all public affairs, and \nwas a member of the military committees of the \nlegislature, while the son, though looked upon as a \nthriftless person, was making himself felt in the \nclubs and the newspapers. Three years after the \nvictory the father died, and the following year the \n\n* This cross, freshly gilded, now stands over the principal sntrance \nto the Library of Harvardljjiiversity. \n\n256 \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK, \nAfter the Portrait by Copley in the Museum of Fine Arts (1737-1793). \n\n257 \n\n\n258 A MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\nson married and settled down in Purchase Street, \nnominally to attend to the malt-house. \n\nAt the time of the Louisburg rejoicings a younger \nman, James Otis, who had graduated at Harvard the \nyear that Adams took his second degree, began also \nto study law, and he did not, like Adams, give it up. \nHe began to practise at Plymouth in due time, and \nhe was laboring there in his vocation at the time \nthat Adams married. Younger than either of these \nmen — fifteen years younger than Adams — there \nwas John Hancock, just ready to enter Harvard \nCollege, in 1749, whose home was in Quincy. He \nwas destined, a little later, to be identified with the \ncontest in which both Adams and Otis were soon to \nbe engaged, and by his considerable inherited wealth \nto serve it effectively. \n\nThomas Pownall, the next royal governor, reached \nBoston in August, 1757, while the last French and \nIndian War was in progress, at a time when Boston \nwas stirred by news of the capture of Fort William \nHenry under circumstances of barbarity which spread \ndismay throughout all the northern provinces, and \nespecially gave pain to Boston, because many of the \ntroops had been sent from that place. There was a \ngeneral feeling of despair, and this was intensified \nwhen the governor received a letter from Captain \nChristie, in command at Albany, dated August lOth \nand nth, couched in these frantic terms: \"For \nGod's sake exert yourselves to save a province ; New \nYork itself may fall; save a country; prevent the \ndownfall of the British government upon this conti- \nnent ! \" This letter was well calculated to spread \n\n\nTHE FALL OF NEW FRANCE, 259 \n\nalarm, and, in fact, all Massachusetts was aroused, \nfor it was thought that there would be a prompt \nadvance upon both New York and the Bay State. \nTwenty thousand militiamen were soon under arms \nunder command of Pepperell. The fortunes of the \nwar are not the subject of these pages ; suffice it to \nsay that Louisburg, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, \nQuebec, and Montreal were all taken by 1760, and \nthat there was great rejoicing in Boston. In cele- \nbrating the fall of Quebec forty-five tar barrels, two \ncords of wood, and fifty pounds of powder, besides \nother combustibles, were burned on Copp's Hill. \nThe Peace of Paris, in 1763, marked the close of the \nFrench and Indian wars, which, for nearly fourscore \nyears, had filled the land with horror, and made the \nsettlers on the frontiers and in many a Nev/ England \nhamlet familiar with savage butchery. \n\nIt was the good-fortune of Governor Pownall to \narrive in Boston at the time of distress, when all \nminor matters were forgotten in thoughts of the \nnecessities of self-preservation, and to leave when \nthe successes at the close of the long struggle with \nFrance made it certain that the colonists were no \nlonger to be menaced by that enemy, and that her \ndominion was soon to be extinguished on the conti- \nnent. The people were, however, uneasy, and ready \nto magnify every act that could possibly be con- \nstrued as antagonistic to their interests, and to with- \nstand the execution of any scheme that could be \nmade to appear as a contravention of their rights \nand privileges as British subjects living under a \ncharter government. \n\n\n26o A MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\nWhen Shirley had been relieved of the command \nof His Majesty's forces in America, the commission \nwas given to Lord Loudoun, and soon after Governor \nPownall came to his ofifice there arose a conflict be- \ntween this ofificer and the Massachusetts legislature. \nLord Loudoun sent soldiers to Boston, and the officers \ncalled upon the justices to allow them to be quar- \ntered on the inhabitants, according to the terms of \nan act of parliament. The justices refused ; Lord \nLoudoun became furious, and threatened ; but all to \nno purpose, the general court insisted that the act of \nParliament did not affect the colonies, and, after a \nshort but fierce quarrel, the court came off victorious. \nThe troops were quartered at the Castle, and not \nlong afterwards Lord Loudoun was relieved of his \ncommand, though not until another angry quarrel \nseemed imminent between him and the court. \n\nIt was evident that the strong sentiment of loyalty, \nwhich Cotton Mather said was felt in Boston in 1726, \nhad become much weakened by August, 1760, when \nFrancis Bernard arrived, though as the commissioned \ngovernor he was received with respectful parade and \ndue ceremony. Governor Pownall, who was a man \nof intelligence and cultivation, had, during his short \nadministration, made himself very pleasing to most \nof the inhabitants of Boston and of the colony, and, \nwhen he went away he carried with him a mass of \ninformation in regard to the province, which he used \nin writing works on the subject. From 1768 to \n1780 he was a member of parliament, and in that \nposition he uttered warnings against the measures \nopposed to the interests of the Americans, and fore- \n\n\nGOVERNOR P OWN ALL'S SAGACLTY. 26 1 \n\ntold the fact that our country was destined to take \nits place among the nations, a prophecy which, as he \nlived until 1805, he saw fulfilled. Of all the Eng- \nlishmen who held that the Americans had rights \nthat ought to be respected, Pownall was the most \nclear and definite in his views and in his expressions. \nHe was the first person to call American citizens \n\" sovereigns,\" and though Governor Shirley thought \nthat centuries would pass before the Americans \nwould \" grow restive, and disposed to throw ofT their \ndependency upon their mother-country,\" Pownall \nsaw the great possibilities of the New World, and \nprophesied that the Americans were soon to be an \nindependent sovereign people, with which it would \nbe well for England to make sure of friendly rela- \ntions. He expressed high hopes for the \" liberties \nof America,\" and for the country itself, which he \nthought would be \" an asylum one day or another to \na remnant of mankind who wish and deserve to live \nwith political liberty.\" \n\nGovernor Hutchinson says in his history that \nspeculative men had figured in their minds \" an \nAmerican empire,\" but that they placed it at such a \ndistant age that, like Governor Shirley, they did not \nthink that any one then living could expect to see it. \nIn this respect Governor Pownall was far in advance \nof his English contemporaries, and comparatively \nfew in America even were, up to this time, able to \ndiscern with like distinctness the trend of affairs. It \nsoon became apparent, however. The antagonism \nthat had long been strengthening between the Bos- \ntonians and the officers of the crown began to show \n\n\n262 A MALTSTER BAXTERS POL/ TICS. \n\nitself in tlie language of the town, for those who \nwere attached to the principles of the house of \nHanover, who approved the views of the ancient \nwhigs, and felt that the revolution which brought \nWilliam and Mary to the throne was a benefit to the \npeople of England and America, were called whigs, \nwhile the small number, comprising the officers of \nthe king and those who supported them and the \nroyal prerogative against the \" rights of the people,\" \nwere branded as tories. The mass of the inhabi- \ntants of Boston, and of the entire colony in fact, \nlooked upon the English whigs as right, and consid- \nered a tory to be a sympathizer with despotism and \nwrong. \n\nWhile this feeling was rising in Boston, Mr. Adams \nwas by no means a silent observer of the progress of \nevents. He saw that a storm was coming, and felt \nthat a responsibility rested upon every American to \nstand for the right as he saw it. His speech, on tak- \ning his second degree at Cambridge, has already been \nreferred to ; it was but a part of a methodical scheme \nof action that he had marked out for himself. He \nplainly saw that the state must look to her educated \nyoung men for direction and support in the coming \nemergency, and he took every favorable opportunity \nto lay his views before such youth of parts as he \ncould find. Among the young men whom Adams \nthus brought out to help his cause, were Otis and \nHancock, who have been already mentioned, besides \nJohn Adams, of Quincy, afterwards President of the \nUnited States; Dr. Joseph Warren, afterwards ma- \njor-general of the colonial militia, and martyr at \n\n\nTHE GREAT WIRE-PULLER. 263 \n\nBunker Hill ; Josiah Quincy, called by John Adams \n\" the Boston Cicero,\" a man of marked moral cour- \nage, who wrote vigorous essays against the British \nministry, and stirred the Bostonians by his powerful \neloquence ; and Benjamin Church, who, though he \nproved recreant to the American cause afterwards, \nwas perhaps as active and popular before his defec- \ntion as either Hancock or Warren, or even as Adams \nhimself. Adams did not make himself unduly promi- \nnent, but put forward one or another of those upon \nwhom he trusted, as from time to time he saw \nthat their peculiar qualifications made their services \nuseful. \n\nIt was not only in this way that Adams urged his \ncause. He became a constant and vigorous contrib- \nutor to the newspapers of the day, and for fifty years \nPrincipiis Obsta, A Religious Politician, Valerius Pop- \nlicola, Vindcx, Candidus, Ait American, A Son of \nLiberty, Alfred, Sincerus, Ccdant Anna Togcv, A \nLayman, Determinatus, Populus, A Bostonian, even \nA Chatterer, or A Tory, were the ostensible authors \nof the sarcastic, sharp, forcible, patriotic, argumenta- \ntive, indignant papers that his hand wrote, often by \nthe light of the candle that passers-by found burning \nin his librarv window late in the nigrht. Nor did \nMr. Adams stop with this wonderfully prolific pub- \nlic correspondence. As early as 1747, during the \ntime of Governor Shirley, he formed a club with \nsome of his political friends, (\" ardent young rebels,\" \nHudson, the historian of American journalism, calls \nthem,) the object of which was to present to the peo- \nple essays on public affairs, every one of which \n\n\n264 A MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\nshould, of course, strengthen the cause that they \nhad at heart. The Independent Advertiser, printed \nby Rogers & Fowle, became the medium through \nwhich these essays saw the Hght. It began its ca- \nreer January 4, 1748. For some time this pioneer \nrevolutionary paper managed to avoid collision with \nthe authorities, but it was not at the expense of con- \nsistency, or by holding back one whit of the truth \nabout the nature of loyalty or the rights of freemen, \nas its supporters held them. Isaiah Thomas, who \nwas a well-known printer in Boston a few years later, \nsaid that the club which supported the Independent \nAdvertiser was composed of whigs who \" advocated \nthe rights of the people against those measures of \ngovernment which were supposed to infringe upon \nthe privileges of the province secured by charter.\" \n\nWe can scarcely imagine with what avidity this \nlittle sheet was welcomed as it presented itself each \nweek with its roughly engraved embellishment at \nthe head of columns that contained a few items of \nforeign and domestic news, accompanied by a strong \ndose of argument for loyalty and against sedition, in \nfavor of \" liberty,\" and against any form of govern- \nment that did not provide for the representation of \nthe people. The readers were assured that, as no \nman ought to be abridged of his liberty, so also no \none had the \" right to give up or even part with any \nportion of it \" ; that multitudes of persons have not \neven the vestige of such liberty, \" but hold their \nproperty and even their lives by no other tenure \nthan the sovereign will of a tyrant, and he often the \nworst and most detestable of men \" ; and that \" our \n\n\nWHA T ADAMS MEDITA TED. 265 \n\ninvaluable charter secures to us all the English lib- \nerties, besides which we have some additional privi- \nleges which the common people there [in England] \nhave not.\" True loyalty, the club informs its read- \ners, cannot subsist in an arbitrary government, its \nobject being a \" good legal constitution,\" which con- \ndemns oppression and lawless power, and allows the \nsufferer to \" remonstrate his grievances,\" and points \nout \" methods of relief ivJicn the gentle arts of per- \nsuasion have lost their efficacy.'' Finally the Adver- \ntiser included ad capta^idum arguments, as, for exam- \nple, when it said that he who \" despises his neigh- \nbor's happiness because he wears a worsted cap or \nleathern apron, he that struts immeasurably above \nthe lower size of people and pretends to adjust the \nrights of men by the distinctions of fortune, is not \nover loyal.\" No doubt that Adams at least was at \nthis time meditating a separation of the colonies \nfrom England, and the suggestion that other argu- \nments than the \" gentle arts of persuasion \" might \nbe used seems to indicate that he was ready to apply \nthem in case of necessity, and that he was intention- \nally preparing men's minds to agree with him when \nthe time for action should arrive. \n\nOpposed to this little band of Bostonians stood \nthe governor, Bernard, and his lieutenant, Thomas \nHutchinson, both dependent upon the crown, and \nnot representatives of the people whom they gov- \nerned, though Hutchinson was probably attached to \nthe land of his birth. He was a descendant of Anne \nHutchinson, who had been so severely dealt with by \nthe Bostonians in the time of Winthrop, was polite \n\n\n266 A MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\nand intelligent, and, at a previous period, quite pop- \nular with the people. He wrote a history of the \nprovince, in three volumes, which is remarkable for \nthe self-restraint that it shows, for Hutchinson was \ncalled upon to bear much treatment that must have \nappeared extremely harsh to him. Both the gov- \nernor and his lieutenant were greedy of office for the \nwealth that they expected to derive from it, and \nthis was not adapted to beget in them traits that \nwould commend them to the colonists. Besides \nbeing lieutenant-governor, Hutchinson held the office \nof governor of the Castle, was a member of the \nCouncil, and judge of Probate, and finally took the \noffice of chief-justice, thus combining legislative, ex- \necutive, and judicial functions in a way that was \nconsidered incongruous and monstrous. Mr. Otis \nseverely criticised Hutchinson for this, and said that \nit was a fundamental maxim that the legislative and \njudicial powers should be kept separate ; asserting \nthat when they are combined in one person the \ngovernment is hastening fast to ruin, and its mis- \nchief and miseries are apt to be \" as bad as those \nfelt in the most absolute monarchy.\" \n\nIt happened that James Otis, of the group that \nsympathized with Adams, was the one first to come \ninto conflict with Bernard and Hutchinson. He was \na person of fiery temper, sensitive nature, and fitful \npassions ; he lacked the caution and cool calculation \nof Adams, and he was so poorly balanced that his \nmind soon gave way under the strain of the exciting \ntimes. Incapable of malice, his sympathetic nature \ncaught the enthusiasm of the circle in which he \n\n\n(1725-1783-) AT THE AGE OF THIRTY. \nAfter a portrait by Blackburn. \n\n267 \n\n\n268 A MALSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\nhappened to be ; and he sometimes took up a cause \nof which he repented, which made his course appear \nat times irresolute and contradictory. In 1761 Mr, \nOtis was employed by some Boston merchants, who \nhad been affected by forfeitures under the Molasses \nAct, to which reference has been made in a former \nchapter, to appear for them in a trial brought for the \npurpose of settling the question whether the provin- \ncial treasurer might not demand the money that had \naccrued to the colony from fines collected under that \nact. The effort of Mr. Otis was successful, and he \nwas soon after engaged in a much more important \ncause. The legality of the writs of assistance had \nbeen called in question, and the matter was now to \ncome before the court for decision. James Otis then \nheld the profitable office of advocate-general, and it \nwas his duty to support the cause of the customs \nofficers ; but he believed the writs to be illegal and \n\" tyrannical,\" and promptly resigned, to argue the \ncause of the suffering merchants, though it must be \nconfessed that these merchants had themselves been \ndoubtless guilty of infringing the letter of the law \nin their illicit importations. \n\nThe now famous trial came on in February, 1761, \nin the council-chamber of the old town-house of \nBoston. This was an imposing and elegant apart- \nment at the east end of the building, ornamented \nwith fine full-length portraits of Charles the Second \nand James the Second. Hutchinson, who had just \nbeen made chief-justice, presided, and there were \nfour associate-judges, in great wigs, their persons \nadorned with scarlet robes and broad bands ; while \n\n\nOTIS AGAINST THE WRITS. 269 \n\nabout them were the chief citizens and the officers \nof the crown, all of whom were very anxious to hear \nthe arguments on the subject, for everybody felt the \nimportance of the occasion. The case was opened \nby Jeremiah Gridley, who was king's attorney. He \nhad been the instructor of Otis in his younger days, \nand the pupil now treated him with respect and \nesteem, almost with affection, while, as John Adams \nsays, with some exaggeration, he \" confounded all \nhis authorities, confuted all his arguments, and re- \nduced him to silence.\" \n\nOtis began by saying that he had been asked to \nexamine the subject of writs of assistance ; that he \nhad done so ; and that the result was that he had \ndetermined to oppose, with all the powers and facul- \nties that God had given him, every such instrument \n\" of slavery on the one hand and villainy on the \nother.\" He explained his resignation of public of- \nfice because he could not conscientiously uphold the \ncause that his official oath would have obliged him \nto support, and added that \" the only principles of \npublic conduct that are worthy of a gentleman or a \nman are to sacrifice ease, health, and applause, and \neven life, to the sacred calls of his country.\" After \nthis preamble he went on to consider the rights of \nman in a state of nature, the rights of British sub- \njects to representation, external and internal taxes, \nthe acts of trade, the navigation act, and the writs \nof assistance, as designed to enforce the acts of \ntrade. He described the tyranny of taxation with- \nout representation, and in treating this branch of his \ntheme gave full scope to his powerful talent for \n\n\n270 A MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\ndeclamation and invective. He emphasized the \nmaxim that every Englishman's house is his castle, \nand showed how the writs made it possible for cus- \ntom-house officers and their menials to destroy this \nmost essential branch of British liberty — the freedom \nof one's home ; and at last he argued that the writs \nwere not consistent with the colonial charter. He \nclosed his speech of five hours with a reproach of the \nnation, the parliament, and the king for their \" injus- \ntice, illiberality, ingratitude, and oppression \" of the \nAmericans, in a style of oratory that John Adams, \nwho was an attentive listener, declares he never \nheard equalled in this or any other country. \n\nAt the end of the term, Hutchinson declared that \nthe court was not satisfied of the legality of the \nwrits, but that, in order to learn the practice in Eng- \nland, it was thought best to continue the question \nuntil the next term. The next term came in Novem- \nber, 1761, and the legality of the writs was sustained, \nwhereupon the general court reduced the annual \nappropriation for the judges, of whom Hutchinson \nwas the chief. Upon the opening of the legislature, \nGovernor Bernard recommended the members to \n\" give no attention to declamations tending to pro- \nmote a suspicion of the civil rights of the people \nbeing in danger.\" Mr. Otis had just been elected a \nmember, and it was thought that these words were \naimed at him ; the representatives therefore replied \nthat they would give due weight to the words of the \ngovernor, but that it was their intention to see for \nthemselves, and that in fact they did not observe any \ncause for suspicion. They considered the governor's \n\n\nAN UNWARRANTED OUTLAY. 2/1 \n\ncommunication highly indecent and improper ; but \nthey restrained their feeHngs and replied in words of \ncalm good judgment. Otis had now put himself \nforward, and was recognized as, \" the great incen- \ndiary of New England,\" though Samuel Adams was \nstanding by pouring oil on the flames that it may be \nsaid he himself had kindled. \n\nIn the summer of 1762, Governor Bernard, with \nthe approval of the council, took the liberty, during \na recess in the sessions of the legislature, to expend \na comparatively trifling sum in fitting out a vessel \nto quiet the fears of the Boston merchants, who \nwere alarmed lest the French should make advances \nupon the fisheries. The jealousy of the opponents \nof the administration led to a remonstrance against \nthe governor's unwarranted outlay, by a committee \nof the legislature, of which Otis was chairman. In \nthis it was said that \" no necessity can be sufificient \nto justify the House of Representatives in giving up \nsuch a privilege ; for it would be of little conse- \nquence to the people whether they were subject to \nGeorge or Lewis, the king of Great Britain or the \nFrench king, if both were arbitrary, as both would \nbe, if both could levy taxes without a parliament.\" \nWhen this passage was read, a member cried out, \n\" Treason ! treason ! \" and there was an excitement \nsimilar to that which occurred in the Virginia House \nof Burgesses three years later, when Patrick Henry \nuttered his memorable words of similar import. The \nrepresentatives were unreasonably sensitive, and the \ngovernor was clearly injudicious in stickling for the \nroyal prerogative. The times demanded calm con- \n\n\n2/2 A MALTSTER ENTERS POLITICS. \n\nsideration of the proprieties and necessities of the \ncase, and this neither Bernard nor Otis was prepared \nto offer. Otis, indeed, at the request of the court, \nbut without waiting for its approval, pubhshed \" A \nVindication of the House,\" in which he argued with \nquaint extravagance that the punctiHousness of the \nrepresentatives was warranted, and laid down a series \nof political maxims in some respects similar to the \narguments used by Franklin against Governor Shirley \nin 1754. \" This production,\" according to Dr. Snow, \n\" has been considered the original source from which \nall subsequent arguments against taxation were de- \nrived.\"* Otis asserted that God had made all men \nnaturally equal ; that kings were made for the good \nof the people, and not the people for them ; that no \ngovernment had the right to make \" hobby-horses, \nasses, and slaves\" of its subjects, nature having \nmade enough of the two former, and none of the \nlatter, which proves them unnecessary ; and he ridi- \nculed the governor's sensitiveness, while he applauded \nwarmly all outspoken and bold resistance to \" every \nsort and degree of usurped power.\" At the same \ntime he declared that plain English when used in \ncomplaints of grievances was not dangerous to \nthe province. \n\n* \" History of Boston,\" p. 253. \n\n\nXX, \n\n\nBOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\n\nThe plantations now engaged almost the whole \nthoughts of men in power in England, and of the \nplaces that were carefully watched Boston stood \nfirst. It was looked upon with truth as a centre of \ndiscussion, and as a community that would not fail \nto act when the time came for action. The people \nof Boston were watchful, too, and among those who \nwere jealously marked by the \" friends of freedom,\" \nthe members of the Church of England were promi- \nnent ; for every officer of the king, from the highest \ndown, was presumably a member of that body, and \nsuspected of intriguing for its establishment in the \nNew World. The discussion of taxation was min- \ngled with more or less violent debates on the subject \nof the Establishment, and in 1763 these grew more \nexciting than ever. Then the Reverend Mr. East \nApthorp, rector of Christ Church, Cambridge, who \nwas said to be \" hot from Oxford,\" discussed the \npurposes of the Society for the Propagation of the \nGospel in Foreign Parts, arguing that a portion of its \nduty was to give the \" British subjects on this vast \ncontinent the means of public religion,\" whereas the \nconversion of the Indians seemed to be the sole ob- \n\n273 \n\n\n274 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nject aimed at by its conductors. The mere sugges- \ntion that there was a society, a part of the object of \nwhich was to supplant the form of rehgion estab- \nhshed by the founders of the colony, and to bring \nin a sort of worship that the fathers had opposed, \naroused an active spirit of discussion, which before \nit ended involved all denominations in America, and \nbrought forward the then aged Dr. Samuel Johnson, \nand others in Europe. It was thought that if parlia- \nment could tax the colonies, it had power to estab- \nlish the Episcopal form of worship, and thus the \nquestion became one of religion as well as of politics. \nThe two subjects were united also by Dr. Jonathan \nMayhew of the West Church, one of the most out- \nspoken preachers of civil liberty, who denied that \nparliament had any control over religion in Massa- \nchusetts, arguing that the charter conferred absolute \n-authority in such matters upon the colonists. Dr. \nMayhew, then a young man, had in 1750 delivered a \ndiscourse on the Sunday following the anniversary \nof the execution of \" King Charles, the Martyr,\" as \nhe was still called in the Prayer-Book, in which he \ndiscussed \" unlimited submission and non-resistance \nto the higher powers, with some reflections on the \nresistance made to King Charles the First,\" in much \nthe same spirit that Samuel Adams had shown seven \nyears before on the platform at Cambridge, boldly \nand eloquently declaring the principle of free civil \ngovernment. It has been called \" the morning gun \nof the Revolution.\" \n\nAll Boston was soon engaged in a fervent discus- \nsion of topics of this sort, and opinions were formed \n\n\nTHE EXASPERATING BOSTONIANS. 275 \n\nand principles established, which afterwards united the \ncitizens firmly upon the basis of entire independence \nof the mother-country. It is often said that the \ncolonists did not desire this political independence ; \nthat they loved England and rejoiced in her pros- \nperity ; and that they submitted with docility to \ngross abuses and high-handed political measures in \na way that proves this statement. One cannot read \nthe history of Boston from the time of Winthrop to \nthe days of Samuel Adams without seeing that the \nsame spirit filled the hearts and controlled the actions \nof her citizens from first to last. Doubtless they all \nhad the interest in England's past that is still felt \nby enlightened Americans ; doubtless they were \nlong-suffering, and wished to keep the peace ; but \nthere can be no mistake in asserting that their \nactions were exasperating to the kings and their \nministers, and that they asserted themselves and \nclaimed their assumed rights under the charters in a \nway which made it unmistakable that nothing less \nthan practical independence would ever give them \nsatisfaction. The only wonder is that the supreme \ncontest was not precipitated sooner than it was ; and \nthe only explanation of the anomaly is found in the \nfact that the sovereigns were so much occupied at \none time and another with matters of deep signifi- \ncance at home that it was. impracticable for them to \ndeal with their rampant Boston subjects in the \nstrong manner that their case required. The \n\" causes \" of the American Revolution generally \ngiven would not have been sufficient to produce \nthat great upturning, had they not been preceded \n\n\n276 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nby years and years of struggle, which had finally \nbrought the contestants to a point at which each \nwas unyielding. \n\nIn spite of these facts, it required all the unrivalled \nskill of Samuel Adams in managing men to keep the \nfreemen of Boston up to the pitch of daring indigna- \ntion and rebellion that he thought necessary for his \npurposes ; and it may be reasonably doubted if there \nwould have ever been any independence if he had \nnot labored in season and out of season, openly and \nin secret, by himself and through others, in the town \nand the colony, and in the other colonies, for the at- \ntainment of an end that he had determined in the \ncouncils of his own tenacious will should be accom- \nplished. It was he who years before dropped the \nseed into the minds of educated youth ; he harangued \nthe populace ; he counselled the clubs in secret ; he \nfaced the king's officers in their strength ; he mocked \nthem and taunted them ; he elevated a street riot \ninto a \" Massacre,\" and caused it to be celebrated \nyear after year ; he devoted himself without reserve \nto the accomplishment of his purpose, indifferent \nalike to poverty and pleasure, daring proscription \nand death ; he succeeded, and his name will always \nremain on the tablets of history as the Father of the \nAmerican Revolution. \n\nIn arguing against the writs of assistance, Otis had \ndeclared that taxation without representation is tyr- \nanny ; not that any Bostonian desired representa- \ntion in the British parliament, for that was wellnigh \nimpracticable ; but no one was willing to bear tax- \nation for the purpose of replenishing an exhausted \n\n\nWHAT GALLED THE COLONISTS. 277 \n\ntreasury on the other side of the ocean. Adams \nargued at length at another time against the pro- \npriety of levying taxes for the government and \ndefence of the regions that had been acquired in \nAmerica from France. He urged that the colonists \nhad already incurred debts in the war, which was \nrather for the increase of British trade than for the \nsake of affording stability and security to the Ameri- \ncan governments, and that England had the whole \nadvantage of the new commerce. The national debt \nhad increased to one hundred and forty million \npounds, or more than sixty million pounds in one \nyear — the last of the war, and it was to make the \nhome burdens easier that the American tax was \nlaid. This was the feature that galled the colonists.* \nWhen, therefore, in 1764, it was known in Boston \nthat a stamp tax was to be laid upon the colonies, \nthat stamps were to be obligatory upon all legal and \nbusiness documents, that offenders against the new \nlaw under which it was laid were not to have the \nprivilege of trial by jury, and that the policy was to \nbe enforced as asserting the right of England to obe- \ndience, Boston, as well as other centres, was dis- \nturbed by heated discussions of the relations between \nthe mother-country and the colonies. In May Bos- \n\n* It was all the more galling because the taxes were already extrav- \nagant. Dr. Gordon relates that some time before this date a Boston \ngentleman of fortune sent his tax bills to London for comparison \nwith such rates there. His correspondent replied that he did not be- \nlieve there was a man in all England who paid so much in proportion \nto the support of the government. A man was actually obliged to pay \nin taxes two thirds of his income, beside the excise on tea, coffee, \nrum and wine. — \" American Revolution,\" vol. i., page no. \n\n\n2/8 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nton instructed her representatives in the general \ncourt to maintain the rights of the province under \nthe charter and the rights of the citizens as free-born \nsubjects of Great Britain, by preventing the proposed \nproceedings against the colonies. The important \npaper in which these instructions were conveyed, \ndrawn up by Samuel Adams, contains the first pub- \nlic denial of the right of parliament to tax America, \nand the first suggestion of a union of all the colonies \nfor mutual protection, and an intimation that if the \nburdens were not removed, the Americans would re- \ntaliate upon English manufacturers by entering into \nagreements to import none of their goods. It would \nbe difficult to mention any paper in the history of \nour country that proved so momentous in its conse- \nquences as this, the first public document that re- \nmains in the handwriting of its author. It was \nimmediately published, and accepted as expressing \nthe sentiments of Boston, and of Massachusetts, and \nit became the basis of the public policy of the prov- \nince. A year later Patrick Henry wrote on the \nblank leaf of a law book the now celebrated \" Vir- \nginia Resolves,\" as they are called, in which he took \nthe same ground, asserting that obedience was not \ndue to a law imposing a tax unless it had been sanc- \ntioned by the representatives of the people, and the \nprinciple was accepted by the colonies in general. \nThe idea struck off by the sagacious Boston patriot \nbecame the keynote of the Revolution. \n\nIn all of the acts of these stirring times Adams was \nsupported by James Otis with his impetuous and un- \nrestrained eloquence ; and by Oxenbridge Thacher, \n\n\nA COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE. 279 \n\nthe calm and business-like defender of colonial rights, \nwho stood in the confidence of the men of Boston as \nhigh as any other of her patriotic citizens. When \nthe legislature met in June, it was Otis who pre- \npared a memorial to be sent to the Massachusetts \nagent in England, following almost the very words \nof Samuel Adams, and it was he who published a \ntreatise on the rights of the colonies, though he \nmade the usual assertion that independence was not \nthe aim of the Americans. It is dif^cult to follow \nthe line of argument by which the patriots discrimi- \nnated between their determination not to submit to \ncertain acts of parliament, and their reservation of \nsovereign rights to themselves, and their disclaimers \nof all desire to free themselves from the authority of \nthe king. That they were honest, we must allow ; \nbut we must also think that they imperfectly com- \nprehended the meaning of their acts, and the real \ndesire for complete independence that they harbored \nin their hearts. Doubtless they thought that they \nwould \" choose subjection to Great Britain upon any \nterms above absolute slavery,\" rather than \" indepen- \ndency \" ; but when the time for action came they re- \nsented every act on the part of the king and parlia- \nment which involved subjection, or seemed to limit \ncolonial liberty in the remotest degree. \n\nThe legislature took up another idea of Mr. Adams \nby appointing a committee to correspond with the \nsimilar bodies in the other colonies, and thus take \nadvantage of union as a means of strength. The \nBostonians were familiar with this idea, for upon it \nthe New England Confederation of 1643 was found- \n\n\n280 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\ned ; but its revival at this juncture is none the less \ncreditable to Adams. Out of it grew the congress at \nNew York in 1765, the continental congress at Phila- \ndelphia in 1774, and finally the union of the colonies, \nand independence. \n\nNone of the resolves, instructions, protests, or \nprayers of Boston had any effect in warding off the \nhated tax, and on the twenty-second of March, 1765, \nthe stamp act received the king's sanction. The \nnews arrived at Boston on the twenty-sixth of May, \nand then the people found that they were doomed \nto pay a duty of from half a penny to twenty shil- \nlings on every skin of vellum or parchment, or sheet \nor piece of paper on which any document should be \nAvritten or printed, if it was to have legal validity. \nThey learned also that parliament had passed a \n\" Mutiny Act,\" which required the colonies to pro- \nvide quarters for the king's troops (even in private \nhouses) when on service in their limits. Three days \nlater, Patrick Henry made his celebrated speech in \nthe Virginia House of Burgesses ; and the Massa- \nchusetts legislature almost immediately proposed a \ncongress, to be held in New York on the first Tues- \nday of October, since the act was to begin its opera- \ntion on the first of November. \n\nPeople were everywhere excited to watchfulness ; \nit was whispered about that some provinces were \nresolved not to use the stamps, though business \ncould not legally go on without them ; though ves- \nsels could not enter nor go out of a harbor without \nstamped papers ; though colleges could not grant \ntheir degrees, and marriages could not be made legal \n\n\nTHE CHILD INDEPENDENCE. 28 1 \n\nwithout them ; though newspapers and ahnanacs \nshould be stamped ; though '' this mark of slavery \" \nwas necessary in every line of activity. There was \nmore than a spirit of watchfulness abroad ; Mayhew \nwrote : \" I am clear on this point, that no people \nare under a religious obligation to be slaves if they \nare able to set themselves at liberty \" ; and the Bos- \nton papers declared that, though Liberty was dead, \nhappily she had \" left one son, the child of her bosom, \nprophetically named Independence,\" and that all \nlooked for the day when he should come of age. It \nis too late for us to be dragooned out of our rights, \nthe people declared, when there are two million in- \nhabitants in America, and two hundred thousand in \nthe province of Massachusetts alone. It was deter- \nmined that the of^cers appointed by the king to \ndistribute the stamps should be forced to resign, \nand it was evident that the act would not execute \nitself. \n\nAndrew Oliver, secretary of Massachusetts, ac- \ncepted with temerity the office of distributer of \nstamps in Boston. When the sun rose on the four- \nteenth of August, a few days later, passers by \" the \nGreat Tree,\" which was one of a group of majestic \nelms that stood at the head of Essex Street, near \nthe entrance to the town and opposite Boylston \nMarket, saw hanging from its branches an eflfigy of \nMr. Oliver, with a boot (representing Lord Bute) \nfrom which the devil peeped out, bearing a copy of \nthe stamp act in his hands. No one was permitted \nto take the image down, though Lieutenant-Governor \nHutchinson demanded that it should be done. \" We \n\n\n282 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nwill take them down in the evening,\" said the crowd. \nFrom the streets about, and from adjoining towns, \nmen gathered to look at the sight, and business was \nquite laid aside. Governor Bernard and Mr. Hutch- \ninson conferred with their council, but all the satis- \nfaction they obtained was the statement : \" The \ncountry will never submit to the execution of the \nstamp act ! \" As the day wore on, the numbers \nabout the tree grew to a multitude. Then the effigy \nwas taken down, according to promise, and, with \nhuzzas and cries of defiance, it was carried in orderly \nprocession towards the town-house, where the gov- \nernor heard his subjects shouting at the top of their \nvoices : \" Liberty, property, and no stamps ! \" \" Death \nto the man who offers a piece of stamped paper to \nsell ! \" \" All the power of Britain shall not oblige us \nto submit ! \" \" We will die upon the place first ! \" \nA building on Kilby Street, that was supposed to be \nintended as a stamp oflfice, was demolished, and the \nmen, taking sticks from the ruins, carried them to \nFort Hill, where a bonfire was made, in which the \neffigy was burned in view of Mr. Oliver's house. \nThe residence itself was afterwards attacked, its \nwindows broken, and its fences torn down. The \nlieutenant-governor and the sheriff, who attempted \nto disperse the crowd, were set upon with sticks and \nstones, and escaped with bruises by favor of the \ndarkness. The next day, Oliver was forced to resign \nhis office. \n\nIn the midst of these excitements. Dr. Mayhew \npreached a sermon, on the twenty-fifth of August, \nfrom the words : \" I would they were even cut off \n\n\nDR. MAYHEW'S SERMON. 283 \n\nwhich trouble you, for, brethren, ye have been called \nunto liberty.\" (Galatians v., 12, 13.) He spoke \nagainst the stamp act as a heavy grievance, and ex- \npressed himself strongly in favor of civil and religious \nliberty; but, at the same time, protested against \nabuses of liberty, and cautioned his hearers against \nriotous proceedings. The following day was marked \nby an occurrence of the character against which Dr. \nMayhew had protested. A mob, inflamed by strong \ndrink, attacked Hutchinson's house with savage fury, \nscarcely allowing him to escape with his life ; they \ncarried off his family plate, his specie, and other \nvaluables, and destroyed his unique collection of \nmanuscripts that it had required a lifetime to bring \ntogether. The next morning the house was found \nwith its roof partially uncovered, its cupola thrown \ndown, its ornaments destroyed, and the streets about \nscattered with money, plate, gold rings, etc., which \nhad been dropped in the darkness. The frenzied \nspirits had also destroyed the records of the vice- \nadmiralty court, and ravaged the house of the \ncomptroller of customs. The day after this dis- \ngraceful riot, the enemies of Dr. Mayhew circulated \nreports of his sermon, declaring that he had encour- \naged the resistance to the government, and had thus \nbeen the cause of the public disgrace. The doc- \ntor wrote directly to the governor, expressing his \nhorror at the riot, and said that he would rather lose \nhis hand than encourage such outrages. The cir- \ncumstance shows that in times of such excitement \nthe better class, while limiting themselves to lawful \nmethods of action, cannot put such restrictions upon \n\n\n284 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nthose whose unbridled passions find opportunity for \nbursting out, — who cannot distinguish liberty from \nlicense. \n\nSuch proceedings were, of course, abhorred by \nAdams also, and the soberer inhabitants generally, \nand on the following day at a town-meeting held \nin Faneuil Hall, which was as full as had ever \nbeen known, a unanimous vote was passed, declar- \ning an utter detestation of the violent doings of \nthe mob, and calling upon the selectmen to sup- \npress such disorders in the future. Hutchinson \nstates that many of the immediate actors in the \norgies of the night before were present at this meet- \ning ; and he shows that he appreciated the situa- \ntion of affairs, for he says also that England had \nplaced herself in a serious dilemma, for if \" parlia- \nment should make concessions, their authority would \nbe lost, while if they should use external force, affec- \ntion would be forever alienated.\" Governor Bernard \nhad already fled for safety to the Castle, and now \nH^utchinson followed him, while the attorney-gen- \neral dared not to sleep in his house, nor for two con- \nsecutive nights in the same place elsewhere, and all \nthe other officers of the crown were terror-stricken. \n\nJohn Adams expressed the fears of many persons \nin Boston when he said : \" There seems to be a direct \nand formal design on foot in Great Britain to en- \nslave all America,\" and he announced her determina- \ntion also when he added that liberty was to be \ndefended at all hazards. He called upon the pulpit \nto declare the truth that consenting to slavery is a \nsacrilegious breach of trust ; upon the bar, to pro- \n\n\nTHE STAMP ACT DENOUNCED. 285 \n\nclaim the rights of man delivered from remote an- \ntiquity, having their foundations in the constitution \nof the intellectual and moral world, in truth, liberty, \njustice, and benevolence ; upon the colleges, to im- \npress upon the tender mind of youth the beauty of \nliberty, the true ideas of right, and the sensation of \nfreedom; and finally on all, to impress upon their \nsouls the aims of the forefathers in exchanging their \nnative country for a wilderness. Under direction \nof Samuel Adams the town of Boston denounced \nthe stamp act and the courts of admiralty, as con- \ntrary to the constitution of Great Britain, the prov- \nince charter, and human rights, and expressed a \nlively interest in the result of the congress to be \nheld in New York in October. This body met in \naccordance with the call, and remained in session \na single week. It accomplished its most important \nlabor in bringing together representative men from \nthe different colonies, and in making them familiar \nwith their mutual views as a basis for concerted \naction in the future ; but it also prepared and issued \naddresses to the king, the lords, and the commons \nof England, all of which were consistent with the \nalready familiar expressions of Samuel Adams. \n\nMeantime preparations were making in Boston \nand elsewhere for the first of November. Every- \nwhere it was the universal determination that the \nstamp act should not go into operation. Merchants \ncountermanded their orders for British goods, do- \nmestic manufactures were encouraged, engagements \nwere made to eat no lamb in or-der that the supply \nof wool for cloth might increase, and men and \n\n\n286 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nwomen vied with one another in admiration of cloth- \ning that was entirely of American manufacture. Otis \n'declared that one act of parliament had \" set the \npeople a-thinking more in six months than they had \ndone in their whole lives before.\" The papers \nabounded in songs intended to rouse the citizens to \naction. The Massachusetts Gazette contained a Bos- \nton Song, of which the following is a stanza : \n\n\" With us of the woods \n\nLay aside your fine goods, \nContentment depends not on fine clothes ; \n\nWe hear, smell, and see, \n\nTaste and feel with high glee, \nAnd in winter have huts for repose.\" \n\nEfforts of this kind were long continued, and the \nBoston Evening Post of February, 1766, contained in- \nstructions for the children of America, in which we \nread: \n\n\" With nervous arm strike deep the whale, \n\npluck codfish tugging at your line ; \nTake the broiled mackerel by her tail, \n\nlet fops among tea-trinkets shine. \nLet oxen spread my valleys over, \n\ndrinking at the crystal rills ; \nWhile fleecy flocks do nibble clover, \n\ngrowing on my verdant hills. \nRise up, my daughters, light your tapers, \n\ntake the spinning-wheel in hand. \nYour babes shall prattle how your labors \n\nhelped to save a sinking land ! \" \n\nNotwithstanding the fact that many of the best \ncitizens feared that the day on which the stamp act \nwas to go into effect might be marked by the same \n\n\nTHE TREE OF LIBERTY. 287 \n\nexcesses that had made the twenty-sixth of August \nnotorious, the hberty party determined to make a \ndemonstration, probably with a hope that the author- \nrities might be overawed and caused to give up all \nexpectation that the act would either execute itself, \nas some had thought it would, or be submitted to, \nas most of the partisans of the crown expected. \nThe spot selected for the purpose was the vicinity of \nEssex and Newbury (now Washington) streets, \nalready mentioned. In September the largest of \nthe famous elms that stood at that place had been \nadorned with a copper plate on which was stamped \nin letters of gold : \" The Tree of Liberty, August 14, \n1765.\" \n\nThe fateful first of November was a Friday ; it \nwas ushered in by the tolling of bells ; and the ves- \nsels in the harbor displayed their colors at half-mast \nin token of mourning ; the Liberty Tree was orna- \nmented by two effigies of British statesmen who \nsupported the tax, which remained hanging until \nthree in the afternoon, the subject of ridicule by \nthousands of spectators who gathered from town \nand country. Amid the shouts of the crowd the \nimages were finally cut down and carried in solemn \nprocession to the court-house, where the assembly \nwas in session, and then to the gallows on the Neck, \nwhere they were suspended again, and afterwards \ncut down and subjected to indignities thought to be \nmerited by the persons they represented. After \nloud cheers the multitude dispersed quietly to their \nhomes, and the detestation of the Bostonians was \nsupposed to have been duly expressed. The town \n\n\n288 BOSTON OPPOSES A TAX. \n\nwas more than ordinarily quiet that night, as though \nthe citizens desired to bear witness to their disap- \nproval of the riotous proceedings of the twenty-sixth \nof August. \n\nThere was by no means unity on the other side of \nthe sea in regard to the propriety of enforcing the \nstamp tax, and intimations of this fact were received \nfrom time to time in Boston, before and after the \nfirst of November. This encouraged the resistance \nthat had been determined upon. Parliament be- \ncame the arena upon which one of the most memor- \nable debates in the annals of England occurred. \nThe subject of managing America was uppermost \nin all minds. Adams and Otis on the one side, and \nBernard and Hutchinson on the other, stood for the \ntwo phases of the question in Boston. Benjamin \nFranklin, the Boston boy, was brought before the \nHouse of Commons, and examined, in order that \nlight might be cast upon the debate by one well \nacquainted with both sides of the question. When \nasked if he thought that America ought to be pro- \ntected without paying any portion of the cost, he \nreplied that the colonies had during the late war \nraised, clothed, and paid twenty-iive thousand men, \nand spent many million pounds. He assured his \nquestioners that the stamp tax would never be \npaid ; that if an armed force were sent to carry out \nthe act, no one would be found in arms, and that it \nwould be impossible to force the citizens to buy \nstamps, if they chose to go without them. \n\nIn March, of the year 1776, the act was repealed ; \nthe king gave his consent very much against his \n\n\nSOBER MEN- REFLECTED. 289 \n\nwishes; the bells were set to ringing in London ; flags \nwere generously displayed from all the ships on the \nThames ; there were bonfires and illuminations. On \nthe sixteenth of May the news was known in Boston, \nbrought by a vessel owned by John Hancock ; and \nsimilar scenes were repeated. The Liberty Tree \nwas covered with flags by day and illuminated at \nnight three days later ; money was raised to release \npoor debtors from jail ; Hancock gave a grand dinner, \nand treated the populace in the street to a pipe of \nMadeira wine. \n\nBoston rejoiced that America had resisted, and \nthat England had been forced to give up her darling \nproject ; but sober men reflected with solicitude that \nparliament still declared itself supreme over all col- \nonies, in all cases whatsoever. There was cause for \ncongratulation that the courts of law, which had for \nsome time been closed, were open, and that busi- \nness, which had been embarrassed, was able to run \non in its usual channels, but the future was not clear ' \nto those who reflected. \n\n\nXXI. \n\n\nIN THE GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\n\nThe time at which we have now arrived in our \nstory is one of continually increasing excitement \nin Boston, and the skill and sagacity of Samuel \nAdams, and of the company of men of which he \nformed the centre, become more and more impress- \nive at every step. They were men of positive views, \nwho suffered no doubts of the righteousness of their \ncause to shake the firmness of their actions. The \ninfluence of the chief town in the colony grew day \nby day ; the jealousy that had from time to time \nbeen felt by other towns, and their delegates in the \ncourt, had now, according to Hutchinson's History, \ndisappeared, and all were more than willing that \nBoston should exert the power that it seemed to \nthem her patriots had the ability and the wisdom to \nuse aright for the common good. In bringing about \nthis result no one had been more influential than \nJames Otis, since his entrance upon the duties of \nlegislator. There were constant meetings of the gen- \neral court in which his voice was effectively heard ; \nand in the intervals there were more frequent gath- \nerings of the freemen of Boston, at which action \nwas taken without reluctance that affected the inter- \n\n290 \n\n\nTHE SONS OF LIBERTY. 2gi \n\nest of Boston no more than that of the entire prov- \nince. The leaders in both legislature and town- \nmeeting were the same, and the chief among them \nheld private evening meetings, at least once a week, \nat which arrangements were made for concerted ac- \ntion in the public gatherings. Thus measures were \nprojected and settled by the few that were ratified \nby the many, and at the same time it was deter- \nmined how the public should be influenced through \nthe press, for, as has been observed, Adams knew \nthe power of printing-ink, and it is certain that \nthose who labored with him agreed with him almost \nunanimously. \n\nIn a speech delivered in parliament by Colonel \nBarr6, one of the staunch friends of Massachusetts, \nhe called the Bostonians \" Sons of Liberty,\" and the \nname was adopted by a society comprising about \nthree hundred active patriots, many of \\\\'hom were \nmechanics and laboring men, organized under saga- \ncious leaders. This influential body was successful \nin arranging secret caucuses, preliminary to elec- \ntions and celebrations, and in the \" Life of Samuel \nAdams,\" by W. V. Wells (vol. i., p. 64), it is said \nthat it went so far as even to issue warrants for the \narrest of suspected persons. The public gather- \nings of the society were held in \" Hanover Square,\" \nas it was then called, which was the open space in \nthe highway around \" Liberty Tree,\" at the junc- \ntion of Newbury, Orange, and Essex streets, which \nwas re-named \" Liberty Hall,\" and afforded room \nsufificient for several thousand oersons to come to- \ngether. More private meetings were held, it is said, \n\n\n292 IN THE GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\nin a counting-room on the same square. Through \nthis organization the leaders directed the popular \nmovement against the government. As early as \n1766 the Sons of Liberty, whose organization was \nquickly imitated in other towns, had every thing in \ntheir hands, and just before the news of the repeal \nof the stamp act reached Boston, they put Adams, \nHancock, Otis, and other tried men into the legis- \nlature. Adams was chosen clerk, a position that \nenabled him to keep a watch of all action, and made \nit possible for him to give form to much of the \nlegislation, while it did not at all interfere with his \nfreedom as a debater whenever he wished to utter \nhis sentiments. \n\nIn spite of the repeal of the stamp act, England \nhad in no degree renounced her intention of deriv- \ning a revenue from America, and parliament now \nfelt new incentives to this plan in consequence of \nwounded pride and mortified ambition over the \n\" fatal compliance,\" as the king called the repeal. \nAccordingly, in June, 1767, through the influence of \nCharles Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer, \na tax was laid upon glass, paper, paints, and tea, a \nboard of commissioners of customs was established \nat Boston, and writs of assistance were formally \nmade legal. Such acts as these gave the leaders of \nthe Sons of Liberty the opportunity they wished, \nfor they represented that liberty was to be snatched \nfrom the helpless colonists, that ships and troops \nwould soon come, that military rule would be es- \ntablished, and that the officers who were to carry \nout the acts of oppression would be paid out of the \nmoneys wrenched from the Bostonians. \n\n\nCELEBRATIONS OF ANNIVERSARIES. 293 \n\nOne of the means of keeping the people interested \nin the movement against the government, that Adams \nand Otis knew would be efficacious, was the celebra- \ntion of appropriate anniversaries. When the anni- \nversary of the repeal of the stamp act came around, \nMarch 18, 1768, the occasion was celebrated with \nenthusiasm, but without any exhibitions of violence, \nthough Hutchinson says that \" fresh disturbances '' \nwere threatened, and Bernard in his timidity re- \ncorded that \" many hundreds paraded the streets with \nyells and outcry s which were quite terrible,\" — quite \nterrible, indeed, the shouts of the people may have \nseemed to his Excellency, conscious of his own deserts, \nremembering how he had hectored the people's rep- \nresentatives, encouraged all movements that they \nfeared and opposed, and how he was then constantly \ntrying to influence the home government to send \nhim troops that he might intimidate and not be \nintimidated. There was, it is true, a feast at Faneuil \nHall, and toasts had been drunk to \" martyrs of \nliberty,\" but the company separated early, and a \ncrowd that assembled in the evening desisted from \nlighting bonfires, at the earnest request of influential \ngentlemen. Two effigies were suspended on Liberty \nTree in the morning, but they were cut down with- \nout excitement. In like spirit the outbreak of the \nfourteenth of August against the stamp act was \ncelebrated the same year. The British flag was \nflung to the breeze from the Liberty Tree at dawn \n(August 1 5th, for the 14th was Sunday) ; the principal \ngentlemen and chief inhabitants met under its shade; \nthe populace crowded around; there was music; \n\" the universally admired American Song of Liberty \" \n\n\n294 I^ THE GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\nwas sung ; cannon were discharged ; \" the fair daugh- \nters of Hberty\" adorned the windows of the neigh- \nboring houses, from which they \" testified their \napprobation by smiles of satisfaction.\" After all, \nthe gentlemen repaired to the Greyhound Tavern at \nRoxbury, the cavalcade being allowed to be the \nfinest that had ever been seen in America, and there \nwere salutes, toasts, and a frugal entertainment. In \n1769 there was another celebration on the fourteenth \nof August, at which there were present besides Otis, \nAdams and Hancock, John Adams, and visitors \nfrom Philadelphia with whom the Bostonians had \nsympathetic converse. Two tables were laid in the \nopen field by the barn near Robinson's Liberty- \nTree Tavern at Dorchester, and there were three or \nfour hundred plates. Three large pigs were \" bar- \nbecued,\" there were toasts and thunders of cannon, \nFrancis Bernard and the commissioners — \" infamous \ncalumniators of North America\" — were denounced \nas worthy of condign punishment, \"strong halters, \nfirm blocks, and sharp axes\" were spoken of as \nappropriate for the \" taskmasters \" of America, and \nall was life, patriotism, and jollity. John Adams re- \nmarks that such celebrations tend to \" tinge the \nminds of the people, they impregnate them with the \nsentiments of liberty, they render the people fond of \ntheir leaders in the cause, and adverse and bitter \nagainst all opposition.\" Hancock led the procession \nin his chariot on this occasion, and the line extended \na mile and a half behind him. Before the day came \naround again the chiefs had found another day fit \nfor celebration, and one that they thought it would \n\n\nDEBATES OPENED TO THE PUBLIC. 295 \n\nbe even more profitable to impress on the popular \nmind. \n\nTroops were now constantly expected in real \nearnest. Adams gave himself up to the cause of \nliberty without reserve, laboring day and night, and \nnot making a single personal scheme, or looking \nforward to laying up any thing for himself or his \ndescendants; in fact, it is certain that with his de- \nvotion to the public good he could have succeeded \nin no business of a private nature. He owned his \nmodest Purchase Street home, over which his thrifty \nwife presided with care, and for income he had a pit- \ntance as clerk of the assembly ; but it is evident that \nit must have required all the skill of the most skilful \nNew England housewife to keep the children and \nherself fed and clothed. Adams was not afraid of \nhonest poverty ; his \" wife and children understood \nhim and idolized him as their protector, adviser and \ncompanion, whose genial, courageous disposition \nknew not despondency and preserved a warm sun- \nshine in the hearts of all who shared his society.\" * \n\nAt the motion of James Otis, June 3, 1766, the \ndebates of the assembly were thrown open to the \npeople, a gallery was provided for their accommoda- \ntion, and \" for the first time in the history of legisla- \ntive associations it was made the right of the plain \ncitizen to hear and see — a usage which has modified \nin important ways the proceedings and very charac- \nter of deliberative bodies.\" f This politic step is \n\n* \"The Life and Public Services uf Samuel Adams,\" by William \nVincent Wells, vol. i., page 273. \n\n\\ \" Samuel Adams,\" by James K. Ilosmer, page 94. \n\n\n296 IN THE GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\nanother mark of the sagacity of the leaders of \nBoston at this juncture. It was a means of edu- \ncating and inspiring the people at once, and at the \nsame time it increased the importance of the legis- \nlative proceedings. * \n\nIn June, 1768, another of the irritating occurrences \nof the day aroused the citizens. Some men were \nimpressed by the captain of the frigate Roniney, \nwhich lay in the harbor, lately arrived from Halifax. \nThe captain made peace with a committee of gentle- \nmen who called upon him to remonstrate, but the \npeople, from among whom the men had been taken, \ncherished their resentments, while the merchants \nbelieved that the frigate had been sent to enforce \nthe revenue laws. A few days after these impress- \nments customs ofificers seized a vessel named the \nLiberty, belonging to John Hancock, declaring that \nshe had violated the revenue laws, f She was carried \noff and placed under cover of the guns of the Roni- \nney. A furious mob collected at the wharf from \nwhich the Liberty had been taken, and swore ven- \ngeance against the \" oppressors,\" as most of the \n\n* \" Life of James Otis,\" by Professor Francis Bowen, page 143. \nTudor, \" Life of Otis,\" page 253. \n\nf Tliere is little doubt that the revenue laws had really been vio- \nlated, and yet it would be a harsh use of language to call John Han- \ncock a \" smuggler.\" The new commissioners enforced laws that had \nlong been in a state of desuetude, and the Liberty was made an \nexample of quite unexpectedly. In popular fancy laws lapse through \ndesuetude, and it seems as though the burdensome customs laws had \nso lapsed at this time, not only in popular fancy, but by the law of \nlong custom and with the connivance of English officers in America, \nperhaps influenced by intimations from their superiors on the other \nside of the Atlantic. \n\n\nA BOSTON MOB. 297 \n\nrepresentatives of the royal government were habit- \nually called, for it was supposed that more impress- \nments had been made. When it was known that a \nvessel belonging to so popular a man as Hancock \nhad been seized, the mob set upon the ofificers ; \nJoseph Harrison, the collector, was severely wounded \nby a stone ; his son, who held no ofificial position, \nwas thrown down and barbarously used ; other offi- \ncers were similarly treated ; the house of the in- \nspector-general was broken into and damaged, while \na pleasure boat belonging to the collector was \ndragged to the Common and burned. There was no \nfurther violence that night, and Saturday and Sun- \nday, which followed, were quiet, but the feelings of \nthe people were rising, and there were threatening \ngatherings in different parts of the town. The com- \nmissioners began to feel insecure and took refuge on \nboard the Romney, asking the governor to admit \nthem to the Castle for protection. The governor \ngave them permission to go to the Castle, but at the \nsame time informed them that he could not guaran- \ntee them protection. \n\nOn Monday, June 13th, notices were posted by \nthe leaders, calling a meeting at \" Liberty Hall \" on \nthe following day ; but when the day arrived it was \nrainy, and the gathering, which was composed of \nseveral thousand persons, adjourned to Faneuil Hall. \nA town-meeting was called for three o'clock, at the \nsame place, but the room was found too small, and \nthere was another adjournment to the Old South \nmeeting-house, where James Otis was moderator. \nOtis directed the meeting with great good judgment, \n\n\n2g8 IN THE GRIP UF THE ARMY. \n\nand put aside all extravagant motions without of- \nfending the movers. A committee was appointed \nto address Governor Bernard at his seat in Roxbury. \nThe governor, knowing that he was completely at \nthe mercy of the people, treated the committee with \ngreat consideration, gave them wine before they left, \nand led them to think that he was really a well- \nwisher of the town. Bernard's fears were well \nfounded. The town of Boston had said, in instruct- \ning its representatives : \" It is our unalterable reso- \nlution at all times to assert and vindicate our dear \nand invaluable rights and liberties, at the utmost \nhazard of our lives and fortunes,\" and the people \nmeant what they said, as the governor well knew. \n\nThere had been expectations before this that \ntroops would be brought to Boston to overawe the \ncitizens, and these anticipations were now intensified, \nfor it was evident to both governor and people that \nunless an armed force should support the royal \nofiticers they would be powerless. Still, Bernard was \ntoo timid to ask for troops ; he wished to be able to \nsay that he had not gone so far as that. He there- \nfore continued to satisfy himself by making com- \nplaints intended to show that troops were needed. \nIn July he received information from Gage, who \nwas commander-in-chief, that troops had been or- \ndered from Halifax to Boston, \" if they are wanted \" ; \nand he replied that he could not apply for troops, \nbut wrote home that he felt it improper to prevent \ntheir coming, if they were ordered by others. \n\nEarly in September an officer arrived from Halifax, \nwhose mission was suspected to be to look for quar- \n\n\nA CONVENTION OF DEPUTIES. 299 \n\nters for soldiers. On the thirteenth a town-meeting \nwas held, and it was voted that \" as there is at this \ntime a prevailing apprehension of approaching war \nwith France, every inhabitant is requested to provide \nhimself with a well-fixed firelock musket, accoutre- \nments, and ammunition,\" though in reality such a \nwar was as much a legal fiction as ever was John \nDoe or Richard Roe. A committee, comprising \nAdams, Otis, Hancock, Warren, and others, had \nalready been formed to take the state of public \naffairs into consideration ; and now a fast was ap- \npointed, and the town was in consternation. A \nconvention of deputies from all the towns in the \nprovince was called to meet in Faneuil Hall, Sep- \ntember 22d, and, at the time set, more than ninety \ntowns sent delegates. This body declared its al- \nlegiance to the king, as usual, and its abhorrence \nof violence and riot, though, at the same time, it \nasserted the natural and chartered rights of the peo- \nple, and expressed confidence that the wrongs under \nwhich the colony felt that it was suffering would be \nredressed by their \" gracious sovereign.\" The con- \nvention adjourned September 29th, and the next \nday, Friday, six of His Majesty's ships-of-war came \nup the harbor and anchored around the town with \nloaded cannon, as if intending a regular siege. On \nthe following day two regiments, a train of artillery, \nand two pieces of cannon were landed at Long \nWharf, and the soldiers marched up King Street, \n\" with insolent parade,\" the citizens thought, their \ndrums beating, their fifes playing, and their colors \nflying, each one supplied with sixteen rounds of \n\n\n300 IN TH'E GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\nshot. Then there was a dispute about quarters, and \nfinally some of the troops were lodged at Faneuil \nHall, others in the town-house, and the remainder in \nstore-houses. The people of Boston went to bed that \nnight feeling that they lived in a garrisoned town, \nand that his \" gracious Majesty \" was a cruel father. \n\nThere was a period of quiet after the arrival of the \ntroops, though it was the calm before a storm ; the \npeople were not accustomed to the sight of soldiers, \nand were in fear ; day by day their discontent be- \ncame more manifest. Very little matters irritated \nthe citizens ; they were accustomed to the night- \nwatch of the town, but they did not like to be \nstopped and called upon to answer for themselves \nby an armed sentinel ; they objected to the noise of \ndrum and fife and the sight of marching men on \nSunday. The general and the other military ofificers \nwere desirous of avoiding unnecessary irritation of \nthe people, and the rules of the army were relaxed, \nas far as consistent with discipline ; but it was not \nat all the desire of certain citizens that the army \nshould appear inoffensive. Every occasion of dis- \nturbance was taken up and magnified by the papers, \nand the intruders were made as odious as possible. \n\nAt the same time, patriotism was stimulated in \nevery way. Students of Harvard College, \" with a \nspirit becoming Americans,\" bound themselves to \nuse no more tea, which was stigmatized as \" that \ndespised article,\" the \" pernicious herb,\" and by the \nsixth of October two hundred families in Boston had \nalso agreed to give up its use. The agreement ex- \ntended to other towns, as also to other provinces. \n\n\nTHE WOMEN OF BOSTON. 30I \n\nCongenial and innocent amusements were renounced, \none reason being that they would necessarily have to \nbe shared with men who were the \" instruments of \ndespotism \" ; and when the British officers, thinking \nthat the prevailing gloom was disloyal, endeavored to \nengage the fashionable classes in assemblies, no ladies \noutside of their own limits favored the occasions \nwith their presence. \" Elegant manners, gay uni- \nforms, animating bands of musick, the natural im- \npulse of youth, — all were resisted ; the women of \nBoston refused to join in ostentatious gayety while \ntheir country was in mourning,\" as the contemporary \njournals tell us. \n\nDuring the closing weeks of 1768, Boston was \ndisturbed in many ways by the presence of the \nsoldiery ; outrages were complained of every day ; \nthere were drunken brawls in the streets ; men \nwere knocked down at night ; women were in- \nsulted by day ; one Captain Wilson was accused of \nexciting the slaves against their masters ; a trades- \nman was thrust at by a soldier with a bayonet as he \nwas going under the rails of the Common on his way \nhome; a merchant was struck down by an officer; \nand finally John Hancock was arrested by the com- \nmissioners for some matter connected with the \nseizure of his sloop Liberty.^ The Superior Court \nconvened on the eighth of November, in the town- \nhouse, where troops were quartered, and Mr. Otis \nmoved to have the session in Faneuil Hall, for, as \nhe said, \" not only might the stench occasioned by \n\n* The charges, Mr. Bancroft says, were \"confidently made, but \nnever established.\" \" History of the U. S.,\" vol. vi., page 213. \n\n\n302 IN THE GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\nthe troops in the representative's chamber prove in- \nfectious,\" but because it was derogatory to the court \nto administer justice at the mouths of cannon and \nthe points of bayonets. In May, 1769, the general \ncourt came together, and, finding the building sur- \nrounded by troops, Otis rose, and in a short speech \ndeclared that it was unworthy of a free legislature to \ndeliberate in the presence of the military, and moved \nthat the governor be called upon to order the imme- \ndiate removal of the soldiery, by sea and land, out of \nthe port and gates of the city during the sessions.* \nThe governor replied that he had no control over the \ntroops ; and the legislature thereupon declined to at- \ntend to business, upon which Bernard adjourned the \nbody to Cambridge. It assembled in the chapel of \nHarvard College, and the students naturally came to \nhear the discussions. Otis, following the example \nset by Samuel Adams twenty-six years before, took \nadvantage of the occasion to excite the young men \nwith the enthusiasm that he was controlled bv. He \nexpatiated on the darkness of the times, spoke of the \n\" persecution \" under which the colony was suffering, \n\n* It has lieen remarked that the leaders in the cohiiiial legislature \nwere also the leaders in the councils of the town of Boston. It is natu- \nral, therefore, to find that this action had been taken by the selectmen, \nbefore the town-meeting at which the Boston delegates were chosen. \nThey waited upon General Gage, and informed him that an election \nwas to occur on May 5th, and that the presence of the troo])s was not \nin accordance with the rights of British subjects. Gage replied that \nthough he could not march the soldiers- out of town, he would confine \nthem to their barracks ; but even that was not considered sufificient, \nand the town protested that, though the election should be held, the \nact should not be esteemed a precedent at any future time. \n\n\nHARVARD STUDENTS ROUSED. 303 \n\nmade rapid and glowing allusions to the classic models \nof patriotism that then formed the study of the \nyoung men, which they might soon be called upon \nto emulate, and assured them that they might ere- \nlong have an opportunity to perform the noblest of \nall duties, — to serve their country, even, perhaps, to \ngive up to her their lives. The students were roused \nto a high pitch of excitement, for they already held \nthe principles that Otis recommended, and were pre- \npared to be affected by such an eloquent harangue. \n\nThe legislature resolved to petition the king to \nremove Governor Bernard, who had lost all the little \npopularity that he ever possessed by writing letters \nto the British ministers, in which he urged measures \nthat were considered prejudicial to American inter- \nests. Probably this petition had no more to do with \nthe recall of the governor than similar less public \nprayers had had ; but the following day he announced \nthat he was called to London to give a report to the \nking of the state of affairs in the colony. The legis- \nlature asserted that it was owing to his misrepresen- \ntations to the ministers that the military force was, \nat the time, quartered in the town of Boston ; that \nhe was an avowed enemy of the colony and of the \nnation in general ; that he was wanton and precipitate \nin his official actions, and acted against the spirit of \na free constitution. \n\nPerhaps the ministers thought that there might be \nsome truth in the statement that the troubles in Bos- \nton were owing to the injudicious actions of Bernard. \nHe did not again assume the duties of governor of \nMassachusetts. The day of his departure was made \n\n\n304 IN THE GRIP OF THE ARMY. \n\na time of rejoicing ; flags were raised, bells pealed \nforth their liveliest notes, cannons roared, Fort Hill \nwas crowned with a huge bonfire that night, and \nLiberty Tree was exultantly adorned. This gov- \nernor's character has been blackened by writers since \nhis day, as it was at the time ; but he was apparently \nan honest supporter of prerogative, and not an un- \nprincipled trickster as he has been represented. He \nhad education, refinement, and good taste ; but he \ndid not know how to govern Massachusetts in a way \nthat would please its citizens. It is not easy to say, \neven now, how any man could have filled the place \nthat he held to the satisfaction of Samuel Adams \nand King George at once. He is credited with hav- \ning brought about the Revolution by his injudicious \nmanagement of affairs ; but it is probable that the \nRevolution\" would not have been greatly retarded \nby the most judicious governor that England could \nhave sent to Massachusetts. \n\n\nXXII. \n\n\nBLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\n\nAt the time that Governor Bernard left Bos- \nton, the public life of James \"Otis, long one of the \npopular idols of the town, and one of the most \ninfluential of the group of patriots, practically came \nto an end. Otis had labored with all his might, and \nhis mind began to show the effects of overwork ; he \ngrew garrulous and reckless in his utterances, he was \nirritable and curiously eccentric. The abuse and \nfalse charges that were made against the popular \nparty, and largely against him, specially aroused his \nindignation, and by means of an ill-advised advertise- \nment, inserted in the Boston Gazette of September 4, \n1769, he took occasion to give vent to his disordered \nfancies in very plain word-s, addressed to the four \ncommissioners of customs, whom he mentioned by \nname. The following evening he encountered one \nof these commissioners at the British Coffee-House, \nand there was an altercation, from which Mr. Otis \ncame out bearing severe wounds that had been given \nwith a sword in the hands of the commissioner. The \noccurrence excited the public mind, already in a \nfeverish state, and intensified the opposition to the \ngovernment. \n\n305 \n\n\nOtis took legal measures against the \n\n\n3o6 BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\ncommissioner, and recovered two thousand pounds \ndamages, not a penny of which would his proud spirit \nallow him to accept above the doctor's bill and the \nactual expenses of the trial, as the records of the \nSupreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts still testify. \nMr. Otis was from this time seen little in the coun- \ncils of Boston and of the colony, the leadership de- \nvolving more exclusively upon Samuel Adams ; but \nthe cause did not suffer, as the friends of the king \nsupposed it would, if only \" Otis and two or three \nmore factious leaders- could be removed.\" \n\nThe place occupied by Bernard was taken now by \nThomas Hutchinson, lieutenant-governor, whose his- \ntory we are already somewhat familiar with. De- \nscended from worthy Puritan ancestors, a graduate \nof Harvard College, possessing ample wealth, and \nagreeable manners, he had been at this time in pub- \nlic life for more than thirty years. He had been \nselectman of the town, a member of the colonial \nlegislature, and its agent in London, and latterly he \nhad, as has been stated, held a number of almost \nincompatible ofifices, — offices possessing both legis- \nlative and judicial functions, ^ — that the leaders in \nBoston, at least, thought incompatible, however \njudiciously their duties may have been performed. \nHe had been opposed by Adams in the past, and now \nthat patriot becomes the one among the opponents \nthat he had to meet whom he deemed of any im- \nportance. Hutchinson called Adams \" the master \nof the puppets,\" a title that is not just to the \nstrong men who were about him, though the ability \nwith which Adams directed legislation and popular \n\n\nLONDON TEMPTS BOSTON. 307 \n\nmovements forces us to allow that it had a remark- \nable significance. \n\nThe breach between the Bostonians and the king \nwidened in a very natural way. When Governor \nBernard returned to London he was looked upon as \none who must be acquainted with the sentiments of \nthe Americans, and his counsel was accepted accord- \ningly, as based upon thorough information. When, \ntherefore he assured the Londoners that the most \nrespectable of the Boston merchants would not ad- \nhere to their non-importation agreements, merchants \nin England were encouraged to renew their exporta- \ntions. In the autumn of 1769 Samuel Adams re- \nceived intimations that large importations might \nsoon be expected \" under ministerial favor.\" This \ninformation was correct. On September 4th an \nagent arrived, charged with a considerable consign- \nment of goods. The merchants who had agreed not \nto receive such importations held a meeting the \nnext day, at which they directed that the goods \nshould be returned to England. The town of Bos- \nton, which Hutchinson said was the \" chief seat of \nthe opposition,\" held a meeting likewise, and began \na list of those who had made themselves \" infamous\" \nby violating the non-importation agreement,* in \norder \" that posterity might know who those per- \n\n* Josiah Quincy, Jr., was most ardent in urging retaliation on \nGreat Britain, and insisted upon breaking off not only business rela- \ntions, but also \"all social intercourse with those whose commerce \ncontaminates, whose luxuries poison, whose avarice is unsatiable, and \nwhose unnatural oppressions are not to Ije borne.\" {Boston Gazette, \nFeb. 12, 1770.) \"Memoirs of the Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr..\" by \nJosiah Quincy, page 23. \n\n\n308 BLOOD TS SPILLED. \n\nsons were that preferred their little advantage to \nthe common interest of all the colonies in a point \nof the greatest importance.\" At the same meeting \na strong committee was appointed to vindicate the \ntown from the false imputations put upon it by \nBernard, Gage, and others, in their letters, and after \na delay of but two weeks an \" Appeal to the World,\" \nappeared, from the pen of Samuel Adams. In this \nthe town calmly placed itself on record as determined \nnever to consider its wrongs redressed until the \nwhole assumed right of taxation was renounced by \nEngland, whose ministers were thus boldly warned \nagainst the consequences of persistence in the action \nurged by the governor and others like-minded. \n\nConsiderable forbearance was shown by the troops \nat this time, for the people often goaded them al- \nmost beyond endurance; and though Hutchinson \nthought that matters ought to have gone to extrem- \nities, he doubted his authority to order the soldiers \nto fire upon the populace. In October an informer \nwho had given evidence regarding some wine that \nhad been smuggled from Rhode Island, was tarred \nand feathered and carried in a cart accompanied by \na large concourse of people, and at last was brought \nto the Liberty Tree, where he was obliged to swear \nnever to be guilty \" of a like crime in the future.\" An \nintelligent Scotch bookseller, who published a news- \npaper which found its interest in supporting the gov- \nernment, was threatened with the like treatment, but \nescaped. In many other ways the soldiers were \noffered opportunities to interfere, but they were re- \nstrained until the following spring. Meantime the \nfirst blood was spilled. \n\n\n\" THE FIRST MARTYR\" 309 \n\nOn the twenty-second of February, 1770, some \nboys set up a board before the shop of an importer* \nnamed Lillie, who had been denounced for breaking \nthe non-importation agreement, on which were \ncarved the faces of four similar offenders. One \nRichardson, an informer, endeavored to persuade \nsome country teamsters to drive their carts against \nthe board and to throw it down, and this incensed \nthe crowd that stood around. Insulting language \nwas used on both sides ; boys threw stones at \nRichardson ; he withdrew to his house, shut himself \nin, and at last fired upon the crowd. Two boys \nwere wounded, one of whom, Christopher Schneider, \naged eleven, died the next day. The bells of the \nNew Brick were set ringing, a vast concourse col- \nlected, Richardson was arrested and held for trial.f \nSchneider died at his father' s house on Frog Lane, \nnow Boylston Street, and was announced as the \n\" first martyr to the noble cause,\" the \" first victim to \nthe cruelty and rage of oppressors.\" Opportunity \nwas taken to have an impressive funeral. The little \ncorpse was brought to the Liberty Tree on Monday, \nthe twenty sixth, in a cofifin that bore Latin inscrip- \ntions adapted to excite the lookers-on. Six of the \nboy's playfellows acted as pall-bearers ; a procession of \nfour hundred or more schoolboys marched in couples \nbefore the body ; thirteen hundred citizens followed \n\n* This shop was near the Second Church or New Brick, which \nthen stood on Hanover Street. The church was surmounted by the \nlarge gilded cock shown in Revere's picture of Boston, which now \nstands on the spire of the Shepard Memorial Church in Cambridge. \n\n\\ Richardson was found guilty of murder, but was finally pardoned \nby the king, Hutchinson having refused to sign a warrant for his \nexecution. \n\n\n3IO BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\non foot, and many chariots and chaises closed the \nprocession, which made a lasting impression on the \nbeholders; and indeed the whole of the citizens \nshared the sadness, or reflected upon the conse- \nquences that might flow from the circumstance that \n\"the son of a poor German,\" as Hutchinson ex- \npressed it, had been killed. \n\nDoubtless the funeral was exasperating to Hut- \nchinson and to the soldiers, who were cordially hated \nby the populace, as the constant bruising affrays \nbetween them amply testif}-. The troops were some \nof them quartered in \" Murray's Barracks,\" near the \nformer site of the Brattle Street church, and most \nof the remainder just south of King Street, the \nmain guard being directly opposite the south door \nof the town-house. A sentinel was placed in a \ntunnel or covered passage between Cornhill and \nBrattle Street, then known as Draper's or Boylston's \nalley. The position of the soldiers became more \nand more difficult, and within a week after the fune- \nral a notable affray occurred between the twenty- \nninth regiment and some men employed in one of \nthe rope-walks * near the present Post-office Square, \nwhich was not far from the home of Samuel Adams. \nIt is impossible to determine on which side the fault \n\n* Rope making was one of the most important industries in early \nBoston. It dates from 1641 or 1642, when John Harrison set up his \nestablishment on ground at the foot of Sumner Street, afterwards \n\" purchased \" by the town, whence the name of the street on wliich \nSamuel Adams lived, — Purchase Street. In 1712 Edward Gray began \nhis business on a tract near Pearl Street, and soon the family were the \nmost celebrated of all in their line of business. Harrison Gray, grand- \nfather of Harrison Grav Otis, was a son of the first Edward. \n\n\nROPE-MAKERS TROUBLE THE TROOPS. 31I \n\nshould be placed in this case, for the accounts differ \nwidely ; it is enough for our purposes to know that \nthe strained relations between the soldiery and the \ntownspeople, especially the less intelligent of them, \nresulted in a serious street affray, and that in the \ndesperate encounter several of the soldiers were se- \nverely wounded, while the rope-makers fared equally \nbadly. The soldiers were constantly followed in \nthe streets by hooting and hissing crowds, and it \nrequired all the skill of the officers to restrain them \nfrom showing natural resentment. \n\nOn the third of March the commanding officer of \nof the twenty-ninth made formal complaint to Lieu- \ntenant-Governor Hutchinson of the insults that his \nmen had received, especially from some of the men \nof the rope-walk, and on Monday, the fifth, the mat- \nter was brought to the attention of the council. \nSome of the council assured Hutchinson that the \npeople would be satisfied with nothing short of the \nremoval of the troops, and another said that he knew \nthat some of the principal citizens had several times \nmet for the purpose of consulting about a plan for \ntheir removal. Nothing was done, however, and \nsoon after nine o'clock that evening, which was \nmoonlight, the danger from the presence of the sol- \ndiers was proved again. Hutchinson relates that \nearly in the evening parties of soldiers had been ob- \nserved driving about the streets as though there was \nsomething more than ordinary on their minds, and \nthat the citizens had been noticed clustering to- \ngether; that at eight o'clock a bell was rung as if \nfor fire, and that this brought a crowd to the mar- \n\n\n312 BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\nket-place, not far from King Street, armed with blud- \ngeons. Whether there was really any extraordinary \nstir at that time or not, it is certain that the streets \nwere soon thronged by excited men and boys who \npelted the sentinels with bits of ice, and when a \nbody of nine soldiers was brought out and stood \nbefore them with loaded pieces, they still shouted \ncoarse insults and dared the men to fire. It is not \nunlikely that some of the threats were thought by \nthe soldiers to be a command from their own ofBcer, \nCaptain John Preston, for there was such a din that \nwords could with difificulty be distinguished. How- \never it happened, the mass of confused and contra- \ndictory testimony does not make clear, but the re- \nsults we know. There lay on the icy snow the bodies \nof Crispus Attucks, a mulatto, and Samuel Gray, \none of the rope-makers who had had previous quar- \nrels with the soldiers, both of whom were active in \nthis affray, and James Caldwell, a sailor. Several \nother persons were more or less wounded, and two \nof them died. The wildest confusion followed ; \nPreston restrained his men from a second discharge ; \nbut the bells were rung, the drums beat to arms, \nand soon King Street was crowded by a throng said \nto comprise four or five thousand men, Hutchinson \nappeared and reprimanded Captain Preston for his \nshare in the affair, while he called upon the people \nto retire to their homes. Being informed that the \ncrowd would not disperse until Preston had been \nplaced under arrest, Hutchinson had the captain \nbrought before him and an investigation was begun \nwhich lasted until three o'clock the next morning. \n\n\n''MEN WHO PRAY.\" 313 \n\nAs soon as daylight came the town was again filled \nwith buzzing crowds, that gathered from the coun- \ntry around to learn every detail of the thrilling \nevents. An informal town-meeting was held in \nFaneuil Hall at eleven o'clock, at which witnesses \nof the affray gave their accounts of what had \noccurred, and Samuel Adams made an address. A \ncommittee was sent to the governor, to tell him \nagain that the peace could not be preserved while \nthe troops remained, and a more formal town-meet- \ning was appointed for three in the afternoon, so \nurgent was the emergency considered. At the ap- \npointed hour the people came to the hall, but it was \nfound too contracted for the throng, and an adjourn- \nment was had to the Old South, where the result \nof the interview with Hutchinson was awaited with \nbreathless interest. The crowd, as it passed from \nthe hall to the meeting-house, went over the ground \nstill stained by the blood shed the evening before, \nand under the windows of the town-house in which \nAdams and the others were engaged in their im- \nportant argument with Hutchinson. \" This multi- \ntude are not such as pulled down your house,\" said \none of the council to the lieutenant-governor, as the \npeople passed beneath their eyes ; \" but they are \nmen of the best characters, men of estates, and men \nof religion ; men who pray over what they do.\" \n\nInto this determined crowd Samuel Adams soon \nissued at the head of the committee, with the report \nthat the regiments could not both be removed ; that \nonly one was to go ; and as he passed along with \nbowed head, he whispered to those near him : \" Both \n\n\n314 BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\nregiments or none ! Both regiments or none ! \" \nOnce inside of the crowded building, the report was \nformally announced that the twenty-ninth, because \nof the part it had played in the affray, was to be \nremoved to the Castle, but that the fourteenth would \nremain in town. Then the shout of the people, who \nremembered their cue, burst forth in deafening \npower: \" Both regiments or none! Both regiments \nor none !\" A new committee was carefully selected, \nand Hancock and Adams were counted in it, with \nJoseph Warren, the eloquent physician. These gen- \ntlemen returned to the council-chamber and reported \nto the lieutenant-governor the determination of the \npeople. Adams spoke in his usual manner, arguing, \nas he had so often argued, against the legality of quar- \ntering troops on the people in time of peace without \nthe consent of the legislature, and insisting upon the \nnecessity of the removal of them all. To this Hutch- \ninson replied that the presence of the soldiers was \nboth legal and necessary, and that they were, how- \never, not under his command. Adams replied that \nif he had power to remove one, he had power to \nremove both regiments. \" A multitude,\" said he, \n\" highly incensed, now wait the result of this appli- \ncation. The voice of ten thousand freemen demands \nthat both regiments be forthwith removed. Their \nvoice must be respected, their demand obeyed. Fail \nnot, then, at your peril, to comply with this requisi- \ntion. On you alone rests the responsibility of this \ndecision ; and if the just expectations of the people \nare disappointed, you must be answerable to God \nand your country for the fatal consequences that \n\n\no \n\n\nX \n\n\no \n\n•^ CO \n\n\no z \n\nc/3 PQ \n\n\n2 <^ \n\nr 1 l-l \n\n\nt. \n\nQ \n\na \n\nZ \n\n--* \n\na \n\nen \n\na \n\n\"P \n\n'<;;; \n\n'■r\\ \n\nes \n\n;d \n\nen \n\n— ' \n\nZ \n\n~\" \n\no \n\nH \n\nU \n\nh- 1 \n\nz \n\n') \n\nC/J \n\nK \n\nhH \n\nin \n\n< \n\n^. \n\n^ \n\noj \n\nn \n\n3 \n\nO \n\ni-H \n\n^ \n\nM \n\n<: \n\n-n \n\na \n\nJ \n\no \n\na \n\nw \n\nX \n\nH \n\n3l6 BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\nmust ensue.\" Hutchinson declares that he indiV- \nnantly resented the menace and absolutely refused \nto dismiss the troops. However, after a long debate, \nthe commander of the forces, Lieutenant-Colonel \nDalrymple, gave his word of honor as a soldier that \nthe removal should take place at once, and the com- \nmittee returned to the waiting crowd at the church \nto announce the news. The report was received \nwith tokens of great satisfaction, but the cautious \ncitizens did not feel like adjourning until they had \nappointed the gentlemen who had just waited on \nthe authorities a Committee of Safety, and had \nmade arrangements for a strong night-watch in \nwhich the most important citizens were afterwards \ncalled upon to carry their muskets and cartridge- \nboxes. This guard was continued until every sol- \ndier had left town. \n\nBefore the troops could be removed, on the fol- \nlowing Thursday, March 8th, the funerals of the \nslain were celebrated with all the pomp that Boston \nwas capable of displaying at the time. The assem- \nblage was the \" largest ever known \" '^\\ the bells \nwere tolled in Boston, Cambridge, Roxbury, Charles- \ntown ; the bodies of Caldwell and Attucks, the \nfriendless ones among the victims, were taken to \nFaneuil Hall, Maverick's was borne from his moth- \ner's home on Union Street, and that of Gray from \nhis brother's on Royal Exchange Lane. The four \nhearses formed a junction on the fatal King Street, \n\n* This estimate of the numbers in public gatherings is often re- \npeated liy enthusiastic narrators, and probably means that the crowd \nwas great. \n\n\nFUNERALS OF THE MASSACRED, 317 \n\nand thence the procession continued six deep to the \nMiddle or Granary Burying-ground, where the bodies \nwere solemnly laid in a single grave. Thus the last \nview that the retreating soldiers had of King Street \nwas marked by the passage of thousands of Bostonians \ndoing honor to the men whose taunts and insults had \ngoaded them beyond endurance, and they felt the- \nhumiliation of their situation as they gave way be- \nfore the successful \" bullies \" of the little town who \nhad put them to ignominious flight. It was not \n\" ignominious \" in Dalrymple, however, to take his \nmen away from an infuriated populace ; there were \nthen thousands of sturdy New Englanders in the \ntowns about, ready to crowd into Boston at the \nproper signal ; and what were two single regiments \nto do if they had come ? It was foolhardy in Hutch- \ninson to resist the demand of the determined gath- \nering at the Old South. He had been w^se the eve- \nning before, but on that day his sagacity deserted \nhim. When Lord North, the unwise minister of \nKing George, heard of the circumstances, he was in- \nterested in every detail, and the picture of Adams \nbefore Hutchinson impressed him so deeply that he \nafterwards called the fourteenth and twenty-ninth \n\"the Sam Adams regiments.\" \n\nThe Boston leaders showed their practical knowl- \nedge of human nature by making notable the fune- \nrals of the men killed on the fifth of March ; they \nshowed it again when they put forth John Adams \nand Josiah Quincy, Jr., patriots whose loyalty could \nnot be aspersed, to defend Preston and the soldiers \nwhen they came to their trial. It was real courage \n\n\n3l8 BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\nthat these men exhibited when they appeared in \ncourt for this purpose, at a time when the public \nmind was exasperated by what the people considered \nthe \" murder \" of their fellow-citizens by a brutal \nsoldiery.* It is an instance of the desire of Samuel \nAdams and the other leaders to have their motives \nproved above suspicion. John Adams said, that he \nand Mr. Ouincy heard their \" names execrated in \nthe most opprobrious terms \" whenever they ap- \npeared in the streets of Boston, by men who could \nnot restrain their passions long enough to let justice \nbe heard. The trials came off in October and No- \nvember, and Preston was acquitted. Of the eight \nmen, two were found \" not guilty,\" and two were \nsentenced to be slightly branded in the hand in \nopen court, for manslaughter, after which all were \ndischarged and sent to the Castle. \n\nMagnified into a patriotic \" struggle for liberty \" \nagainst an oppressive military power, the King \n\n* Mr. Quincy's father wrote from Braintree : \"Good God! Is it \npossible ? I will not believe it. ... I have been told that you have \nactually engaged for Captain Preston ; and I have heard the severest \nreflections made upon the occasion, by men who had just before mani- \nfested the highest esteem for you as one destined to be a savior of \nyour country. I must own to you, it has filled the bosom of your aged \nand infirm parent with anxiety and distress. . . . I will not believe it \nunless it be confirmed by your own mouth, or under your own hand.\" \nTo this the son replied that the criminals, though charged with murder, \nwere entitled to all legal counsel and aid, and that he at first de- \nclined to be engaged until urged by an Adams, a Hancock, a Moli- \nneux, a Gushing, a Henshaw, a Pemberton, a Warren, a Cooper, and \na Phillips,\" and added : \" I dare affirm that you and this whole people \nwill one day REJOICE that I became an advocate for the aforesaid \n'criminals,' chaj-ged with the murder of our fellnw-cili/ens.\" — \" Life \n^^{ Ouincy,\" page 2S. \n\n\nPAUL REVERE ILLUMINATES. 319 \n\nStreet affray had an immense influence in strength- \nening the sentiment, then rapidly growing, in favor \nof the independence that Adams had been laboring \nfor. \" From that moment,\" said Daniel Webster, \n\" we may date the severance of the British empire.\" \nWhen the fifth of March came around, in 1771, some \ncitizens gathered in \" the Manufactory House,\" a \nbuilding then standing on the present site of Hamil- \nton Place (selected because the first opposition to \nthe soldiers had been made there in 1769, when it \nhad been refused to Governor Bernard as a barracks \nfor the troops), and listened to a patriotic address \nby Dr. Thomas Young. The same evening, Paul \nRevere had his house in North Square illuminated, \nexhibiting in one window a representation of the \nghost of young Schneider, in another a view of the \n\" Massacre,\" and in a third the Genius of America in \ntears. Several thousand persons thronged about the \nhouse, and a melancholy gloom and solemn silence \nsubdued them as they looked, which were intensified \nby the dismal tolling of the bells on the meeting- \nhouses from nine to ten o'clock. This was a private \ncelebration, but in accordance with their policy of \nemphasizing any event that might increase the dif- \nferences between the people and the government, \nthe leaders dignified the King Street encounter by \ncalling it \" the Boston Massacre,\" and then cele- \nbrating its anniversary. The fourteenth of August \nwas no longer honored, as it had been, for the stamp- \nact riot; and, until 1783, when the Fourth of July \nbecame the day for stirring up the patriotism of the \npeople, the fifth of March was taken advantage of by \n\n\n320 BLOOD IS SPILLED. \n\nthe delivery of an annual oration, and by a com- \nmemoration of the \" martyrs \" of the day. The \nfollowing lines, which were circulated at the time of \nthe funeral of the victims, show the spirit in which \nthe affair was regarded. \n\n\" Well-fated shades ! let no unmanly tear \nFrom Pity's eye disdain your honored bier ; \nLost to their view, surviving friends may mourn, \nYet o'er thy pile shall flames celestial burn ; \nLong as in Freedom's cause the wise contend. \nDear to your country shall your fame extend, \nWhile to the world the lettered stone shall tell \nHow Caldwell, Attucks, Gray, and Maverick fell.\" \n\n\nXXIII. \n\n\nSTIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\n\nThe day of the Boston \" Massacre \" was that on \nwhich parliament removed all of its odious duties \nexcept that upon tea, which was retained in order to \ninsist that England still had the right to impose such \ntaxes on her colonists. The \" Massacre \" itself had \nthe influence of making the opponents of Boston in \nEngland still more determined that the spirit of the \nAmericans should be broken, and it made the Bos- \ntoneers more firm in their opposition to all encroach- \nments upon their \" liberties.\" Hutchinson was now \nmore than ever jealous and afraid of the influence of \nBoston in the councils of the colony, and in calling \nthe legislature together he mentioned Cambridge as \nthe place of meeting. He had thought of Salem, — \n\" the further from Boston the better,\" he said. \nThis fear on the part of colonial governors was no \nnew thing ; we have seen the legislature meet before \nthis at Cambridge, and we shall yet see it meet at \nSalem. Hutchinson thought the legislature as a \nwhole \" sour and troublesome enough,\" but all the \nother delegates were comparatively easy to manage, \nand he said : \" I am very sure, if the members of \nBoston were out of the house, I should find a ma- \n\n321 \n\n\n322 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\njority in favor of the government.\" All that the \nother towns can do,\" he exclaimed, \" will be a perfect \ntrifle compared with the trouble the town of Boston \ngives me. ... I would give up all, if the town \ncould be separated from the rest of the province. \n. . . It is the common language of Adams and \nthe rest that they are not to be intimidated by acts \nof parliament, for they will not be executed here.\" \nThis he wrote in a letter to England, and he cau- \ntiously said to his correspondent : \" I am sure you \nwill not suffer what I write to come back again, even \nby rumours.\" Hutchinson was to have occasion not \nlong after this to mourn that some of the things that \nhe had written came back again, but in a more pow- \nerful form than mere rumors. \n\nOne of the results of the doings of March 5th, was \nthat the king made Boston harbor the rendezvous \nfor all his ships stationed in North America, and di- \nrected that the Castle should be garrisoned by his \ntroops, instead of by those of the province. Hutchin- \nson lost no time in giving up the keys of the fortress \nto Colonel Dalrymple, though the act was a direct \ncontravention of the charter, and while the lieutenant- \ngovernor looked upon his prompt action as a means \nof giving him favor at home, and of furthering his \ndesign to get the appointment as successor of Ber- \nnard, as well as a sure step towards armed coercion, \nAdams saw in it a stab at the public liberties and an \nopportunity for stirring up the town and the province \nagainst the government. Both obtained what they \nexpected. It was but a few months before Hutch- \ninson received a commission as governor, with the \n\n\nA ROSE-COLORED PICTURE. 323 \n\npromise of a salary directly from the sovereign. This \nprovision for the salary did not quiet the Bostonians; \nthey looked upon it as making the governor an in- \nstrument of the king in establishing \" a perfect \ndespotism,\" as Adams expressed it. \n\nGovernor Hutchinson draws a rose-colored picture \nof the condition of affairs in Massachusetts at this \ntime. There was certainly \" a pause in politics,\" as \nDr. Cooper wrote ; but Hutchinson said that \" in no \nindependent state in the world could the people have \nbeen more happy than they were in the government \nof Massachusetts Bay.\" The province, he asserted, \nwas free from real evils, and felt so lightly the ordi- \nnary burdens that all people in a state of civilization \nmust feel, that in order to keep up a spirit of discon- \ntent it was necessary to excite them by merely \nimaginary evils. Molasses and tea were the only \narticles that paid any tax of account ; more tea was \nannually imported into Massachusetts legally, in spite \nof the opposition to its use, than into all the other \ncolonies, and the tax was so small that \" the poor \npeople in America drank the same tea in quality, at \nthree shillings the pound, which the people in Eng- \nland drank at six shillings.\" The governor verily \nseemed to think that if the men and women of Bos- \nton only had enough to eat and drink, they ought to \nbe contented ; he had no sympathy with the feelings \nof men who did not relish the sight of ships-of-war in \ntheir harbor, and of red-coated soldiers in their streets, \ncommanded and paid by other authorities than their \nown legislature, and apparently menacing the free- \ndom of their actions. He did not realize that a \n\n\n324 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nsmall tax laid upon an unwilling people bears harder \nthan a heavy one that the same people assume of \ntheir own free-will. He had so long trained his per- \nceptions to sympathize with a king, that he was \nunable to enter into the feelings of the people among \nwhom he had been born and bred, and whose aspira- \ntions ought to have been his own. \n\nIn pursuance of the order making Boston harbor \na place of rendezvous for the English fleet, twelve \nwar vessels arrived in August, 1771, and another op- \nportunity was afforded Samuel Adams for warning \nhis fellow townsmen of the danger, that was rapidly \napproaching, of the \" slavery \" with which they were \nthreatened. He told them that it was useless to en- \ndeavor to console themselves because the duty was \nremoved from all articles excepting tea, because, \nthat remaining, it was plain that parliament proved \nits power to levy taxes, and if it was allowed that it \nhad the right to take three pence because it pleased, \nthe sovereign control of the purses was given up to \nit ; it was no better to have the charter taken away \nin parts than in the whole. \" The liberties of our \ncountry,\" he exclaimed, \" the freedom of our civil \nconstitution, are worth defending at all hazards ; and \nit is our duty to defend them against all attacks. \nWe have received them as a fair inheritance from \nour worthy ancestors. They purchased them for us \nwith toil and danger, and expense of treasure and \nblood, and transmitted them to us with care and \ndiligence. It will bring an everlasting mark of in- \nfamy on the present generation, enlightened as it is, \nif we should suffer them to be wrested from us by \n\n\nCONFLICTING VIEWS. 325 \n\nviolence without a struggle, or be cheated out of \nthem by the artifices of false and designing men.\" \nMr. Adams did not confine himself, as some others \ndid, to denunciations of governmental measures, and \nappeals to patriotic motives ; he went much farther, \nand denied all right on the part of parliament to tax \nthe colonies, to control their legislatures, or in any \nway to exercise authority over them. \n\nIn January, 1772, Hutchinson wrote: \"Except \nin this town, there is now a general appearance of \ncontentment throughout the province \" ; for Boston \nalways had to be excepted in such statements, though \nthere were many of her citizens who did not burn \nwith the ardor of Samuel Adams.* Otis would not \nfollow him in denying all parliamentary authority ; \nDr. Church, the subsequent traitor, was, as Hutchin- \nson said, \" now a writer on the side of government \" ; \neven John Adams, who had removed back to Brain- \ntree, had devoted himself anew to his law practice, \navoided politics, political clubs, and town-meetings, \neven refused to deliver the address on the second re- \ncurrence of the day of the \" Massacre,\" and thought \nthat there was not spirit enough to bring the ques- \n\n* The king and his ministers preferred to believe Bernard and \nHutchinson rather than Pownall, and thus they were quite deceived \nin regard to the true state of public opinion. Hutchinson, for exam- \nple, \" repeatedly assured the ministry that a union of the colonies was \nutterly impracticable ; that the people were greatly divided among \nthemselves in every colony : and that there could be no doubt that all \nAmerica would submit, and that they must, and, moreover, would \nsoon \" (1774). Governor Pownall insisted that all the measures against \nAmerica were planned and pushed on by Bernard and Hutchinson. \nSee the \" Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Jr.,\" pages 197, 205, 211, 215. \n\n\n326 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\ntion to a decision, that there would never be a \nredress of American grievances, but a \" trimming.\" \nThere was Joseph Warren, however, who could hold \nan audience spellbound, as he did when he stood up \nin the South meeting-house, March 5th, of this year, \nand uttered patriotic words on the subject of the \nconnexion between England and the colonies; and \nthere were others like him ready to unite for the \nprotection of right. Samuel Adams had, as we \nknow, long held in abeyance a plan for concentra- \nting the influence of all who were like-minded with \nhim,* and he thought this a proper time to take \na step in that direction. His plans were far-reach- \ning, but at this time he proposed to make an humble \nbeginning, to avoid opposition. As long ago as 1766, \nhe had written to Gadsden, of South Carolina, that \nhe longed for a union and a correspondence between \nthe merchants throughout the continent ; and, in \n1 77 1, he wrote again that when the liberty of one is \ninvaded the liberty of all is in danger, and that he \nthought it would be wisdom for the colonists to cor- \nrespond with one another in the times of distress. \nAll the time, from 1764 to 1774, he was using his \ninfluence in favor of concert of action between the \nprovinces. \n\nThe king had established a salary for the governor, \nand it was known that the judges were likewise to be \nmade independent of the people. Boston thought it \nproper to hold a town-meeting to censure the gov- \nernor for accepting a salary, and to ask him if it was \ntrue that the judges were to be paid in the same \n\n* See chapter xx. for reference to the stamp-act Congress. \n\n\nA COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE. 327 \n\nmanner. John Hancock was moderator of the meet- \ning, which was held October 28th. The governor \ngave unsatisfactory repHes to the question pro- \npounded to him, and the freemen became restless. \nThen Adams rose, and moved that \" A committee \nof correspondence be appointed, to consist of twen- \nty-one persons, to state the rights of the colonists, \nand of this province in particular, as men and \nChristians and as subjects ; and to communicate and \npublish the same to the several towns and to the \nworld, as the sense of this town, with the infringe- \nments and violations thereof that have been, or from \ntime to time may be made.\" The discussion on this \nresolution was prolonged into the evening, and it is \nsaid that it was not agreed to until ten o'clock, \nthough then almost every voter gave his assent. A \ncommittee was appointed, consisting, as Hutchinson \nwrote to Pownall, of deacons, atheists, and black- \nhearted fellows whom one would not choose to meet \nin the dark, though other historians consider them \nreputable Boston citizens. Whatever was the char- \nacter of the members of the committee, it gave life \nto the Revolution, and enabled the colonists soon to \nact with order and system, instead of irregularly and \ninharmoniously. \n\nThe committee reported at a meeting held in \nFaneuil Hall, November 20th, presenting a state- \nment of rights, a statement of grievances, and a \nletter to the other towns. The letter asked for a \nfree expression of sentiment from each town, and \nrhetorically expressed the confidence that the people \nwere not prepared to \" doze, or sit supinely indiffer- \n\n\n328 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nent on the brink of destruction, while the iron hand \nof oppression was daily tearing the choicest fruit \nfrom the fair tree of liberty, planted by their worthy \npredecessors, at the expense of their treasure, and \nabundantly watered with their blood.\" Six hundred \ncopies of the report were printed and sent out, ac- \ncording to the plan. Many persons thought it was \na trifling and unnecessary scheme ; but the towns \nappointed similar committees, and through them re- \nechoed the sentiments of Samuel Adams, that the \nreport comprised. The tories ridiculed the affair, \nbecause some of the meetings of the interior towns \nwere slightly attended ; but when it was found that \nalmost all of them had adopted the measures pro- \nposed, they ceased to think that there was any thing \n\" ludicrous \" about the scheme, and one of the ablest \nof them declared that it was \" the foulest, subtlest, \nand most venomous serpent ever issued from the egg \nof sedition.\" John Adams wrote of the feeling else- \nwhere : \" They are still quiet at the south, and at \nNew York they laugh at us.\" In the south there \nwas, indeed, much jealous fear of Boston. Josiah \nQuincy, Jr., met at Charleston in March, 1773, an \nexpression of this feeling in the words of Mr. Thomas \nShirley, \" a well-bred and learned but very warm and \nirascible \" gentleman, who said to him : \" Boston \naims at nothing less than the sovereignty of this \nwhole continent, — I know it. . . . Take away \nthe power and superintendence of Britain, and the \ncolonies must submit to the next power. Boston \nwould soon have that.\" \n\nThus, said Hutchinson, \"all of a sudden, from a \n\n\nTHE TOWNS EXPRESS SENTIMENTS. 329 \n\nstate of peace, order, and general contentment, as \nsome expressed themselves, the province more or \nless from one end to the other was brought into a \nstate of contention, disorder, and general dissatis- \nfaction ; or, as others would have it, was roused \nfrom stupor and inaction to sensibility and activity.\" \nThe town of Gorham wrote : \" It is better to risk \nour lives and fortunes in the defence of our rights, \ncivil and religious, than to die by piecemeal in slav- \nery.\" The selectmen of Petersham declared that \n\" The late appointment of salaries to be paid to our \nsuperior court judges, whose creation, pay, and \ncommission depend upon mere will and pleasure, \ncompletes a system of bondage equal to any ever \nbefore fabricated by the combined efforts of the \ningenuity, malice, fraud, and wickedness of man ; \nthat it is the first and highest social duty of this \npeople to consider of, and seek ways and means for \na speedy redress of these mighty grievances and \nintolerable wrongs, and that for the obtaining this \nend this people are warranted by the laws of God \nand nature in the use of every rightful art and energy \nof policy, stratagem, and force.\" \n\nThese meetings, says the biographer of Samuel \nAdams, \" constitute the highest mark the town- \nmeeting has ever touched. Never before and never \nsince, have Anglo-Saxon men, in lawful folk-mote \nassembled, given utterance to thoughts and feelings \nso fine in themselves and so pregnant with great \nevents. To each letter stand aflfixed the names of \nthe committee in autograph. This awkward scrawl \nwas made by the fist of a Cape Ann fisherman, on \n\n\n330 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nshore for the day to do at town-meeting the duty \nhis fellows had laid upon him ; the hand that wrote \nthis other was cramped from the scythe-handle, as \nits possessor mowed an intervale on the Connecti- \ncut ; this blotted signature, where smutted fingers \nhave left a black stain, was written by a blacksmith \nof Middlesex, turning aside a moment from forging \na barrel that was to do duty at Lexington.\" * \n\nThe result of the committee's first effort was un- \nexpected, and completely astonished loyalist and \nwhig. Hutchinson,* who had written to Pownall \nthat the scheme was \" foolish,\" and that the com- \nmittee must necessarily make itself ridiculous, f now \nbecame \" greatly alarmed with so sudden and unex- \npected a change in the state of affairs \" ; and, as he \nrecords in his history, \" was greatly perplexed with \ndoubts concerning his own conduct on the occasion.\" \nHe said that the measure, if pursued to its end, \nmust cause \" not a return of the colonies to their \nformer submission, but a total separation from the \nkingdom, by their independency.\" He alleged, at \nabout this time, that no line could be drawn between \nan acknowledgment of the authority of parliament \nand absolute independence, and it is dif^cult to con- \ntrovert his assertion, though this is what the people \nof Massachusetts had been endeavoring to do from \nthe year 1 630, when they first began to establish on \n\n* \" Samuel Adams,\" by James K. Hosmer, page 202. \n\n\\ In liis fatuity Hutchinson wrote, February 23, 1773 : \"I have \nstopped the progress of the towns for the present ; and I think I \nhave stopped the prosecution of another part of the scheme, which \nwas for the assembly to invite every otlier assembly upon the Con- \ntinent to assent to the same princiijles.\" \n\n\nHUTCHINSON IN A DILEMMA. 33 1 \n\nAmerican soil a government that professed to de- \npend upon the charter and not upon parliament for \nits authority. \n\nIn his doubt as to what steps he ought to pursue, \nHutchinson saw that he was in danger of being \nabused both at home and in Boston, but it was plain \nthat unless he should act in some way, he would be \nproperly accused in England of conniving at the \nproceedings which he confessed were unwarrantable \nand threatening. ' He knew that if he were to bring \nthe matter before the general court he would precipi- \ntate a discussion that would tax his abilities, and raise \na flame that it would be difficult to suppress. He \ndecided, however, to call the court together, and in \nJanuary, 1773, he opened its sessions with a speech \nin which he argued for parliamentary supremacy in \na cool and able manner, reviewing past history, with \nwhich he was fully acquainted, and assuming suc- \ncessfully an air of candor and moderation that gave \na profound effect to his words. The speech was \npublished in the papers and spread throughout the \ncolony and in England, the tories thinking it unan- \nswerable, and the patriots being in some cases stag- \ngered by its arguments. It was followed, after a \nsufficient delay, by a paper, probably prepared by \nSamuel Adams, — handed to the governor by that \ngentleman, at least, — which caused Hutchinson to \nfear that he had made a mistake in admitting that \nthe authority of parliament was a matter about \nwhich it was possible to raise a doubt, or around \nwhich a discussion could be created. The governor \nreplied, and the court retorted, but neither party was \n\n\n332 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nable to produce conviction in the mind of the other; \nAdams, however, succeeded in placing Hutchinson \nin the wrong, by making him sensible that it was he \nwho had raised the unfruitful controversy. The \ncourt was prorogued on the sixth of March, one day \nafter another celebration of the \" Massacre \" had \noccurred in the South meeting-house. At that time \nDr. Benjamin Church delivered an eloquent and \nlogical oration to a crowded audience. In this ad- \ndress the speaker said that he rejoiced that Massa- \nchusetts had been alarmed by the committees of \ncorrespondence, that the people had been led to \nesteem their rights under the charter to be the \" ark \nof God to New England.\" He prophesied that \nsome future congress was to be the \" glorious source \nof the salvation of America,\" and declared that the \nAmphictyons of Greece, who formed the diet or \ngreat council of the states, were \" an excellent \nmodel for the rising Americans.\" \n\nIt was just at this time that Hutchinson wrote the \nwords about the influence of Boston, and the cor- \nporate powers of the Massachusetts towns, to which \nreference has been made,* in which he exposed the \nstrength of the opposition that he had to face. The \ngovernor had the sagacity to see the great influence \nof the towns, and he reiterated his views of the \nsubject to his different correspondents. He much \nwished that some change could be made in the char- \nter that would deprive the town-meetings of their \npowers, and thus keep from the people the constant \nmindfulness of their rights. The town of Boston \n\n* Letter of March 7lh, 1772 to Gage, see page 91. \n\n\nBOSTON COMES TO THE FRONT. \n\n\n333 \n\n\nnow proceeded to take the part in the discussion of \nprovincial matters that the governor asserted that it \nwas accustomed to take, by assembhng ahnost im- \nmediately after the adjournment of the general \n\n\nGOVERNOR THOMAS HUTCHINSON. \n\nAfter a portrait in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, once the \nproperty of Jonathan Mayhew. \n\n\ncourt, for the purpose of considering the misrepre- \nsentations of the governor in his late messages, \nwhich related to the meeting of the town at which the \ncommittees of correspondence had been appointed. \n\n\n334 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nWhile Adams was thus engaged in local affairs, so \ndeeply that he could give no attention to the plan \nthat he had so long hoped to see realized, for a com- \nmittee of correspondence uniting the different col- \nonies, the House of Burgesses of Virginia, under \nthe lead of such patriots as Patrick Henry and \nRichard Henry Lee, adopted resolutions providing \nfor a system of intercolonial correspondence. The \nresolutions reached Boston in time for action at the \ntown-meeting called for the purpose of choosing \ndelegates to the general court, and a vote was passed \nrecommending the resolutions to the serious consid- \neration of the court. One of the arguments men- \ntioned by the town for the restoration of harmony \nwith Great Britain must have made some of the \ndelegates smile, for it was gravely stated that if \nEneland were cut off from her connexion with the \nAmerican continent, she \" must eventually fall a \nprey to her numerous and jealous neighbors.\" \n\nThe general court adopted the Virginia plan al- \nmost unanimously, towards the end of May, and thus \nthere were two committees of correspondence, the \none uniting each little hamlet and every large town \nin the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and the \nother extending its insidious influence to every legis- \nlature of the thirteen colonies, and through them \nstirring up every patriotic citizen on the continent. \nOf this action of Massachusetts and Virginia, Hutch- \ninson said that it \" ought to have been considered as \nan avowal of independency, because it could be justi- \nfied only on the principle of independency.\" It was, \nhe asserts, a most glaring attempt to alter the con- \n\n\nMYSTERIOUS LETTERS. 335 \n\nstitution of the colonies, against which England \nought to have made a stand ; but an opinion still \nprevailed that independency was not the object, and \nthat reasonable concession would lead to due sub- \nmission, \" though advances were every day making \nto render reconciliation more difficult.\" \n\nAmong the advances that were making reconcilia- \ntion more difficult may be included an \" exposure \" \nmade at this time of some of the private correspond- \ndence of the governor, which had by some means \nfallen into the hands of Benjamin Franklin, then \nagent of Massachusetts in London, and by him had \nbeen sent to Boston. Hancock, who was apparently \nor really indignant at the contents of these letters, \ndetermined to make them public. He took occasion \none day to announce mysteriously that an important \ndisclosure was to be made within forty-eight hours ; \nwell knowing that the spectators in the gallery, that \nhad been set apart for the public by the suggestion \nof Otis, would spread the information everywhere. \nThe press took up the matter, and reported that \ndark things were to be brought to light which would \n\"make tyrannical rulers tremble, and give occasion \nfor the whole people to bless the providence of God, \nwho causeth the wicked man to fall into the pit that \nhe hath digged for another.\" When the due time \narrived, Samuel Adams asked to have the galleries \ncleared, which, of course, made the public more than \never anxious to know what the great matter was \nthat would cause so deep a convulsion. The letters \nwere then read, the injunction being given that they \nwere not to be copied or printed in whole or in part. \n\n\n336 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nThey were given to a committee, which reported \nthat they tended and were designed to overthrow \nthe constitution of the government and to introduce \narbitrary power into the province. The deductions \nthus made from the governor's confidential com- \nmunications to his friends in England are scarcely \nsuch as calm readers think legitimate, and they can \nonly be accounted for by supposing that there was \na deliberate plan to render the governor odious ; or \nthat the patriots had become so deeply filled with \nthe belief that all representatives of the crown were \nplotters against the liberties of America, that they \nallowed themselves to be led captive by their too \nvivid imaginings. Whatever the cause, and what- \never the motives which actuated Adams, Hancock, \nand the rest, the effort to base accusations on the \nletters thus theatrically brought to the public notice \nproved successful. It was voted that the governor \nhad lost the confidence of the people, and was an \nunsuitable instrument for promoting the interests of \nthe king and the colonists, and that it would be \npromotive of good will, and of the good of His Ma- \njesty's loyal and affectionate people, if he were \nremoved from ofifice. This vote, as well as the letters \nthemselves, was afterwards printed and distributed \nfor the purpose of exciting the colonists against \nHutchinson. \n\nNews reached Boston in the spring of this year \nthat the East India Company, which was embar- \nrassed by the accumulation of tea in England, owing \nto the refusal of the Americans to buy it, had in- \nduced parliament to permit its exportation to \n\n\n\"THE DETESTED TEA.\" 337 \n\nAmerica without the payment of the usual duty. \nThis was intended to bribe the colonists to buy ; for \nthere had been a duty both in England and in \nAmerica. That in England was six pence a pound, \nthat in America, three pence. Ships were laden and \nsent to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charles- \nton, and they were now expected to arrive in a short \ntime. Samuel Adams felt that the hour had arrived \nfor his Continental Congress, and he proposed that \none should be called, for the purpose of drawing up \nand publishing to the world a Bill of Rights, of pro- \nviding for an annual congress, and of choosing an \nambassador to reside at the British court ; for he \nthought that there was no scheme for preserving the \nliberties of the people, except by forming \"an \nAmerican Commonwealth.\" Though Adams labored \nearnestly to lead others to see as he saw, his longing \nfor a general congress was not to be satisfied yet. \n\nAs late as the end of July, 1773, George Clymer, \nof Philadelphia, wrote to Josiah Quincy, Jr., that the \nidea of American liberty seemed \" to have taken \nbut shallow root in some places, particularly at New \nYork, where all political principles are truly as \nunfixed as the wind. One year sees the New \nYorkers,\" he adds, \" champions for Liberty, and the \nnext hugging their chains. Our Pennsylvanians I \ntake to be in the mean betwixt both. I cannot call \nit the golden mean^ This state of affairs was soon \nto change. \n\nThough the Congress was not held, all Boston, \nand finally all America, was excited intensely by the \nexpectation of the arrival of the tea-ships. Arthur \n\n\n338 ' ST/RRIXG UP A CONTINENT. \n\nLee wrote to Adams that in his opinion the intro- \nduction of the tea ought to be opposed ; but said \nthat he was ready to be overruled by his corre- \nspondent. Adams had no intention of opposing such \na plan. He influenced the Bostonians to adopt it. \nThe agents who had been appointed to receive the \ntea were called upon to resign ; and as they refused, \na town-meeting was appointed for November 5th, at \nwhich the demand was renewed ; it was again re- \nfused. Again the town came together, and again \nthe demand was renewed, but the commissioners \nstill refused to resign. The reply was at last voted \n\"not satisfactory,\" and the meeting immediately \nbroke up. This sudden action, which appeared pre- \nconcerted, struck terror into the commissioners. \nThere was nothing more for the town to do, and the \ncommittee of correspondence, in connexion with \nthose of Cambridge and of other towns near by, \ntook the management of afTairs. \n\nOn the twenty-eighth of November, 1773, which \nwas Sunday, the first tea-ship (the Dartmouth) en- \ntered the harbor. The following morning the citizens \nwere informed by placard that the \" worst of plagues, \nthe detested tea,\" had actually arrived, and that a \nmeeting was to be held at nine in the morning, at \nFaneuil Hall, for the purpose of making \"a united \nand successful resistance to this last, worst, and \nmost destructive measure of administration.\" The \nCradle of Liberty was not large enough to contain \nthe crowd that was called together. Adams rose and \nmade a stirring motion expressing determination \nthat the tea should not be landed, and it was unani- \n\n\nBREATHLESSLY WAITING. 339 \n\nmously agreed to. The meeting then adjourned to \nthe Old South meeting-house, where the motion was \nrepeated, and again adopted without an opposing \nvoice. The owner of the ship protested in vain that \nthe proceedings were illegal ; a watch of twenty-five \npersons was set, to see that the intentions of the \ncitizens were not evaded, and the meeting adjourned \nto the following morning. The throng at that time \nwas as great as usual, and while the deliberations \nwere going on, a message was received from the \ngovernor, through the sheriff, ordering them to cease \ntheir proceedings. It was voted not to follow the \nadvice, and the sheriff was hissed and obliged to \nretreat discomfited. It was formally resolved that \nany person importing tea from England should be \ndeemed an enemy to his country, and it was declared \nthat at the risk of their lives and properties the \nlanding of the tea should be prevented, and its \nreturn effected. \n\nIt was necessary that some positive action should \nbe taken in regard to the tea within twenty days \nfrom its arrival, or the collector of customs would \nconfiscate ships and cargoes. The time for this was- \nfast approaching, and all parties concerned appreci- \nated the importance of every moment. The govern- \nor felt that he was entirely impotent ; his council \ncould not be depended upon ; and Hancock, who \nwas in command of the cadets, declined to act, \nbecause of the danger to which he would be subject. \nNo justice of the peace even was ready to do the \ngovernor's bidding; he stood firmly for prerogative, \nbut still argued and pleaded, though he was told \n\n\n340 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nthat he was \" officious,\" and his acts useless. The \ntwenty days would expire on the sixteenth of \nDecember. On the fourteenth a crowded meeting \nwas held at the Old South, and the importer was \nenjoined to apply for a clearance to allow his vessel \nto return with its cargo. He applied, but the col- \nlector refused to give an answer until the following \nday. The meeting therefore adjourned to the six- \nteenth, the last day before confiscation would be \nlegal, and before the tea would be placed under \nprotection of the ships of war in the harbor. \n\nThere was another early morning meeting, and \nseven thousand people thronged about the meeting- \nhouse, all filled with a sense of the fact that some- \nthing notable was to occur. The importer appeared \nand reported that the collector refused a clearance. \nHe was then directed to ask the governor for a pass \nto enable him to sail by the Castle. Hutchinson had \nretreated to his mansion at Milton, and it would take \nsome time to make the demand. The importer \nstarted out in the cold of a New England winter, \napologized to his Excellency for his visit, but assured \nhim that it was involuntary. He received a reply \nthat no pass could be given him. By three o'clock \nthe people gathered again at the meeting-house, but \nthe importer had not arrived. The time was filled \nup by speeches; \"Who knows,\" asked one, \"how \ntea will mingle with salt water?\" Josiah Ouincy, \nJr.,* spoke vigorously from the gallery against the \n\n* There were three persons of note bearing the colonial name \nJosiah in the Quincy family, viz. : Josiah, son of Judge Edmund, \nborn in 1709 ; Josiah, junior, born in 1744 ; and Josiah, afterwards \nmayor of Boston, and president of Harvard College, born in 1772. \n\n\n341 THE OLD SOUTH CHURCH IN ITS PRESENT CONDITION (bUILT IN I-2q). \n\n\n342 STIRRING UP A CONTINENT. \n\nBritish government, and Harrison Gray responded \nfrom the floor, warning \"the young gentleman in \nthe gallery \" against the consequences of intemperate \nlanguage. Quincy replied: \"If the old gentleman \non the floor intends by his v/arning to ' the young \ngentleman in the gallery,' to utter only a friendly \nvoice in the spirit of paternal advice, I thank him. \nIf his object be to terrify and intimidate, I despise \nhim ! \" As he spoke some men disguised as Indians \nentered, and he added : \" I see the clouds which now \nrise thick and fast upon our horizon ; the thunders \nroll, and the lightnings play ,» and to the God who \nrides on the whirlwind and directs the storm I com- \nmit my country ! \" \n\nIt was six o'clock before the importer returned, \nand a few candles were brought in to relieve the fast- \nincreasing darkness. He reported the governor's \nreply, and Samuel Adams rose and exclaimed : \n\" This meeting can do nothing more to save the \ncountry!\" In an instant there was a shout on the \nporch ; there was a war-whoop in response, and forty \nor fifty of the men disguised as Indians rushed out \nof the doors, down Milk Street towards Grififin's \n(afterwards Liverpool) Wharf, where the vessels lay. \nThe meeting was declared dissolved, and the throng \nfollowed their leaders, forming a determined guard \nabout the wharf. The \" Mohawks \" entered the ves- \nsel ; there was tugging at the ropes ; there was break- \ning of light boxes ; there was pouring of precious \ntea into the waters of the harbor. For two or three \nhours the work went on, and three hundred and \nfort)--two chests were emptied. Then, under the \n\n\nPHILADELPHIA REJOICES. 343 \n\nlicrht of the moon, the Indians marched to the sound \nof fife and drum to their homes, and the vast throng \nmelted away, until not a man remained to tell of the \ndeed. The committee of correspondence held a \nmeeting the next day, and Samuel Adams and four \nothers were appointed to prepare an account of the \naffair to be posted to other places. Paul Revere, \nwho is said to have been one of the \" Mohawks,\" \nwas sent express to Philadelphia with the news, \nwhich was received at that place on the twenty-sixth. \nIt was announced by ringing of bells, and there was \nevery sign of joy. A meeting of citizens was held, \nand the action was endorsed with claps and huzzas. \nOne prominent gentleman wrote to Boston : \" We \nall allow you have had greater trials than any of \nthe colonies, and we wonder much of your great \npatience.\" The continent was universally stirred, at \nlast. \n\n\nXXIV. \n\n\nWAR. \n\n\n\" Our western brother had a dispute with his \nnurse about a cup of tea. She wanted to force the \nboy to drink it according to her own receipt. He \nsaid that he did not like it, and that it absolutely \nmade him ill. After a good deal of sparring, she \ntook up the birch rod and began to whip him with \nuncommon severity. He turned upon her in self- \ndefence, showed her to the outside of the nursery \ndoor, and never more allowed her to meddle with \nhis affairs.\" Such are the words of an English trav- \neller who visited America a generation after the \nBoston Tea-Party.* The nurse and the western \nbrother had now had the dispute about the cup of \ntea, but it remains to see how the birch rod was ap- \nplied, and how the nursery door was shut upon the \nnurse. \n\nWe may be sure that when the news of the doings \nof the evening of December i6th reached England \nthere was considerable excitement. Parliament was \nin session, and there was no need of losing time in \napplying the rod to the rebellious boy across the \n\n* Charles Waterton, quoted in Winsor's \" Memorial History,\" vol. \niii., page 51.. \n\n344 \n\n\nDELE NBA EST CARTHAGO! 345 \n\nsea. It was declared that the unruly and defiant spirit \nof Boston must be checked at all hazards, or there \nwould be an end to the rule of Britain in America. \nThis sentiment was far from universal in England. \nPrivate interest led many to be fast friends of Amer- \nica, but they were unable to make their influence \nfelt. Many sensible Englishmen besides those whose \nvoices were heard in parliament justified and even \napplauded the action of Boston, and denounced the \ndesperate measures of the ministry. \" The mer- \nchants are alarmed,\" wrote Josiah Quincy, Jr., in Jan- \nuary, 1775, from London, \" the manufacturers are in \nmotion, the artificers and handicraftsmen are in \namaze, and the lower ranks of the community are \nsuffering \" ; and they were petitioning parliament \nto the advantage of America, prodded by self-interest \nand misery.* \n\nThe king sent a message to parliament, in which \nhe denounced the outbreak at Boston as an inter- \nference with British trade and an outrage on the \nEnglish constitution, and a bill was presented for \nthe punishment of the town. In the debate that \nfollowed it was said : \" The town of Boston ought \nto be knocked about their ears and destroyed. De- \nlenda est Carthago ! You will never meet with proper \nobedience to the laws of this country until you have \ndestroyed that nest of locusts.\" Lord George Ger- \nmaine, in introducing the bill, said : \" Nor can I think \nhe will do a better thing than to put an end to their \ntown-meetings. I would not have men of a mercan- \ntile cast every day collecting themselves together and \n\n* \" Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Jr.,\" pp. 251, 255, etc. \n\n\n34^ IVAJ?. \n\ndebating about political matters. I would have them \nfollow their occupations as merchants, and not con- \nsider themselves as ministers of that country. . . . \nThe whole are the proceedings of a tumultuous and \nriotous rabble, who ought, if they had the least pru- \ndence, to follow their mercantile employments, and \nnot trouble themselves with politics and govern- \nment, which they do not understand.\" Lord North \nconsidered these sentiments \" worthy of a great \nmind,\" and the fact shows how little the real state \nof affairs in Boston was understood in England at \nthat time, though it also proves that the strength of \nthe Americans stood in their democratic gatherings, \nin which the average of the wisdom of all still seems \nto be greater than the wisdom of the wisest among \nthem. \n\nParliament passed an act closing the port of the \ndoomed city during the pleasure of the king, and \ngiving the army and the fleet directions to see that \nit was enforced ; it was determined that the council- \nlors, who had before been chosen by the general \ncourt, should be appointed by the king ; the superior \njudges were to hold office during the king's pleasure, \nand receive their salaries from him ; the inferior \njudges were to be removable by the governor ; no \ntown-meetings were to be permitted except such as \nmight be convoked by the governor for the discus- \nsion of such business as he might allow; soldiers, \nmagistrates, and officers of the revenue, charged with \ncapital offences, were to be tried in England or Nova \nScotia ; provision was made for the legal quartering \nof troops upon the towns ; Salem was made the \n\n\nADAMS DEFENDS THE BOSTONIANS. 347 \n\ncapital of the province, and the port of Boston was \nclosed. It was vainly thought that the power of \nparliament to make laws for the colonies in all cases \nwhatsoever was now vindicated. \n\nThe general court met in January, 1774. Hutch- \ninson made an opening speech, in which he avoided \nreference to the \" tea-party,\" and to the fact that \nother shipments of the \"detested herb\" had been \ntreated to salt-water baths, because he feared the \nresponse that he might meet from the deputies \nin their excited state. The governor contented \nhimself by mentioning \" such things only as were \nleast likely to give room for any harsh or unkind \nreturn \" ; that is, he brought up the general business \nand expressed the king's disapprobation of the sit- \ntings of the committees of correspondence during \nthe recess of the court. This gave Adams an op- \nportunity to defend the committees and their action \nbefore the public, and to strengthen the faith of any \nwho might be weak. He argued that, during the \nrecesses of the court, the governor and other officers \nof the king were accustomed to correspond with the \nministers and to concert measures grievous to the \ncolonists, and urged that as the court met only at \nthe pleasure of the governors (who therefore had the \npower to hinder any measures that the colonists \nmight wish to carry for their protection), it could \nnot be thought unreasonable or improper for the \ncolonists to correspond with their agents, as well as \nwith one another, to the end that their grievances \nmight be so explained to his Majesty that, in his \njustice, he might afford them necessary relief. \n\n\n348 . IVAJ?. \n\nThe next move looked to the impeachment of the \nchief-justice, Peter Oliver, for accepting the salary \npromised by the king ; but the governor resolved to \nprorogue the court before action could be completed. \nHe therefore prepared a message in which he said \nthat he had passed over the illiberal charges and \ninsinuations against himself, but that when they \nstruck \" directly at the honor and authority of the \nking and of the parliament, he was obliged to stop \nthem from proceeding any farther.\" The house \nlearned that such a message was coming, and barred \nits doors so efTectually that the governor's secretary \nwas unable to obtain admission. Meanwhile they \nperfected arrangements for their own pay, and passed \na resolution to the effect that they had done all that \nthey could do for the removal of the chief justice, \nand boldly declaring that the refusal of the governor \nto act with them was probably because he also re- \nceived his support from the crown. They also directed \nthe committee of correspondence to write to Benja- \nmin Franklin, the colonial agent in London, on the \npublic grievances. This was the last appeal made \nby Massachusetts for redress. \n\nThe governor had previously prepared the court \nfor prorogation, and had informed them that he had \nobtained the king's permission to go to England, \nand intended soon to go. The close of the session \nof the court left the management of affairs in the \nhands of the committee of correspondence, which \nhad, indeed, directed the action of that body during \nits sessions. The governor's authority was now \ngone ; the course of law was stopped, because juries \n\n\nJOHN HANCOCK PUT FORWARD. 349 \n\nwould not act while Oliver held his office ; and \nHutchinson declared that \"the danger of revolt was \ndaily increasing.\" At this juncture the lieutenant- \ngovernor, Andrew Oliver, died from a stroke of \napoplexy, and Hutchinson postponed his departure, \nbecause his absence at the moment would have \ngiven up all power to the opponents of the king's \ngovernment. \n\nThe fifth of March arrived three days before the \ncourt closed its sessions, and a remarkable arrange- \nment was made for its celebration. The town assem- \nbled at Faneuil Hall, but adjourned to the Old South, \nwhere the usual oration was delivered by John \nHancock. It was the speaker's first public address, \nand was pronounced with dignity, grace, and ora- \ntorical skill, but it was not the composition of the \norator. Samuel Adams is reputed to have written it, \nand he \"sat blandly by as moderator, while the \npeople were deceived into the belief that the man \nwho surpassed all in social graces and length of \npurse could thunder also from the rostrum with the \nbest.\"* John Adams records that \"the composi- \ntion, the pronunciation, the action, all exceeded the \nexpectations of everybody.\" The oration closed \nwith those impressive words of Habakkuk, from \nwhich Judge Sewall derived so much comfort on the \ndark day that Andros arrived: \"Although the fig- \ntree shall not blossom,\" etc.f As the dignified speaker \nresumed his seat, a committee, of which Samuel \nAdams was chairman, was appointed to thank the \n\n* \" Samuel Adams,\" by J. K. Hosmer, page 263. \nf See page 164. \n\n\n350 JVAJ?. \n\norator in the name of the town for \" his elegant and \nspirited oration,\" and to ask a copy for pubHcation, \nwhile thanks were unanimously voted to Adams \nhimself for \" his good services as moderator.\" \nHancock thus gained applause that he did not de- \nserve, and (what was most desired by \" the mover \nof the puppets\") was more firmly committed to \nthe cause, while the people were impressed by the \npatriotism of a rich and well-born gentleman ; but \nit was a peculiar transaction.* \n\nThe port was to be closed on the first of June. \nThe news reached Boston on the tenth of May ; \nthere was a convention of the committees of cor- \nrespondence of eight neighboring towns, including \nLexington and Cambridge, on the twelfth ; and a \ncircular-letter, prepared by Samuel Adams, was issued, \ndeclaring that the town of Boston was suffering in \n\" the common cause,\" and that \" all should be united \nin opposition to this violation of the liberties of all.\" \n\n* This is not the only occasion, if history does not malign him, on \nwhich Hancock availed himself of the help of another in literary \ncomposition. When the adoption of the federal constitution was \nunder consideration in Boston, in 17S8, he was much in doubt as to \nhis course, and, in order to avoid discussion, remained at home, as \nwas usual with him on such occasions, wrapped in flannel, suffering \nfrom, or affecting to suffer from, the gout. He was flattered into the \nbelief that \" the salvation of the nation \" rested upon him, by some \npersons interested in the adoption of the constitution, and after much \nurging he appeared in the convention, (which was in session in the \nPederal Street church, by adjournment from the Town House,) car- \nried in the arms of several young gentlemen, and asked permission \nto read a speech whicli lie said he was unable to make in any other \nmanner. He then read a speech which had been written for him by \nTheophilus Parsons, and when he concluded one of his friends hastily \ntook the manuscript from him, that the handwriting might not be \nobserved. (See WelK' \" Life of Samuel Adams,\" vol. iii., page 25S.) \n\n\nPOWDER HASTILY PURCHASED. 35 I \n\nMilitary companies were formed, and everywhere \nmen were assiduous in learning the use of firearms; \nthough, as Hutchinson says, \" not under the officers of \nthe regiments to which they belonged,\" but \" under \nofficers of their own choosing.\" Five hundred \nbarrels of gunpowder were purchased, ostensibly \n\" for His Majesty's safety in the service of the prov- \nince,\" and it was plain that a conflict was only to be \navoided by the most judicious measures on the part \nof the royal officers. A town-meeting was held on \nthe thirteenth, so promptly did one act follow another, \nat which it was voted, against the opposition of the \ntories who came out to confuse the public counsels, \nthat the salvation of the liberties of America was \nto be obtained by a joint resolution of all the \ncolonies to stop all importations from and exporta- \ntions to England, and that, \"on the other hand, if \nthey continue their exports and imports, there is \nhigh reason to fear that fraud, power, and the most \nodious oppression will rise triumphant over right, \njustice, social happiness, and freedom.\" The day of \nthis town-meeting was made memorable by the \narrival of the new governor. General Gage. Paul \nRevere carried this manifesto of the town to Phila- \ndelphia, reaching that place on this occasion in six \ndays, and responses of the most encouraging char- \nacter began immediately to come to Boston, offering \nhelp, assuring her that she was considered as \" suffer- \ning in the common cause,\" and calling for a congress \nof the colonies.* \n\n* John Adams wrote to his wife : \" We live, my dear soul, in an \nage of trial. What will be the consequence, I know not. The town \nof Boston, for aught I can see, must suffer martyrdom ; it must ex- \n\n\n35- WAR. \n\nGage had been instructed to act with promptness \nagainst the leaders ; but he was a man of moderation,* \nand feared the effect of any decided action before \nhe had brought together troops enough to ensure \nhimself against a popular rising, though the impres- \nsion was general among Englishmen that Americans \nwere all cowards and poltroons. The general court \nmet on the twenty-sixth of May, and on the first of \nJune was adjourned to Salem, by General Gage. \nHutchinson left that morning for England. At \nnoon the port of Boston was closed ; no ferry-boat \ncould start forCharlestown, no vessel sail for London ; \nthe bells were tolled, and there were profuse signs \nof mourning. Even in Philadelphia business stopped, \nand in Virginia the day was observed by fasting and \nprayer. Bancroft paints a graphic picture of the \ntransformation of the busy town into a place of \nidleness and want : \" No anchor could be weighed, \nno sail unfurled, no vessel so much as launched from \nthe stocks \" ; the king had changed the \" busy work- \nshops into scenes of compulsory idleness, and the \nmost skilful naval artisans in the world, with the \nkeenest eye for forms of beauty and speed,\" were \nforced by act of parliament to fold their hands. \n\" Want scowled on the laborer, as he sat with his \n\npire ; and our principal consolation is that it dies in a noble cause, — \nthe cause of truth, of virtue, of liberty, of humanity, and that it will \nprobably have a glorious resurrection to greater wealth, splendor, and \npower than ever.\" May 12, 1774. \n\n* Joseph Warren considered Gage \"a man of honest, upright \nprinciples, and one desirous of accommodating the differences be- \ntween Great Britain and her colonies in a just and honorable way,\" \nthough he confessed that he wrote an \"ill-judged\" answer to the \nprovincial congress. \n\n\nTHE PORT OF BOSTON SHUT UP. 353 \n\nwife and children at his board. The sailor roamed \nthe streets listlessly without hope of employment.\" \n\nThe law was enforced with a rigor that went beyond \nthe intentions of its authors. It went hard with \nBoston ; but the people of Philadelphia sent her \nsympathy, and gifts were offered from far and near. \nSouth Carolina sent two hundred barrels of rice, \nand promised to make the gift a thousand ; Washing- \nton headed a subscription paper in Fairfax County, \nVirginia, with fifty pounds ; Wilmington, N. C, \nraised two thousand pounds currency in a few days ; \nflour, cattle, sheep, fish, came from New England \ntowns ; Quebec sent over a thousand bushels of \nwheat ; and Augusta County, Virginia, ofl'ered one \nhundred and thirty-seven barrels of flour. Salem \nand other ports were open, and received all that was \nsent, conveying it overland to the distressed town ; \nwhile the Bostonians themselves endeavored to smile \nat the strange fact that they were \" seventeen miles \nfrom a seaport.\" \n\nThere were a large number of delegates present at \nthe meeting of the court at Salem ; and business was \nbegun, after listening to Governor Gage's speech, by \nprotesting against the removal, and then arrange- \nments were made by Adams and those in sympathy \nwith him for the selection of delegates to the con- \ngress that was to be held in Philadelphia, for which \nit was intended that Boston should make the plans. \nAdams proceeded with secrecy, and on the seven- \nteenth of June, when he thought all was ready, after \nlocking the door and putting the key into his pocket, \nhe submitted resolutions assigning September ist as \n\n\n354 ^AR. \n\nthe day, and Philadelphia, \" or any other place \nthat should be decided upon,\" as the place for \nthe congress. Five delegates were chosen, and five \nhundred pounds were provided for their expenses. \nIn the midst of the discussion, which began by an \nuproar at the bold and, to some, unexpected sugges- \ntion, a member, feigning illness, managed to get out of \nthe room and to give Gage information of what was \ngoing on. The governor immediately sent his sec- \nretary with a brief message dissolving the assembly. \nThe closed door made his entrance impossible, and \nthe messenger stood on the stairway and read the \nimpotent proclamation to a few loungers. When \nAdams was ready, the door was opened, the proro- \ngation was allowed, and there was no longer a \ngeneral court in Massachusetts. \n\nWhile the sleepy town of Salem was agitated by \nthese proceedings there was a town-meeting in Boston \n(June 17th) over which John Adams presided. It was \ncalled for the purpose of providing employment for \nthe poor, and to talk about paying for the tea that \nhad been destroyed.* Though there had been two \nopinions on the propriety of paying for the tea, and \nthough Franklin thought best to take such a concili- \natory step, the meeting was firm and unanimous in \nasserting that Boston was willing to endure the \n\n* Owing to the fact that the citizens of Boston no longer had the \nright to hokl town-meetings at their pleasure, this one, known as the \nPort Bill Meeting, was not dissolved, but simply \"adjourned,\" \nin order that when another meeting should he found serviceable, \nit would not be necessary to ask Governor Gage's permission to hold \nit. The \" adjourned \" meeting was finally held on the day appointed \nfor the celebration of the Massacre, March 6, 1775. \n\n\nTHE SUFFOLK' RESOLVES. 355 \n\nworst rather than surrender any right. A memora- \nble meeting was held at Dr. Joseph Warren's house \nthat evening, and the hearts of those who were \npresent were cheered by the intelligence from \nSalem, by letters from Baltimore and New York, and \nby the news found in the public journals. \n\nCongress met at Philadelphia, September 5th, and \nremained in session until October 26th. After it had \nadjourned John Dickinson wrote to Josiah Quincy, Jr.: \n\" I now congratulate you on the hearty union of all \nAmerica from Nova Scotia to Georgia, in the common \ncause. If it be possible the return of the members \ninto the several colonies will make them still more firm. \nThe most peaceable provinces are now animated.\" Dr. \nCharles Chauncy wrote in November: \"The colonies \nare marvellously united, and determined to act as \none in the defence of this town and province.\" In \nfact \" Boston must be regarded as suffering in the \ncommon cause ! \" became the popular expression of \ncolonial sentiment. Mr. Adams considered the \nCongress to be a collection of the greatest men upon \nthe continent, in point of abilities, virtues, and \nfortunes. They looked upon tories as the most \ndespicable animals in creation, to be compared only \nto \" spiders, toads, and snakes.\" While this was \noccurring, the patriots in Boston convened in a \ncounty meeting,* first at Dedham, and then at \nMilton, where they passed the \" Suffolk Resolves,\" \nas they are called, in which it was declared that no \n\n* This was done on account of the difficulty and danger of holding \nmeetings in Boston. See \"A History of Boston,\" by Caleb H. Snow, \nM.D., page 298. \n\n\n356 iVAi?. \n\nofficers appointed by parliament were to be acknowl- \nedged ; that no more moneys were to be paid to the \nroyal treasurer ; that friends of the people should be \nput in command of the militia ; and that obedience \nshould be given to the acts of the continental \ncongress. A provincial congress was favored, and \nthreats were made of seizing all crown officers as \nhostages, in case of any arrest by the governor for \npolitical reasons. The gathering expressed a deter- \nmination to act on the defensive, as long as reason \nand self-preservation would allow, — \" and no longer.\" \nA system of couriers was established at the same \nmeeting, to communicate promptly with correspond- \ning committees and with town officers, and the bold \nresolves were sent to the congress at Philadelphia, \nby Paul Revere, who had been twice before em- \nployed on like errands. They were received with \napplause and commended to the country. \n\nGage was not an uninterested spectator of all these \nacts. He was busily collecting troops and ammuni- \ntion, and building fortifications and barracks ; and he \nthus stimulated the Americans not only to watchful- \nness, but to indignant opposition, for the powder \nthat he took was the property of the province, and \nthe men who assisted him were looked upon as base \nrenegades. On the first of September two hundred \nof his men embarked on a marauding excursion from \nLong Wharf, and went up the Mystic. They took \ntwo hundred and twelve half-barrels of powder from \nQuarry Hill, and a detachment captured two field- \npieces in Cambridge. The next day several thousand \npeople assembled at the latter town armed to repel \n\n\nTHE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 357 \n\nthe force, but as it had disappeared, they laid their \npieces aside and visited the houses of certain tories, \nwhom they obhged to forswear all connivance with \nthe royal government in the future. \n\nThe acts of Gage were distorted by rumor, and one \nday the country around was aroused by a story that \nthe fleet and army were firing into the town of \nBoston. It is said that thirty thousand people \ncollected from a radius of thirty miles about, to take \npart in the action. The rumor reached Philadelphia \nas actual news, and had the effect of uniting the \ndelegates and hastening their action. Mr. John \nAdams wrote from congress September eighth : \" We \nare waiting with the utmost anxiety and impatience \nfor further intelligence. The effect of the news we \nhave both upon the congress and the inhabitants of \nthis city was very great. Great indeed ! Every gentle- \nman seems to consider the bombardment of Boston \nas the bombardment of the capital of his own \nprovince. Our deliberations are grave and serious \nindeed.\" \n\nGage had called a meeting of the general court to \nconvene at Salem October 5th, but the tumults that \ncame on led him to issue a proclamation, on the \ntwenty-eighth of September, proroguing the body. \nThe members, however, met at the time appointed, \nbut after a little delay adjourned to Concord and \norganized themselves into a \" provincial congress.\" \nThe new body held its sessions for three weeks, during \nwhich time steps were taken to provide the towns \nwith ammunition and stores, and to organize the \nmilitia. The governor in his impotence denounced \n\n\n358 PVA/?. \n\nthe congress, but it met again in spite of him in \nNovember, at Cambridge, and kept on with its work. \nIt provided at this time for a \"committee of safety,\" \nwhich became the real executive of Massachusetts, \nwith power to procure stores, organize the militia, \nand generally to look out for the welfare of the \npeople. Thus, in various ways, Massachusetts calmly \nprepared for any aggressive movement, taking every \nprecaution, however, not to be aggressive herself. \nMinute-men were enrolled by the towns and carefully \ndrilled and equipped. These soldiers were looked \nupon with disdain by the regulars under Gage, while \nsome of them, who had been with Pepperell at \nLouisburg, ridiculed the earthworks on the Neck, \nwhich they compared disdainfully with the great \nstone walls that had proved no obstacle to their \nsuccess in that memorable campaign. \n\nThe second provincial congress convened at Cam- \nbridge on the first of February, 1775, with John \nHancock as president, and proceeded to exercise \nthe functions of the general court. It appropriated \nmoneys for the purchase of warlike stores, selected \nofificers for the command of the minute-men who \nmight be brought into actual service, and appointed \nSamuel and John Adams, John Hancock, Robert \nTreat Paine, and Thomas Cashing delegates to the \ncontinental congress. Meantime, events crowded \nupon one another. The fifth of March came around \nagain, and Dr. Warren craved the privilege of deliv- \nering the customary address in the Old South. A \nwarrant was issued for a town-meeting on March \n6th (the fifth being Sunday), in adjournment of the \n\n\nh'ARREN ENTERS A WINDOW. 359 \n\nPort Bill Meeting of June 17th of the previous year. \nGase had now crathercd a considerable force in Bos- \nton. At the close of 1774 he had eleven regiments \nof infantry and four companies of artillery, and five \nhundred men were on duty every day to overawe \nthe citizens. It required considerable nerve to speak \nin public at the time, for it was known that some \nattempt was to be made to interrupt the meeting on \nthis hated anniversary. When forty British officers \nentered the building Adams asked the civilians occu- \npying the front seats to vacate them, and seated the \nmilitary men in their places. He was determined to \nput them in the wrong, in case of any disturbance. It \nwas afterwards learned that an attempt was to have \nbeen made to seize the persons of Adams, Hancock, \nand Warren, and that a certain ensign had been ap- \npointed to give the signal for the others by throwing \nan egg at Dr. Warren in the pulpit. The young \nfellow had a fall on his way to the meeting, which \ndislocated his knee and broke the egg, on which \naccount the scheme failed. \n\nThe oration was delivered by Warren without \nmuch interruption. He was obliged to enter the \nmeeting-house through a window behind the high \npulpit, and then, taking his handkerchief in his right \nhand, he began and ended without action. At one \npoint an officer held up a few pistol bullets in his \nopen palm ; Warren quietly dropped his handker- \nchief upon them and went on. It is passing strange \nthat the peace was not disturbed, for some of War- \nren's words were well adapted to excite the royal- \nists. He spoke of the \"ruin \" around, and asked: \n\n\n360 IVAJ?. \n\n\" Does some fiend, fierce from the depth of hell, with \nall the rancorous malice that the apostate damned \ncan feel, twang her destructive bow, and hurl her \ndeadly arrows at our breast ? No, none of these ! \nbut how astonishing ! it is the hand of Britain that \ninflicts the wound. The arms of George, our right- \nful king, have been employed to shed that blood \nwhich freely should have flowed at his command, \nwhen justice or the honor of his crown had called his \nsubjects to the field.\" \n\nThe congress that had met in February at Cam- \nbridge convened again, March 22d, at Concord, w^hen \nit resolved anew that for the people to relax their \npreparations for defence would be attended with the \nmost dreadful consequences, pointed out the danger \nof \" subjugation,\" and called upon all to be prepared \nto oppose force to force if any emergency should \narise. The movements of the military had been \nstrictly watched during the winter by a body of \nthirty persons who patrolled the streets by twos at \nnight. At about dark, on the eighteenth of April, \neight hundred British troops were taken from their \nbarracks and marched to the foot of the common, \nwhere boats had been sent to meet them at a point \nnot far from the present site of the Providence rail- \nroad station. Information was taken to Dr. War- \nren, and he immediately sent one William Dawes \nto Lexington, to inform Adams and Hancock, who \nwere there. Dawes started across the Neck and \nwent through Roxbury. At a later hour Warren \nsent for Paul Revere, and begged him to go to \nLexington also, to tell Adams and Hancock of the \n\n\nLIGHTS IN THE NORTH CHURCH. 36 1 \n\nmovement. Revere had given certain friends at \nCharlestown to understand that, in case of such a \nmovement of troops by way of the Neck, he would \ndisplay a lantern in the steeple of Christ Church (or \n\" the North Church,\" as it was familiarly called), and \nif by Charlestown, two. Making hurried arrange- \nments, therefore, to have two lights hung out, he \nhastened across the Charles River and found his \nfriends, who had seen the lights, waiting for him. \nA horse was provided, and he hastened on towards \nLexington. Meantime most of the inhabitants of \nBoston slept quietly, little suspecting the momen- \ntous interests that were at stake. By daylight Gage \nwas informed that the country had been alarmed in \nadvance of his troops, and he determined to hurry \nforward reinforcements underyoungEarl Percy, then \nabout thirty years of age. It was nine o'clock before \nthese were ready to march, and then they went out \nthrough Roxbury to the Brighton bridge at Cam- \nbridge, and thence up the Menotomy road (through \nthe present Arlington) towards Lexington. It was \nhot and dusty, and Percy's men were soon fatigued. \nBoston saw no more of them until eight o'clock that \nevening, when their bayonets gleamed on Bunker \nHill, where they bivouacked for the night. In the \ninterval the \" battles \" of Lexington and Concord had \nbeen fought ; the American minute-men had been \ntried, and had learned that under some circum- \nstances at least it was possible for them to make the \nredcoats run. \n\nThe \" siege of Boston \" that was then begun lasted \nfor eleven months. \n\n\n362 \n\n\ntVJJ?. \n\n\nJohn Adams relates that once on a business Jour- \nney, in 1774, he arrived at Falmouth (now Portland) \nlate in the afternoon after riding at least thirty-five \nmiles. He said to his hostess: \" Madame, is it law- \nful for a weary traveller to refresh himself with a dish \nof tea, provided it has been honestly smuggled or \npaid no duties?\" \"No, sir,\" said she; \"we have \nrenounced all tea in this place ; but I '11 make you \ncoffee.\" \"Accordingly,\" he added, \" I have drank \ncoffee every afternoon since, and have borne it very \nwell.\" \n\n\nXXV. \n\nBOSTON BESIEGED. \n\nAfter the battles at Lexington and Concord, \nGovernor Gage wrote to his friends in England : \n\"Conciliation, moderation, reasoning is over; noth- \ning can be done but by forcible means. Tho' the \npeople are not held in high estimation by the troops, \nyet they are numerous, worked up to a fury, and not \na Boston rabble, but the farmers and the freeholders \nof the country. A check anywhere will be fatal, and \nthe first stroke will decide a great deal. We should \ntherefore be strong, and proceed on a good founda- \ntion before anything decisive is tried.\" These were \ntrue words, and our story will show how true they \nwere. Gage acted upon them. During the summer \nhe fortified the town as carefully as he could, hav- \ning, after May 25th, the counsel and assistance of \nGeneral Howe, who, with Burgoyne and Clinton (the \n\" three bow-wows,\" as they were called), arrived on \nthat day. \n\nThe meetings of the selectmen of Boston ceased \non the nineteenth of April, 1775, the record being \nbroken off in the midst of a list of the members of \nthe body who were present, and, so far as the records \ngo, martial law then took the place of the usual gov- \n\n3f'3 \n\n\n364 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\nernment of the town. Boston was closely shut up ; \nand Governor Gage was obliged to leave all the rest \nof the province over which he was appointed by \nGeorge the Third, to be governed according to the \npleasure of those of the colonists who were left out- \nside. From every direction men pressed toward the \nscene of action as soon as the alarm of the doings at \nLexington and Concord reached them, and there was \na fair army in Cambridge by the next evening after \nthe battles. It was composed of such men as Gage \ndescribes, and it was so firm and so efficient that no \nforce was able to get out of the capital except in one \ndirection, — by water, — ^and in that direction all the \nBritish were forced out in the following spring. \nMany of those in the vicinity of Boston who sympa- \nthized with the British, hastened to find refuge \nwithin the town ; and large numbers already there \nmade equal haste to get out, and there was mutual \nfear lest the Americans should march in, or the \nBritish march out. There was a town-meeting on \nthe twenty-second, followed by a conference with \nGage, which resulted in an agreement to allow citi- \nzens who would give up their arms to take their \ngoods and leave the town. Many people actually \ndid this ; but the general proved to be like Pharaoh \nof old, for when he feared that he had made a mistake, \nhe hardened his heart, and refused to let any go \nwhom he was able to hold back. He reasoned that \nif he could keep the Bostonians in, he would protect \nhimself, for the patriots he thought would hesitate \nto destroy their friends. For similar reasons he \nordered that those who did go out should leave their \n\n\nADAMS AND HANCOCK EXCEPTED. 365 \n\nmost valuable possessions behind them. Martial \nlaw was formally established on the twelfth of June \nby a proclamation, in which pardon was offered to \nall who would accept it, with the important excep- \ntions of Samuel Adams and John Hancock, who \nwere thus placed in the enviable position of leaders \npar excellence of the opposing citizens. \n\nPercy and his troops did not remain at their camp \non Bunker Hill. The wounded were taken to Bos- \nton by transports as promptly as possible, and soon \nafterward all the rest followed ; for Gage was really \nnot strong enough to do more than protect himself \nuntil the reinforcements arrived under the \" three \nbow-wows.\" The American army, then under com- \nmand of General Artemas Ward, had reached the \ntotal of fifteen thousand men. There had been no \ngeneral engagement since the battles at Lexington \nand Concord ; but Charlestown had been astonished \nin May by the marching of an army of two thousand \nmen to the ferry and back under General Putnam ; \nthe \" rebels \" had amused themselves also by burning \nthe houses on Hog Island, — \" just under the admiral's \nnose,\" Lord Percy indignantly wrote to his father ; \nthey had captured a barge belonging to a man-of- \nwar at Noddle's Island, and after carrying it to Cam- \nbridge in triumph, had taken it to Roxbury in a cart, \nwith the sails up and three men in it ; and there had \nbeen other raids, but no actual war. The doings \nwith the barge showed the exuberant spirits of new \nrecruits to whom blood-shedding was unknown. \n\nThe region about was alarmed from time to time \nby reports that the British were intending to march \n\n\n366 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\nout, and, by the third week in June, rumors of this \nkind became more definite. It was understood at \nCambridge that an effort was to be made to fortify \nDorchester Heights (now South Boston) and Charles- \ntown. General Ward determined to be first at \nBunker Hill, and despatched a force, under command \nof Colonel William Prescott, with orders to fortify \nthat eminence. When Prescott reached the point, a \nconsultation was held under the light of the moon, \nand it was determined to begin the works on Breed's \nHill, which was nearer Boston, — less than a mile, in- \ndeed, from the fortifications on Copp's Hill, just \nacross the Charles River. It was nine in the even- \ning, of June 1 6th, before the men left Cambridge ; \nbut they worked very rapidly, and by dawn a \nredoubt had been thrown up about eight rods \nsquare. Work was begun on a breastwork, to ex- \ntend from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom \nof the hill, but hot and heavy firing by the British \ninterrupted operations. After looking over the \nground as well as he could, Gage decided, against \nthe advice of his officers, to attack the works imme- \ndiately in front ; and two thousand men were landed \nfor the purpose under General Howe, near the pres- \nent site of the Navy Yard. After hard fighting the \nAmericans were overcome by greater numbers and \nforced to leave their position, having lost one hun- \ndred and forty-five killed and missing, and three \nhundred and four wounded. Two hundred and \ntwenty-four of the attacking force were killed, and \neight hundred and thirty wounded. It was a fierce \nstruggle, which showed the colonists their fighting \n\n\nBUNKER HILL. 367 \n\nability, while it taught the British never to lead their \ntroops against the Americans when entrenched ; and \nit proved the decisive battle of the war. The British \nburned the town, destroying, with the meeting-house, \ncourt-house, school-houses, and nearly four hundred \nother buildings, all the goods and chattels of the \ninhabitants, as well as much property belonging to \ncitizens of Boston who had hurriedly carried it \nthither for safety. Among the losses were the books \nand manuscripts of the Reverend Samuel Mather, \ncomprising those which he had received from his \nfather, his grandfather, and his great-grandfather, \nmany of them being, however, such as the present \ngeneration would probably consider of little value, \nexcept as showing the sort of books and writings \nwhich were in vogue in the colonial days. \n\nThis was a desperate battle, and Mrs. John Adams \nwrites that Howe was reported to have said that the \nfight upon the Plains of Abraham was but a bauble \nto it. It was thought astonishing that all the Ameri- \ncans were not cut off. The engagement began at \nthree o'clock on Saturday morning, and the firing \ndid not cease until after three o'clock Sunday after- \nnoon. The towns about were excited. They all \ncontained refugees from the city, and everybody \nfeared that an immediate advance would be made \nover the Neck. There was so much alarm at Brain- \ntree, that no service was held in the meeting-house \non that Sunday, nor even upon the next. While \nthis was the state of affairs in the country, Boston \nitself was no less distressed. After the battle, wag- \nons and carts were in active demand to convey the \n\n\n368 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\nwounded to hospitals and the dead to their graves, \nand Howe was too much occupied and astonished by \nthe audacity and bravery of the Americans to make \nplans for any immediate advance. \n\nWe must conceive of the town at that time as \ndeprived of all of its usual channels of supplies; of \ncourse provisions soon became scarce, and wood for \nfires was to be obtained only by taking down dwell- \nings and other buildings. Mrs. Adams, in writing to \nher husband, said : \n\n\" The present state of the inhabitants of Boston is that \nof the most abject slaves, under the most cruel and des- \npotic of tyrants. Among many instances I could men- \ntion, let me relate one. Upon the seventeenth of June, \nprinted handbills were posted up at the corners of the \nstreets and upon houses, forbidding any inhabitants to go \nupon their houses or upon any eminence on pain of \ndeath ; the inhabitants dared not to look out of their \nhouses, nor to be heard or seen to ask a question. Our \nprisoners were brought over to the Long Wharf, and \nthere lay all night, without any care of their wounds, or \nany resting-place but the pavements, until the next day, \nwhen they exchanged it for the jail, since which we hear \nthey are civilly treated. Their living cannot be good, as \nthey can have no fresh provisions ; their beef we hear is \nall gone, and their wounded men die very fast, so that \nthey have a report that the bullets were poisoned. Fish \nthey cannot have, they have rendered it so difficult to pro- \ncure ; and the admiral is such a villain, as to oblige \nevery fishing schooner to pay a dollar every time it goes \nout. The money that has been paid for passes is incredi- \nble. Some have given ten, twenty, thirty, and forty dol- \nlars to get out with a small proportion of their things. It \n\n\nTHE HOWES DETESTED. 369 \n\nis reported and believed that they have taken up a num- \nber of persons and committed them to jail, we know not \nfor what in particular. Master Lovell is confined in a \ndungeon ; a son of Mr. Edes is in jail ; and one Wibert, \na ship-carpenter, is on trial for his life. God alone \nknows to what length these wretches will go. We shall \nsoon have no coffee, nor sugar, nor pepper here ; but \nwhortleberries and milk we are not obliged to commerce \nfor.\" \n\nWords were not strong enough to give expression \nto the hate and detestation felt for the Howes, and \nJohn Adams followed his gentle wife in vigorous de- \nnunciation of England. \" We have nothing to hope \nfor from our loving mother-country,\" he wrote, \" but \ncruelties more abominable than those which are \npractised by the savage Indians.\" A few days later, \nMrs. Adams received news from a man who escaped \nfrom Boston in a fishing schooner, and wrote to her \nhusband : \n\n\" Their distress increases upon them fast. Their beef \nis all spent ; their malt and cider all gone. All the fresh \nprovisions they can procure they are obliged to give to \nthe sick and wounded. ... No man dared to be \nseen talking with his friend in the street. They were \nobliged to be within every evening at ten o'clock, accord- \ning to martial law ; nor could any inhabitant walk any \nstreet in town after that time without a pass from Gage. \nHe has ordered all the molasses to be distilled into rum \nfor the soldiers ; taken away all licenses, and given out \nothers ; obliging to a forfeiture of ten pounds if any rum \nis sold without written orders from the general. . . . \nAs to the situation of the camps, our men are in general \n\n\n370 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\nhealthy, much more so at Roxbury than at Cambridge. \n. . . Every article in the West India way is very \nscarce and dear. In six weeks we shall not be able \nto purchase any article of the kind. I wish you would \nlet Bass get me one pound of pepper and two yards of \nblack calamanco for shoes. I cannot wear leather, if I \ngo barefoot. . . . Not one pin to be purchased for \nlove or money.\" \n\nA writer inside of the town wrote that the fare \nwas \" pork and beans one day and beans and pork \nanother, and fish when we can catch it.\" \n\nThe ofificers of the British occupied the best dwell- \nings they could find. Lord Percy lived apart of the \ntime in the Gardiner Greene mansion,* and a part in \na dwelling on the corner of Tremont and Winter \nstreets, which was afterwards the home of Samuel \nBreck ; Burgoyne was in the house of the learned \nJames Bowdoin, who was governor of the State \nafter the war f ; General Clinton occupied the house \nof John Hancock, on Beacon Street, fronting the \nCommon. The South meeting-house was used as a \nriding-school for the light dragoons ; some other \nmeeting-houses were occupied as barracks ; the \nNorth meeting-house was pulled down for firewood, \nas were many other buildings of less pretence, in- \ncluding, probably, the house of John Winthrop, that \nstood near the Old South meeting-house. Cutting \n\n* The estate of Gardiner Greene comprised the greater portion of \nPemberton Hill, now kept in memory by Pemberton Square, and his \ndwelling was the finest in Boston. \n\n\\ This house stood on Beacon Street, near the corner of the street \nthat bears the governor's name. It stood back from the street, and, \nlike the massive building now on the site, was approached by a long \nflight of stone steps. \n\n\nKING GEORGE ACTIVE. 371 \n\ndown the Liberty Tree afforded the troops amuse- \nment one day. \n\nThe colonial congress met at Philadelphia May \nloth, and George Washington, of Virginia, was ap- \npointed to take the lead of the armies of the united \ncolonies. At the same period the citizens of Massa- \nchusetts, not being able to get at their rightful \ncapital, formed a new government, organizing the \n\" Territory of Massachusetts Bay,\" with its capital \nat Watertown, where the representatives and coun- \ncillors, without any governor, held their sessions in \nthe village meeting-house. Washington was appoint- \ned two days before the battle of Bunker Hill, and \nleft for Cambridge as soon as he could, stopping at \nWatertown to pay his respects to the new govern- \nment. On the third of July he took command of \nthe forces, and began to establish discipline among \nthe men, who were entirely unaccustomed to it. He \nmade the blockade of Boston as complete as possible, \nand laid plans for the capture of the town. \n\nOn the other side of the sea, his Majesty George \nthe Third, was fully occupied with considerations \ntouching America. He recalled Gage so soon as the \nreport of the \" victory \" at Bunker Hill was received, \nmade arrangements with the ruler of Hesse to buy \nmen to send over to fight his once loyal subjects in \nBoston. On the twenty-third of August, he made a \nproclamation for suppressing rebellion and sedition, \nin which he charged the colonists with forgetfulness \nof their allegiance, with obstructing commerce, with \nactual rebellion, and commanded all civil and mili- \ntary officers and all loyal subjects to use their utmost \nefforts to suppress the outbreak, promising \" condign \n\n\n372 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\npunishment \" to the rebels themselves, — when \ncaught. His Majesty declared that he was \" unal- \nterably determined at every hazard, and at the risk of \nevery consequence, to compel the colonies to absolute \nsubmission,\" and the determination gave him the ap- \npearance of ease and composure, even of gayety, while \nit was said of his minister, Lord North, that neither he \nnor any one else had ever been seen in higher spirits. \nThe summer of 1775 was very hot, and it was fol- \nlowed by a winter of more than ordinary mildness. \nThere was inactivity on both sides, and this was, of \ncourse, less endurable in the city than outside of it. \nThe British found some enjoyment in a theatre that \nthey improvised at Faneuil Hall, where amateurs \ntook parts in plays selected or written for the occa- \nsions. One of these is credited to General Burgoyne. \nIt was called \" The Blockade of Boston,\" and on the \neighth of January, 1776, when it was performing, \nand an actor was ridiculing Washington, the alarm \nwas given that the Yankees were attacking Bunker \nHill. The audience thought that this was a part of \nthe play, until there came a sharp command : \" Of- \nficers, to your posts ! \" and the performance was \nbrought to a sudden and inglorious end. In the \nsame month, arrangements were made for a masked \nball, to be held on the eleventh of the following \nMarch. It was thus advertised : \n\nMasquerade. \n\nOn Monday, the eleventh of March, will be given at \n\nConcert Hall, a Subscription Masked Hall. — By the fifth of \n\nMarch a number of different masks will be prepared \n\nand sold by almost all the milliners and mantua- \n\nmakers in town. \n\n\nRUFUS PUTNAM MAKES A CALL. 373 \n\nThe Nezvs-Letter referred to the ball in an editorial \narticle, on the twenty-second of February, saying: \n\" We hear ten capital cooks are already employed in \npreparing supper for the masquerade, which is to be \nthe most brilliant thing ever seen in America.\" \n\nAmong the trusted military men about Washing- \nton was one whom he was wont to call the ablest \nengineer ofBcer of the war, whether American or \nFrench. It was General Rufus Putnam, a veteran \nof the Old French War, who, with a regiment from \nWorcester County, had joined the camp at Cam- \nbridge, just after the battle at Lexington. Washing- \nton wished for ice on which he could transfer troops \nfrom Cambridge to Roxbury, in order that he might \nmake an attack upon Boston from that side. The \nseason was open, and ice did not form until near \nspring, and then the cold froze the ground so that it \nwas like solid rock to the pickaxe. One evening \nduring the winter Washington invited Putnam to dine \nat head-quarters, and detained him after the company \nhad departed in order to discuss the subject on his \nmind. Putnam was ordered to consider the matter, \nand report at once if he should find any means of \nexecuting the plan. Putnam left in company with \nanother gentleman, and, on the way, passed General \nHeath's. \" I had no thoughts of calling,\" he re- \nlates, \" until I came against his door, and then I \nsaid : ' L-et us call on General Heath,' to which he \nagreed. I had no other motive but to pay my \nrespects to the general. While there I cast my eye \non a book which lay on the table, lettered on the \nback ' Muller's Field Engineer.' I immediately re- \n\n\n374 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\nquested the general to lend it to me. He denied \nme. I repeated my request. He again refused, and \ntold me he never lent his books. I then told him that \nhe must recollect that he was one who, at Roxbury, \nin a measure compelled me to undertake a business \nwhich, at the time, I confessed I had never read a \nword about, and that he must let me have the book. \nAfter some more excuses on his part, and close \npressing on mine, I obtained the loan of it.\" When \nPutnam glanced over the ta*ble of contents his eye \nwas attracted by the word \" chandelier,\" which was \nnew to him. The word was described as applying \nto a movable parapet of wood instead of earth, made \nof stout timbers ten feet long, into which were \nframed posts five feet high and five feet apart. \nThese were placed on the ground in parallel lines, \nand the spaces were filled in with bundles of fascines \nstrongly picketed together. The problem was solved. \nWashington decided to take advantage of the \nreturn of the day of the \"Massacre\" to open his \nfires. Putnam set men at work in apple orchards and \nwoodlands cutting and bundling up the fascines and \ngetting them ready for the appointed time. As has \nbeen well said : \" When the sun went down on Boston \non the fourth of March Washington was at Cam- \nbridge, and Dorchester Heights were as nature or \nthe husbandmen had left them in the autumn.\" \nDuring that night troops were transported thither, \nthe chandeliers were put in position, the ground was \nthrown up in the form of earthworks by willing \nhands, and in the morning the British, looking through \na fojT that had before covered the Americans and \n\n\nGOING TO HALIFAX. 375 \n\nnow magnified the size of their works, found them- \nselves overlooked by fortifications that seemed of \nindefinite magnitude. It took General Howe but \ntwenty-four hours to decide that his position must \nbe evacuated, and after a delay of some days, he \nacted upon that decision. \n\nBy four o'clock on Sunday morning, March 17th, \nthe British began to embark on their ships, and \nby ten o'clock, so rapid was the movement, the \nvessels were all under sail, carrying with them such \nloyalists as had remained in the town to share the \ndiscomfiture. As the last passengers went on \nboard, General Washington entered the abandoned \ntown, crossing the Neck by the street which now \nbears his name in memory of the fact. He was \nreceived with acclamations as he passed along, for \nthe citizens were happy to be released from their \ntrials. \n\nOn the day that the mantua-makers were to have \nsold masks for the most brilliant ball ever seen in \nAmerica, \" an ofificer of distinction\" wrote that the \nAmericans had, during the previous night raised \nredoubts at Dorchester, \" with an expedition equal \nto that of the genii belonging to Aladdin's wonder- \nful lamp \" ; and the next day he continued : \" We \nare now evacuating the town with the utmost expe- \ndition, and are leaving behind us half our worldly \ngoods.\" Before the day arrived that had been set \nfor the ball, Boston was in utter confusion, in vigor- \nous efforts to complete what the same distinguished \nofificer called \" the retreat from the town.\" If the \n\" ten cooks \" prepared the supper of which the edi- \n\n\n3/6 BOSTON BESIEGED. \n\ntor of the News-Letter heard, they lost their labor. \nAt noon of the day of Washington's entry, Mrs, \nAdams wrote : \n\n\" To what a contemptible situation are the troops of \nBritain reduced ! . . . I hear that General Howe said, \nupon going on some eminence to view our troops, who \nhad taken Dorchester Hill unperceived by them until \nsunrise : ' My God ! these fellows have done more work \nin one night than I could make my army do in three months.' \nAnd he might well say so, for in one night two forts and \nlong breastworks were sprung up, besides several bar- \nracks. Three hundred and seventy teams were employed, \nmost of which went three loads in the night, besides four \nthousand men, who worked with good hearts. From \nPenn's Hill we have a view of the largest fleet ever seen \nin America. You may count upwards of one hundred \nand seventy sail. They look like a forest.\" \n\nThe close of the siege of Boston is also the close \nof a period in the existence of the town. Previously \nto that event it had been the most important place \nin the colonies, and the one against which the Brit- \nish ministry aimed their most virulent shafts. The \nsiege reduced the population to about six thousand \ninhabitants, though there had been more than three \ntimes as many before, and during the period of \nrecuperation that followed, it contained but little \nmore than twelve thousand inhabitants, while New \nYork had more than twice as many. The heroic age \nof Boston ended when Washington took possession \nof it for America. There was thereafter no more \nwar within its limits ; there was no longer a struggle \nfor a charter ; there was no odious tax to be dis- \n\n\nPEACE IN BOSTON. \n\n\n177 \n\n\ncussed, denounced, and rebelled against ; thenceforth \nthere was only the practice of the arts of peace, \nof commercial enterprise, varied by exhibitions of \npatriotism when any other portion of the land was \naggrieved, when the life of the nation itself was \nthreatened. Boston was destined to grow in the \nlines that the fathers laid out for it, to become rich \nand to be useful ; but never again was it to have an \nheroic age. \n\n\n^ \n\n^^^^^flE^^^^T! \n\nn \n\n^i\"; '^ \n\np|p^ \n\n^^ \n\nS^gSfB \n\n^a \n\nWk^^j \n\n^^*oIk' \n\n^i \n\n*^ri|^E^^fta \n\n^J^ \n\n^^^S \n\nTn— ^-^---^g^J^T. \n\n^^y \n\nXXVI. \n\nINDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nAfter the departure of the British, the scene of \naction for the men of Massachusetts changed, and \nthe more enlarged sphere opened to such men as \nSamuel and John Adams, Hancock, Gushing, and \nthe others who had made the town-meeting and the \nprovincial legislature their means of influencing pub- \nlic opinion. It has been said that \" no other town \never played so conspicuous a part in connexion with \nimportant events \" as Boston did in the early period. \nSamuel Adams, said Hutchinson with truth, depended \nupon the town-meeting, where he originated the \nmeasures that were followed by the other towns in \nthe province, and adopted and justified by the legis- \nlature, and, he might have added, were considered \nat Philadelphia, and, by his influence there, made a \npart of the impulse that stirred the continent. Mas- \nsachusetts thus, through its representatives, moved \nthe general congress ; Boston gave the cue to Massa- \nchusetts, and Samuel Adams-ruled Boston. Jefferson \nconsidered Samuel Adams, \" more than any other \nmember of congress, the fountain of the most import- \nant measures,\" and declared that \" if there was any \nPalinurus to the Revolution,\" he was the man. Adams \n\n378 \n\n\nTHE AMERICAN PALINURUS. 379 \n\nwas constantly holding caucuses in Philadelphia, as \nhe had held them in Boston, that were attended by \ndistinguished men, where \"the generality of the \nmeasures pursued were previously determined on, \nand at which the parts were assigned to the differ- \nent actors who afterwards appeared in them. John \nAdams had a very little part in these caucuses ; but \nas one of the actors in the measures decided on in \nthem, he was the Colossus.\" * \n\nAt an early period Samuel Adams was called \" the \nFather of America,\" and certainly no one better de- \nserved the title ; after his death he was spoken of as \nthe \" Father of the American Revolution,\" and no \none could dispute that honor with him. It is not \nour province to follow the events that Massachusetts \nmen were engaged in after they called them away \nfrom Boston, but some reference to contemporary \nhistory is unavoidable. \n\nThe British fleet remained in the harbor some \ntime after the evacuation of Boston, and deserters \nreported that there was much sickness among the \nmen. Efforts were initiated for setting fire to the \nvessels, but before they were ready the ships sailed \naway, perhaps informed of the proposed attempt. \nWashington went away in April, 1776, leaving Arte- \nmas Ward in command, and he was followed in \nsuccession by Heath and Gates. Efforts were made \nto fortify Fort Hill ; the islands were inspected, and \nslowly the place was made strong ; but there were \noccasional alarms lest the fleet should return and do \ndamage. When the inhabitants recovered from \n\n* Thomas Jefferson, imder date 1825. \n\n\n38o INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\ntheir amazement and looked around, they found \ntheir homes in many cases devastated, though a few \nof the occupants at the time of the siege had left \nsums of money for them in the nature of rent. \nGoods were held at extravagant prices in the two or \nthree shops open, and it was difflcult to obtain men \nto do necessary work. The fortifications erected by \nGage on the Neck were soon levelled, and the two \nthousand effective men that Washington left, when \nhe went to the southward, were put in the best order \npossible for the protection of the town. \n\nThe Americans watched the movements of the \nships that came toward Boston, as well as of those that \nwent from it, and in May a large armed ship, named \nthe Hope, appeared, bringing supplies to the town, \nwhich was thought to be still occupied by a British \ngarrison. Ward had commissioned a brave captain, \nnamed Mugford, to watch for such vessels, and he \nattacked this one, which proved to have on board \namong its cargo a supply of powder, which was then \nmuch needed. Mugford carried her safely to Bos- \nton. There were other similar captures, which \nrelieved the Bostonians and were thankfully ac- \nknowledged. Mrs. Adams wrote : \n\n\" The remarkable interpositions of Heaven in our be- \nhalf cannot be too gratefully acknowledged. He who \nfed the Israelites in the wilderness, ' who clothes the \nlilies of the field, and feeds the young ravens when they \ncry,' will not forsake a people engaged in so righteous a \ncause, if we remember his loving-kindness. We wanted \npowder — we have a supply. We wanted arms — we have \nbeen favored in that respect. We wanted hard money — \n\n\nLOCAL GOVERNMENTS FORMED. 38 1 \n\ntwenty-two thousand dollars and an equal value in plate \nare delivered into our hands.\" \n\nCongress was in session at Philadelphia, and on \nthe nineteenth of May, 1776, a vote was passed, \nrecommending each of the colonies to form a local \ngovernment. The resolution asserted that it was \nirreconcilable with the conscience and reason of the \npeople to take oaths to support the royal govern- \nments, that all such ought to be suppressed, and \ngovernments established that depended upon the \npower of the sovereign people. The tories opposed \nthis, of course, and so did the representatives of the \nproprietary governments of the middle colonies, and \nthere was an outburst of bitter passion ; but all op- \nposition was powerless, and the resolution became \nthe platform of the popular party, the touchstone of \nfidelity. Massachusetts, we know, had already taken \nthis action ; New Hampshire had followed in Janu- \nary, 1776 ; and South Carolina did the same March \n26th that year. A few days before this, the most \ninfluential member of the Massachusetts legislature, \nthen in session at Watertown, wrote : \n\n*' The tories dread a declaration of independence, and \na course of conduct on that plan, worse than death. . . . \nMy hand and heart are full of it. There will be no \nabiding union without it. . . . Without a real conti- \nnental government, our army will overrun us ; and peo- \nple will, by and by, — sooner than you may be aware of, \n— call for their old constitutions, as they did in England, \nafter Cromwell's death, call in Charles the Second. For \nGod's sake, let there be a full revolution, or all has been \ndone in vain. Independency and a well-planned conti- \n\n\n382 INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nnental government will save us. God bless you ! Amen \nand amen ! \" \n\nOne branch of the Massachusetts legislature passed \na vote in favor of a declaration of independence, but \nthe other refused to agree until Congress had lecris- \nlated on the subject, because it was considered that \nsuch action might appear dictatorial, and thus injure \nthe cause. Both branches agreed, however, on an \nact requiring all citizens to \" defend by arms the \nUnited Colonies, and every part thereof,\" against \nthe fleets and armies of Britain, and the towns were \ncalled upon to meet and determine whether, in case \nCongress should declare for independence, they \nwould solemnly engage with their lives and fortunes \nto support the measure. Accordingly, the towns \nmet in May and June, and voted, that if the Ameri- \ncan Republic were not established, the age would be \nrecreant to its duty ; that there was no alternative \nbut ruin or independence ; that they would defend \nsuch a measure to the death, as the various phrase- \nology ran. \n\n\" In this way, from the battlefields of Lexington and \nConcord, from the ruins at the base of Bunker Hill, \nfrom Faneuil Hall, from a hundred villages aglow with \npatriotic fires, went forth the pledge of determined and \nstern men to support such a declaration as Congress \nmight make with their fortunes and their lives.\" * \n\nTwelve of the thirteen colonies (all, except New \nYork) had, by the end of June, given their voices in \nfavor of a declaration of independence, and had des- \nignated Congress as the body to take the final action. \n\n* Frothingham, \" The Rise of the Republic,\" pages 507, 508. \n\n\nJOHN ADAMS AGREEABLY SURPRISED. 383 \n\nUnder these circumstances Congress met at Phila- \ndelphia on the first of July, having among its number \ntwo members, — Samuel Adams and John Hancock, \n— who were outlaws, proscribed by the king, and it \nset itself to the consideration of independency, the \nonly topic that seemed of present importance. John \nAdams, of Massachusetts, was called upon to present \nthe arguments in favor of the step that seemed to \nbe demanded. He rose reluctantly and somewhat \nconfused, he said, and expressed his views. The \ndebate that followed was not long, and on the follow- \ning day it was solemnly resolved that \" These United \nColonies are and of right ought to be free and inde- \npendent states ; that they are absolved from all \nallegiance to the British crown ; and that all political \nconnexion between them and the state of Great \nBritain is and ought to be totally dissolved.\" Then \nJohn Adams wrote to his wife : \n\n\" The greatest question has been decided which ever \nwas debated in America, and a greater perhaps than ever \nwas or will be decided among men. . . . When I \nlook back to the year 1761, and recollect the argument \nconcerning the writs of assistance in the Superior Court, \nwhich I have hitherto considered as the commencement \nof this controversy between Great Britain and America, \nand run through the whole period from that time to this, \nand recollect the series of political events, the chain of \ncauses and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness as \nwell as the greatness of this revolution. Britain has \nbeen filled with folly and America with wisdom, at least \nthis is my judgment. Time must determine. It is the \nwill of heaven that the two countries should be sundered \nforever.\" \n\n\n384 INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nJohn Adams said that the second day of July- \nought to be celebrated as a great anniversary festival \nby succeeding generations, — \" commemorated as a \nday of deliverance, — by solemn acts of devotion to \nGod Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with \npomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, \nbells, bonfires, and illuminations from one end of \nthis continent to the other, from this time forward \nforevermore.\" \n\nHow was the news that Adams sent to his wife \nwith such an outburst of patriotic enthusiasm, re- \nceived in Boston ? The day of the Thursday lecture \nwas set apart for the reading of the Declaration, and \nafter a good sermon the congregation followed the \ncrowd to King Street. The town was thronged by \ncrowds in holiday suits, with Joy beaming from every \neye. Artillery was drawn up in front of the jail on \nCourt Street, and infantry lined the adjoining streets. \nExactly as the clock struck one, Colonel Thomas \nCrafts appeared on the balcony of the State House, \nand read the Declaration, the great audience listen- \ning with attention to every word. When he sat \ndown a shout, '' God save our American States ! \" \nwas heard in the hall, to which the throng below re- \nsponded with three hearty cheers ; the bells rang, \ncannon were discharged from the shipping and from \nthe forts and batteries, the infantry followed, and \nMr. Bowdoin gave the sentiment, \" Stability and \nPerpetuity to American Independence ! \" The better \nclass of citizens attended a banquet in the council- \nchamber ; much liquor was distributed to the popu- \nlace, according to the old custom ; and the king's \n\n\n'fc> \"^ \"\"'- ^*^ N-^^^V^.i. . IW.^ ^l.V, .-XWj^ \n\n\nTHE DEFICIENCIES OF BOSTONIANS. 385 \n\narms were taken down from the town-house, cus- \ntom-house, court-house, and every other place, and \nconsumed in a general bonfire in front of the Bunch \nof Grapes tavern at the corner of Kilby and State \nstreets. In the evening there was a general illumina- \ntion, and as Mrs. Adams wrote: \"Thus ends royal \nauthority in this state ; and all the people shall say \namen!\" On the fifteenth of August, by order of \nthe council. Dr. Chauncy read the Declaration from \nthe pulpit of the Brick Church, which stood on the \nspot now occupied by the Joy Building, on Wash- \nington Street, and asked a \" blessing upon the \nUnited States of America, even until the restitution \nof all things,\" in a manner that universally struck \nhis audience. Mrs. Adams thought, however, that \nBoston was behind the other colonies in joy over \nthe establishment of the new government. \n\nBoth John Adams and his wife had high notions \nof what ought to be expected of Boston, and in \nmany respects they doubtless were right. Mr. \nAdams wrote from Philadelphia that there was no \none thing in which Massachusetts excelled the other \ncolonies so much as in its university, scholars, and \npreachers. \" Particular gentlemen, here,\" he added, \n\" who have improved upon their education by travel, \nshine ; but in general old Massachusetts outshines \nher younger sisters. Still, in several particulars they \nhave more wit than we. They have societies, the \nPhilosophical Society, particularly, which excites a \nscientific emulation, and propagates their fame. . . . \nMy countrymen want art and address. They want \nknowledge of the world. They want the exterior \n\n\n386 IXDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nand superficial accomplishments of gentlemen, upon \nwhich the world has set so high a value. In solid \nabilities and real virtues they vastly excel, in gen- \neral, any people upon this continent. Our New \nEngland people are awkward, and bashful, yet they \nare pert, ostentatious, and vain ; a mixture which \nexcites ridicule and gives disgust. They have not \nthe faculty of showing themselves to the best ad- \nvantage, nor the art of concealing this faculty ; an \nart and faculty which some people possess in the \nhighest degree. Our deficiencies in these respects \nare owing wholly to the little intercourse we have \nhad with strangers, and to our inexperience in the \nworld. These imperfections must be remedied, for \nNew England must produce the heroes, the states- \nmen, the philosophers, or America will make no \ngreat figure for some time.\" * \n\nAt this time the cost of living was double what it \nhad been the year previous ; the merchant com- \nplained of the farmer, and the farmer of the mer- \nchant, but both were alike extravagant, in the \nopinion of the buyer. Mrs. Adams wrote to her \nhusband that she wished a little green tea, for there \nwas none to be had in Boston ; but she explained \nthat she merely wished it as a \" medicine and as a \nrelief to a nervous pain \" in her head, and added, \nperhaps to show the unreasonableness of human \nnature : \" Were it as plenty as ever, I would not \npractise the use of it.\" With the progress of the \nwar there came a gradual change in Boston society, \nand extravagance of manners and of equipage fol- \n\n* \" Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife,\" page 207. \n\n\nRUM AND MUTTON SCARCE. 387 \n\nlowed. Mr. Curwen in his diary relates (February \n10, 1780) that those who in 1772 were the \"meaner \npeople,\" became a few years later, by a strange rev- \nolution, almost the only men of power, riches, and \ninfluence, while those who at that time had been \nleaders in the highest line of life, were happy if by \nremaining unknown they could escape \" insult and \nplunder.\" This is the opinion of a loyalist, who had \nleft his country to escape the indignation of the \npatriotic people ; but Mrs. Adams wrote to her hus- \nband that a lethargy seemed to have overcome the \npeople, that there was a great rage for privateering \nas a means of gaining riches ; that the town of Bos- \nton seemed to be really destitute of the choice \nspirits that once inhabited it ; that though^ she had \nnot heard that toryism was on the increase, there \nwas a spirit of avarice, a contempt of authority, an \ninordinate love of gain, and that prices of ordinary \nnecessaries of life were exorbitant, in spite of an ordi- \nnance vainly passed for the purpose of restraining \nspeculation. New England rum was, in the spring of \n1777, as high as eight shillings a gallon, and molasses \nthe same ; coffee, two and sixpence a pound ; and \nmutton, lamb, and pork not to be had at any price. \nThere were those who refused to take paper-money, \noffered articles for sale at a lower price for silver, \nand bought up goods for the purpose of speculation, \nwhich they would not sell at any price for paper. \nFive of these were, one Saturday afternoon, in April, \n1777, carted through the streets of Boston to Rox- \nbury, followed by a concourse of some five hundred \npersons, under command of one \" Joice junior,\" who \n\n\n388 INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nwas on horseback, dressed in a white wig, a red coat, \nand bearing a drawn sword. The drum and fife \nmade music. When Roxbury was reached Joice \nordered the cart tipped up, and the men were \ninformed that if they were found in Boston again it \nwould be at the expense of their Hves. \" Joice \njunior \"was a name given to a man appointed to \nthis duty of terrifying royahsts, and it seems that he \nattended well to his work. \n\nA little later, a number of \" females,\" angry be- \ncause some merchants held their sugar for a rise in \nprice, went to the store of one of them, Thomas \nBoylston, a bachelor, called by Mrs. Adams \" emi- \nnent, wealthy, stingy,\" and demanded his keys, which \nhe refused to give up. They were provided with \ncarts and trucks, and Mr. Boylston was quickly seized \nby the neck and tossed into one of them ; whereupon \nhe delivered up his keys and was tipped out again. \nThe warehouse was opened, and a hogshead of coffee \nwas hoisted out and carried away. It is related that \n\" a large concourse of men stood amazed, silent \nspectators of the whole transaction.\" \n\nLess than a week after this all Boston was in con- \nfusion, for there was a rumor that the enemy was \nabout to attack it. People were seen hastily pack- \ning up and carting from the town all the household \ngoods, merchandise and military stores that could \nbe gathered together at once, and a thousand teams \nwere employed in taking them into the country. \nThe alarm was, however, found to have been base- \nless. The progress of the war led the people to \nseek to cultivate their own resources, and among \n\n\nBURGOYNE IN CAMBRIDGE. 389 \n\nother expedients it was thought that molasses and \neven sugar might be obtained from the corn-stalk. \nScarcely a town about Boston was without mills for \nthe purpose of crushing the stalks and making mo- \nlasses, which it was thought might be boiled down \ninto sugar. \n\nThe news of the surrender of Burgoyne's army at \nSaratoga, in October, 1777, was received in Boston \nwith the usual demonstrations of joy. A service of \nthanksgiving and praise w^as held on the twenty- \nsixth of the month, and the \" vaporing Burgoyne \" \nwas expected in Cambridge soon after. The general \nhimself entered town in a pelting storm, and was \nquartered at Porter's Hotel, then Bradish's Tav- \nern, which was afterwards exchanged for the large \ndwelling opposite the college library, often called \nthe \" Bishop's Palace.\" The captured artillery was \nparked on the Common. General Riedesel and his \nwife were assigned to the \" Jonathan Sewall house,\" \nwhich then stood on the corner of Brattle and Sparks \nstreets, but now, in a considerably altered condition, \nhas found a resting-place on the corner next beyond, \nthe street being named in honor of the baron. ' The \nHessian and English soldiers were strictly guarded \nb}^ Massachusetts militia. They were sent in de- \ntachments to the interior of the State, the last \nleaving in October, 1778. \n\nThough Mrs. Adams had not heard of the appear- \nance of toryism, it seems that the spirit made itself \nfelt in the spring elections in Boston in 1778, when \nsome of those who had gone to Halifax with Howe \nreturned and asked to be permitted to resume their \n\n\n390 INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nformer rights and residence. Samuel Adams espe- \ncially was positive against such action. He had \nwished to see Boston a \" Christian Sparta,\" and he \nfelt that the influence of the tories was always on the \nside of display and ostentation, of extravagance and \nluxury, which he thought demoralizing to the com- \nmunity and fatal to liberty. He felt sure that the \ntories were all watching for an opportunity to return \nand damage the prospects of the country, and he \nthought it unwise as well as impolitic to give them \nany assistance in their evil work. \n\nSamuel Adams had been made Secretary of State in \n1775, and though he was much of the time absent at \nPhiladelphia he was continued in office, performing its \nduties personally when in Boston and through a dep- \nutyat other times. In the summer of 1779 he returned \nto his home, but it was to find Boston society quite \ndifferent from what it had been when he first began \nthe fight for independence. Otis was gone, Warren \nwas gone, Josiah Quincy junior had died abroad, and \nHancock, whom he had brought to the front, had be- \ncome his bitter opponent. The characters of Samuel \nAdams and John Hancock were directly opposite to \none another. Adams now came back by slow stages \non horseback to an humble home destitute of every \nluxury, which he occupied by the liberality of the \nlegislature, for he had never been able to repair his \nPurchase Street dwelling after the depredations of \nthe British during the siege. Hancock travelled \nfrom Philadelphia accompanied by a guard of cav- \nalry, and housed himself in a mansion adorned with \nall that money could buy, in which he lavishly enter- \n\n\nBALLS AND DIVERSLONS. 39I \n\ntained the rich and the great. Hancock, who had \nopposed the scheme for the committees of corre- \nspondence, which had been so warmly adopted by \nSamuel Adams and proved so useful, came again into \nantagonism with him when he seconded the motion \nof John Adams that Washington should be com- \nmander-in-chief of the Colonial forces. The feelings \nof Hancock against Adams must for some years have \nbeen of the worst, but they were changed in 1788, \nwhen the twain were candidates together for ofifice \nin their native state, and their names w^ere printed \nin letters of gold on the electoral tickets in token of \nthe gratification that the fact gave to their sup- \nporters. \n\nIn the autumn of 1780 the first election occurred un- \nder a new state constitution that had been adopted the \nprevious spring,* and Hancock was elected governor. \nThe occasion of the beginning of the new govern- \nment was made the excuse for a round of balls and \nentertainments that Samuel Adams thought in- \nconsistent with the sober republican principles in \nwhich it was founded. \" Why,\" he wrote to a friend, \n\" should this new era be introduced with entertain- \nments expensive and tending to dissipate the minds \nof the people? Does it become us to lead the peo- \nple to such public diversions as promote superfluity \nof dress and ornament, when it is as much as they \ncan bear to support the expense of clothing the \nnaked army ? Will vanity and levity ever be the \nstability of government, either in state or in cities, \n\n* This constitution, which was largely moulded by Adams, was read \nby him to the people assembled in Faneuil Hall, May 3, 1780. \n\n\n392 INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nor, what, let me hint to you, is of the last importance, \nin families ? \" Adams struck not only at the abuse, \nbut at his former friend when he thus wrote, for it \nwas the influence of Hancock that led to these elit- \ntering assemblages which the patriots thought in- \nconsistent with former professions, as well as with \nthe true spirit of republicanism. There were meetings \nin Faneuil Hall to protest against extravagance ; but \nthough Samuel Adams presided, the meetings were \nnot like those of a few years before. \n\n\" The voice that once made George the Third \nthrough fear turn cold,\" was listened to, but the \nmen upon whom it spent itself were not those of other \ndays and the effect was small. Adams wrote: \n\n\" It was asked in the reign of Charles the Second of \nEngland, How shall we turn the minds of the people \nfrom an attention to their liberties ? The answer was. \nBy making them extravagant, luxurious, and effeminate, \nHutchinson advised the abridgement of what are called \nEnglish liberties by the same means. We shall never \nsubdue them, said Bernard, but by eradicating their man- \nners and the principles of their education. . . . Pow- \nnall, who was, indeed, a mere fribble, ventured to have \nhis riots and his routs at his own house to please a few \nboys and girls. Sober people were disgusted at it, and his \nprivy-councillors never thought it prudent to venture so \nfar as expensive balls. Our Bradfords, Winslows and \nWinthrops would have revolted at the idea of opening \nscenes of dissipation and folly, knowing them to be \ninconsistent with their great design in transplanting \nthemselves into what they called this ' outside of the \nworld.' \" \n\n\nPREACHING ECONOMY. 393 \n\nThese were by no means mere words with Adams. \nWhile he had been away from Boston his wife had \nsupported his family by the labor of her own hands, \nand when he was at home he did not suffer a com- \nplaint to escape him on account of the hardness of \nhis lot. He gave up his all for his country, and \nuttered no murmur. He proved the honesty of his \nwords by his works. \n\nJohn Adams also preached and practised economy \nand modesty in personal and public expenses. In \n1778 he wrote to his wife from Passy, where he was \nin the capacity of commissioner at the French court : \n\n\" My dear countrymen ! how shall I pursuade you to \navoid the plague of Europe ! Luxury has as many and as \nbewitching charms on your side of the ocean as on this ; \nand luxury, wherever she goes, effaces from human nature \nthe image of the divinity. If I had power I should for- \never banish and exclude from America all gold, silver, \nprecious stones, alabaster, marble, silk, velvet, and lace. \n' Oh, the tyrant ! ' the American ladies would say. \nWhat ! Aye, my dear girls, these passions of yours \nwhich are so easily alarmed, and others of my own sex \nwhich are exactly like them, have done and will do the \nwork of tyrants in all ages. Tyrants different from me, \nwhose power has banished, not gold, indeed, but other \nthings of greater value : wisdom, virtue, and liberty.\" \n\nJohn Adams exemplified his personal modesty in \nthe response that he made when some one in France \na.sked him if he were the \" famous Adams.\" He \nreplied that he was only the cousin of that distin- \nguished person. Certainly, however, he was a \nfamous Adams. \n\n\n394 INDEPENDENCE DECLARED AND WON. \n\nWhile John Adams was in France trying to \nstrengthen the ties that bound the two nations, he \nwas cautious enough to see that the connexion \nmight be a dangerous one, and feared lest French \ncounsels should have too great weight in American \naffairs. The alliance that he saw was of greatest \nmoment to the united colonies was threatened with \nrupture after the attack on Newport, in 1778, then, \nand for two years previously, in the hands of the \nBritish. General Sullivan attributed the failure of \nthat expedition to the action of the French fleet \nunder d'Estaing, and there were many ready to \nreanimate the ancient animosity of the times of the \nFrench and Indian wars ; the tories, too, were on \nhand to fan the flame which they saw would tend to \nweaken the French alliance. There was a serious \nriot in Boston caused by these ill feelings between \nthe French and American seamen, Samuel Adams \nand Washington endeavored to promote harmony, \nand Hancock gave the ofUcers lavish entertainment \nin his great mansion, where thirty or more were \ndined daily, with a profuse exhibition of the plate \nand livery that both the Adamses abhorred. Han- \ncock gave them also a great ball at Concert Hall, on \nthe corner of Court (then Queen Street) and Han- \nover streets (October 29th). This hall was many \nyears after still the most elegant place of the kind \nin town, and had then long been the principal head- \nquarters of the friends of liberty. Mrs. Adams \nreported to her husband, then in France, that she \nsaw much of the officers of the French fleet, that \nd'Estaing had been very polite to her, and that she \n\n\nFRENCH TEMPERANCE AND POLITENESS. 395 \n\nhad dined on the vessels, being on one occasion \n\" sumptuously entertained with every delicacy that \nthis country produces, and the addition of every \nforeign article that could render our feast splendid. \nMusic and dancing for the young folks closed the \nday. The temperance of these gentlemen,\" she \ncontinued, '' the peaceable, quiet disposition, both \nof ofificers and men, joined to many other virtues \nwhich they have exhibited during their continuance \nwith us, are sufficient to make Europeans, and \nAmericans, too, blush at their own degeneracy of \nmanners. Not one officer has been seen the least \ndisguised with liquor since their arrival. Most that \nI have seen appear to have been gentlemen of \nfamily and education. I have been the more desir- \nous to take notice of them, as I cannot help saying \nthat they have been neglected in the town of Boston. \nGenerals Heath and Hancock have done their part, \nbut very few, if any, private families have any \nacquaintance with them.\" Mrs. Adams anticipated \nthe wishes of her husband, who was anxious lest the \naffair at Newport should produce heartburnings, as \nhe wrote to her when the news reached him in \nNovember. \n\nThe victory of October, 1 781, at Yorktown caused \ngreat joy in Boston, intensified by the depression of \nthe previous months, and when, in the autumn of \nof 1782, the French army was in Boston, which had \nmarched from the Hudson to set sail for the West \nIndies, her citizens, in town-meeting, under the \nfamiliar lead of Samuel Adams, finally expressed the \nsense of gratitude and obligation that was felt by \nall true Americans for their assistance in the war. \n\n\nXXVII. \n\n\nTHE OLD ORDER CHANGETH. \n\n\nWhen peace came to the country, Boston town \nentered upon a new stage of existence. A new aris- \ntocracy took the lead in its affairs ; the men of \nwealth and station who had formed the court of the \nroyal governors — who had succeeded to the places \nonce filled by Winthrop and those who followed \nhim — were gone, and their estates were confiscated. \nIn their stead there stood forward men who had \nmade solid, but sudden, fortunes during the war. It \nwas of some of these that Samuel Curwen, the royal- \nist refugee, wrote to William Brown, also a refugee \nfrom Salem, afterwards governor of Bermuda : \n\n\" It is a melancholy truth that whilst some are wallow- \ning in undeserved wealth that plunder and rapine have \nthrown into their hands, the wisest, most peaceable and \nmost deserving, such as you and I know, are now suffer- \ning want, accompanied by indignities that a licentious, \nlawless people can pour forth upon them. Those who \nfive years ago [that is, before the war] were the ' meaner \npeople,\" are now, by a strange revolution, become almost \nthe only men of power, riches, and influence ; those who, \non the contrary, w-ere leaders and in the highest line of \nlife, are glad by this time to be unknown and unnoticed, \n\n396 \n\n\nNEW PEOPLE COME FORWARD. 397 \n\nto escape insult and plunder— the wretched condition of \nall who are not violent, and adopters of Republican prin- \nciples.\"* \n\nThere had, indeed, been a \" revolution \" in politics, \ncommerce, and social life. Old Boston was never to \nbe what it had been, though the seeds sown through \nthe years that had elapsed since the first step was \ntaken by Winthrop and his fellows in England were \nto bear much fruit, and it remains for us to ask what \nthat fruit was. The war had changed every thing ; not \nonly were the most forward people \" new,\" but the \nvery streets themselves began to change, and those \nregions that before the war had been frequented by \nthe fashion and wealth of the day, were by degrees \ndeserted, and the move toward the south and west \nends began. The North End, especially, lost by de- \ngrees its precedence, and in process of time was \nalmost completely abandoned by those families \nwhich had given it its character.f The population \n\n* \" The yournal and Letters of Samuel Curwen,\" page 256. \n\nf Boston was divided into three natural parts. The \" North End,\" \ncontaining about seven hundred dwelling-houses and tenements, and \nsix meeting-houses, which was the court end before the Revolution, \nextending only to Blackstone Street. The \"West End,\" or \" New \nBoston,\" comprised less than two liundred dwellings and tenements, \nand one meeting-house. It was somewhat sheltered from the east \nwinds, and was very pleasant. The largest territorial division was \nthe \" South End,\" practically ending at Dover Street, which included \nall the regions south of Iilackstone Street and east of the present Tre- \nmont Street. In this part of town were all of the public buildings \n(except the powder-house), and there were ten meeting-houses and \nmore than twelve hundred dwellings, some of them elegant. It was \nthe seat of business, and contained the principal shops and ware- \nhouses. Shurtleff's \"Topographical and Historical Description of \nBoston,\" page 138. \n\n\n398 THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH, \n\nwas much less at the end of the war than it had \nbeen at the opening of hostilities, and New York and \nPhiladelphia then took the lead that they have kept. \nIt was ten years before Boston regained its former \nnumerical strength. \n\nCommerce and manufactures had suffered, and, \nlike the confederacy, the town and the state were \nunable to pay their debts. It was the first duty of \nthe townspeople to make efforts to retrieve their \nfinancial losses. Though, as has been said, \" the \ngreat industries which have built up the Massachu- \nsetts of our time, in a material sense, were estab- \nlished on quite a secure footing \" during the first \ngeneration of the history of Boston, yet shipbuild- \ning, fishing and navigation were the most prominent \noccupations before the Revolution, while rum was \nthe chief manufacture.* In a statement of the com- \nmercial condition of Massachusetts, made in 1750, \nthe importance of the manufacture of rum was dis- \ntinctly shown. f The course of trade was exhibited \nthus : \n\n\" A great part of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay \nlive chiefly by the sea, and are employed in fisheries, \nnavigation, and building and providing materials for \nships. They depend on Great Britain for clothes, ma- \nterials for furnishing their houses, cordage and sail-cloth \nfor equipment of their vessels, their lines, hooks and \ncables for the fishery. They are dependent on the \nnorthern colonies for bread corn. Rum is their chief \n\n* Winsor's \" Memorial History of Boston,\" vol. iv.. page 69. \nfMinot's continuation of Thomas Hutchinson's \"History of the \nProvince of Massachusetts Bay,\" vol. i., page 155. \n\n\nRUM EXCHANGED FOR SLAVES. 399 \n\nmanufacture, there being upwards of fifteen thousand \nhogsheads of rum manufactured in the province annu- \nally. This, with what they get from the English islands, \nis the grand support of all their trades and fishery, \nand without it they can no longer subsist. Rum is a \nstanding article in the Indian trade and the common \ndrink of all the laborers, timber-men, mast-men, loggers \nand fishermen in the province. These men could not \nendure the hardships of their employments nor the rigor \nof the seasons without it. . . . The rum carried \nfrom Massachusetts Bay, and other northern colonies, to \nthe coast of Guinea, is exchanged for gold and slaves. \nThe gold is sent to London to help pay for their annual \nsupplies, and the slaves are carried to the English sugar \ncolonies, and exchanged for their commodities.\" \n\nThis extract illustrates the character of the com- \nmercial activity of the Bostonians, as well as the \nfreedom with which they used a particular creature \ncomfort, and the dependence of the people upon the \nmother-country for most of their manufactured arti- \ncles. When the Revolution began, Boston families \nexpected that the household loom would give them \nmost of their textile fabrics, and it was the good \npleasure of England that no provision more system- \natic and extensive should be introduced, for it would \ndeprive her of a market for her goods if America \nshould supply herself. Of what good, indeed, were \ncolonies, if they did not stimulate the industry and \ncommerce of the land from which their settlers went \nforth ? Such was the narrow policy accepted gen- \nerally in Europe, and England was only following \nthe fashion in endeavoring to restrict the Americans. \n\n\n400 THE OLD ORDER CHANGE TH. \n\nDuring the war, not only political but also indus- \ntrial independence had been aimed at, and manu- \nfactures were encouraged so effectually that when \nthe struggle ended there was apparent prosperity in \nbusiness circles. Many fortunes had been accumu- \nlated, also, in the dangerous pursuits of the priva- \nteersman, and as commerce increased after the peace, \nan era of extravagance opened, and luxuries and \ncomforts previously unknown were found in Boston \nhomes. Still, in the average household the comforts \nwere few, if compared with the condition of affairs \nin our day. The house was perhaps unpainted ; sand \nwas still strewed over the floors instead of carpets ; \ngreat caverns yawned at the chimney side, and poured \nforth apparently but one half of the heat of the burn- \ning logs, and more than that proportion of the blind- \ning smoke. Electricity, gas, and even kerosene oil, \nfor purposes of lighting, were not dreamed of, and \ndimly burning whale oil made the darkness visible \nand the atmosphere detestable. Dress was thor- \noughly studied, both in regard to fashion and cost, \nand carefully preserved, so that many a fair bride's \nwedding gown has been carried down to a generation \nwhich will never preserve its own less costly gar- \nments for a granddaughter or great-granddaughter. \nThe burden of debt left by war to which reference \nhas been made, was so great that commerce soon \nbegan to feel its influence. This, united with the ex- \ntravagance of the times, brought many debtors into \nthe hands of the law, and very soon dissatisfied \nmen, especially in the western part of Massachusetts, \nbegan to inveigh against the courts as \" engines of \n\n\nz \n\no \nS \ns \n\no \n\n\no \na\" \n\nO \n\n\n73 \n'J \n\nD \n\n\n2 \n\nX \n\n\n402 THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH. \n\ndestruction,\" and in a few years the outburst known \nas the \" Shay's Rebellion \" disturbed the common- \nwealth. Demagogues and tories were interested \nthus to break the public peace in the hopes of \nmaking some nefarious gain. \n\nIt is evident that quite different public men were \nneeded for these times of building up a common- \nwealth from those who fought the battle of freedom \nand won the prize independence. Samuel Adams \nshowed himself unadapted to the times. He was not \nat home in the extravagant routs and balls and glit- \ntering assemblies that are noted in the histor}- of the \nperiod, though doubtless they were innocent and \neven tame in comparison with similar dissipations at \nthe present day. He came into conflict with his \nancient ally, Hancock, in this matter, for Hancock \nwas, as we know, of an ostentatious and profuse hos- \npitality, and went to extremes in his efforts to sur- \nround himself as governor with consequence and \ndignity. Mr. Hancock carried his notions of official \ndignity too far at times. In the autumn of 1789, the \nyear after the adoption of the federal constitution, \nWashington visited Boston, and was received with \nevery token of reverential delight. In Cambridge, \nwhere he stopped an hour to look at his former \nheadquarters, a thousand militia-men in line formal- \nly saluted him, and a long procession escorted him \nto the State House, where an ode in his honor was \nsung by a' choir in a triumphal arch near by. Han- \ncock, who was then governor, chose to expect the \npresident to call and pay his respects to the chief \nmagistrate of the commonwealth, but as Washing- \n\n\nADAMS LOSES PRESTIGE. 403 \n\nton did not agree with him, Hancock called in his \nold friend the gout, and, making that an excuse for \nmore prompt action, appeared at the president's \nquarters swathed in flannel and carried on the shoul- \nders of attendants. State sovereignty bowed to fed- \neral supremacy, and all went well ! \n\nAdams was firmly opposed to any treaty of peace \nwith England unless the full rights of the Americans \nin the Newfoundland fisheries were restored and con- \nfirmed, for their value to Boston trade was esteemed \nthen even more than in after-times. Under his influ- \nence the reigning toast in the East was, according to \nMarbois the French agent, \" No peace without the \nfisheries.\" Adams also resisted all measures designed \nto reinstate the tories in their previous position of \nrespect or even toleration. He considered them trait- \nors to the American cause, and not entitled to any \nmercy. Though much in public life, though three \ntimes chosen governor of the state, and always pos- \nsessed of great influence, he did not move the people \nas in former times. When the question of adopting \nthe constitution of the nation came up in 1788, he was \nfearful lest the people were founding a federal union \nwhich would swiftly and imperceptibly run into a \nconsolidated government, pervading and legislating \nthrough all the states ; not for federal purposes \nonly, as it professed, but in all cases whatsoever. \nSuch a government, he thought, would soon totally \nannihilate the sovereignty of the several states, so \nnecessary to the support of the confederated com- \nmonwealth, and sink both in despotism.* While op- \n\n* See letter to Richard Henry Lee, quoted in Wells's \"Life,\" v.'l. \niii., page 273. \n\n\n404 THE OLD ORDER CHANG ETH. \n\nposing the hasty rejection of the constitution, Adams \nurged the adoption of an amendment which should \ngive security on this point. \n\nThe struggle that preceded the adoption of the \nconstitution in 1788 was long and active, and di- \nvided the people of Boston into two parties, that \nbecame well defined. The opponents of a strong \ncentral government, who had sympathized with \nthe Shays' rebellion, took sides against it; but \nthe conservatives, now called Federalists, firmly \nsupported the constitution, and labored for a strong \nrepublican government which could make itself \nrespected at home and abroad. Hancock was brought \nover to this side, as has already been stated,* and, by \nmeans of a meeting of the mechanics at the Green \nDragon tavern, under the lead of Paul Revere, \nAdams was influenced to give it his still influential \nhelp. The Federalists won the day, having a major- \nity of nineteen votes, and the decision was solemnly \ndeclared in the church on Long Lane, where the \nsessions had been held. The church and street were \nthenceforward known by the name Federal Street. \nThere was great joy on this occasion ; the citizens \nwent in procession to the houses of the representa- \ntives of the town who had sat in the convention, and \nsaluted them ; there were appropriate badges on the \nrejoicing citizens, and there were salutes from can- \nnon, and finally a dinner in Faneuil Hall. In 1797 \nMr. Adams finally retired from political life, his last \npublic paper being a proclamation for the annual \nFast Day. The Father of the American Revolution \n\n* See page 350. \n\n\nFEARS OF FEUDALISM. 405 \n\nlived until Sunday morning, October 2, 1803, when \nhis long and useful life came to an end. \n\nDuring the last years of the life of Mr. Adams, \nslavery, though never formally abolished, came to \nan end in the state, and in 1783 it was declared from \nthe bench that it no longer existed. Previous to \nthat date the newspapers familiarized the minds of \nthe people with the good points of \" prime young \nslaves from the Windward Coast,\" or the bad traits \nof \"a pock-broken fellow, a scar on one of his shins,\" \nwho had \" lost one of his fore teeth, and pretended \nto be a doctor,\" a fugitive from a perhaps not too \nindulgent master. \" A likely hearty male negro \nchild \" is offered to be given away, or a likely negro \nwoman \" about thirty-five years of age,\" recom- \nmended for her honesty, is offered for sale cheap for \ncash. After 1783 such things ceased to be. \n\nThe next year Boston was stirred, or rather many \npatriots were stirred, with apprehensions lest the \nnewly formed society of the Cincinnati should give \nbirth to an aristocracy, should become joint pro- \nprietors of vast tracts of land, people their territories \nwith multitudes from Germany, oblige them to live \nin feudal servitude, and thus raise up something like \nthe mediaeval system, dangerous to the state. Such \nfears seem absurd to us now, when the government \nhas proved its strength for a hundred years, but at \nthat time, when the very existence of the Union was \nnew and experimental, it is not strange that those \nwho, like Adams, had struggled for independence, \ntrembled at the thought of any risk. \n\nBefore the tumults of war had yet left the \n\n\n4o6 THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH. \n\ncitizens of Boston to the quiet necessary for the \nconquests of peace, some of them began to look \ntowards the Great West, and to ask themselves \nwhat might be done to extend to those little-known \nregions the benefits that the war had been fought to \nobtain. It was a natural fruit of the education \nthrough which the town had passed under the \nguidance of such men as Adams, and it became a \nmarked trait in the character of the Bostonians. \nThey never ceased to endeavor to influence the \nother portions of the land in the direction of right, \nas they conceived it. \n\nIt was on the first day of March that a seed was \ndropped in the familiar \" Bunch of Grapes \" tavern, \nwhich bore fruit in the \" Northwestern Territory,\" \nand gave their permanent character to the states \nwhich were formed in that region. Soon after peace \nGeneral Rufus Putnam, an officer of the Massa- \nchusetts line, the same one who had furnished the \nsuccessful plan for the fortifications on Dorchester \nHeights, in company with two hundred and eighty- \ntwo other officers, petitioned Congress for a grant \nof lands in this region, and Putnam himself wrote \nan elaborate letter to Washington requesting his \ninfluence in its favor. In this letter the veteran \nofficer, who had practical knowledge of the work of \na surveyor, suggested the plan for the districting of \nthe region, and he also urged the setting apart of a \nportion of each township for the support of schools \nand the ministry, a plan which was adopted and has \never since been followed. Putnam rightly thought \nthat it was \" of great consequence to the American \n\n\nTHE OHIO SETTLEMENT. 407 \n\nempire,\" that the vast region south of the lakes \nshould be filled with inhabitants who should be \nloyal subjects of the United States, and \" banish \nforever the idea of our western territory falling \nunder the dominion of any European power,\" as \nwell as that the eastern States should thus be \n\" effectually secured from savage alarms.\" He wrote \nto Washington again, in 1784, that the settlement \nof the Ohio country engrossed his thoughts and \nmuch of his time, and that he believed that there \nwere thousands who would remove thither as soon \nas Congress should open the way. Little did he \ndream of the great immigrations of subsequent \nyears. In June, 1785, Putnam received in Boston \nnotice that Congress had appointed him one of the \nsurveyors of the Ohio lands, but being at the time \notherwise occupied, he urged the substitution of \nGeneral Benjamin Tupper, another Massachusetts \nsoldier, and that gentleman went to the Ohio \ncountry. Tupper returned with testimony that in- \ncreased Putnam's interest in the proposed coloniza- \ntion scheme. The two Massachusetts generals \ntherefore proposed an association for the purpose of \nbuying lands of the government, and once, on the \nninth of January, they spent almost the whole of \nthe night in conference on the momentous subject. \nThe result was that the next morning they com- \nposed a circular proposing a convention for the \npurpose of perfecting an association uniting the \nofficers and soldiers who had served in the war, as \nwell as \" all other good citizens who wish to be- \ncome adventurers in that delightful region.\" So slow \n\n\n408 THE OLD ORDER CHANGE TH. \n\nwere the methods of pubHcation at the time that it \nwas not until the twenty-fifth of January, 1786, that \nthe persons appealed to read in the public prints \nunder the head, \" INFORMATION,\" the call that was \nput forth by the two generals. The meeting was \nheld at the \" Bunch of Grapes,\" as we have said, and \nan association formed. It included Manasseh Cut- \nler, who carried the negotiation with Congress to a \nsuccessful termination, and Winthrop Sargent, who \nbecame secretary, and rendered important assistance. \nOther meetings were held at Bracket's tavern, \notherwise known as \"Cromwell's Head,\" on Latin- \nschool Street, but with them we cannot meddle. It \nis sufificient to record the impulse that Boston gave \nto western immigration at the important moment \nwhen its character was to be formed. It was cer- \ntainly a Boston notion, that of setting off two full \ntownships for a university, and two particular sec- \ntions of a mile square in every township for the \nsupport of schools and religion.* \n\nThough all New England was interested in the \nscheme for the settlement of the Ohio region, and \nthough many Boston men were specially attracted \nto it, it was but one among many movements for \nthe increase of the influence and wealth of the town \nwhich had their birth in the years following the close \nof the war. Probably the building of the bridge to \nCharlestown is as good an indication as any of the \nprogress in material resources, for it was the greatest \nundertaking of the kind that had ever been pro- \njected in America. There was still but one mode \n\n* In order that there might be no doubt about this latter provision \nthe sections numbered sixteen and twenty-nine were specified. \n\n\nA NEW BRIDGE. 4O9 \n\nof access to Boston — the Neck. The new bridge was \nfifteen hundred and three feet long and forty-three \nfeet wide, and it was formally opened on the anni- \nversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, in 1786. There \nwere military salutes at sunrise, and peals from \nthe bells of the church which served as a beacon \nwhen Paul Revere wished to warn the people of \nCharlestown that the British were leaving Boston for \nLexington by water, A procession consisting \" of \nalmost every respectable character in public and \nprivate life \" moved from State Street in the after- \nnoon, and, amid salutes from the Castle and from \ncannon on Breed's Hill aiid Copp's Hill, and honors \nfrom the companies of artillery and artificers, \nmarched over the new structure to the site of the \nbattle, where tables were spread, and the remainder \nof the day was spent in \" sober festivity,\" as the \nhistorian Snow observes. This was the beginning \nof the work of connecting the promontory with the \nmainland by means of bridges, the latest of which, \nthe Harvard Bridge, to be completed during the \npresent year, is by far the finest of all. Cambridge \nwas next thus brought into communication with \nBoston by the West Boston Bridge, completed in \n1793. The bridge to Dorchester Neck, a tract \nwhich was at the time \" annexed \" to Boston and \ncalled South Boston, was completed in 1805. Four \nyears later, on Commencement Day, 1809, the \nCraigie Bridge to East Cambridge was opened to the \npublic, and there were then five avenues into the \ncity.* \"All these bridges,\" says Snow, \"are well \n\n* At the present time the waters about Boston are crowded with \nbridges, and they are a considerable obstruction to vessels. \n\n\n4IO THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH. \n\nlighted by lamps when the evenings are dark, and \nthe lights, placed at regular distances, have a splen- \ndid and romantic appearance.\" It is certainly true \nthat the many lights on the long low bridges that \nspan the waters around Boston still have a very at- \ntractive appearance, now that they are produced by \ngas or electricity. \n\nMore important than any of these bridge projects \nfor the future of the town was the Boston and Rox- \nbury Mill Corporation, a scheme projected by Mr. \nUriah Cotting, since called the Chief Benefactor of \nBoston. It was a stupendous project for the time, \nfor it contemplated the building of a dam forty-two \nfeet wide with a roadway upon it twenty-two hun- \ndred feet in length, reaching from the foot of Beacon \nHill to Brookline, which was at that time accessible \nonly byway of Roxbury over the Neck, This great \ndam was intended to confine the waters of the Back \nBay in such a way that they could be used for mill \npurposes. The company was chartered in 1814, but \nit was not until 1821 that the road was opened to \npassengers. The enterprise was opposed with the \nvigor that projects for the good of a town are pretty \ncertain to meet, one indignant citizen writing to the \nAdvertiser,'^ in the following excited terms : \n\n\" Citizens of Boston ! Have you ever visited the \nMall ; have you ever inhaled the western breeze, fra- \ngrant with perfume, refreshing every sense, and invigo- \nrating every nerve ? What think you of converting the \nbeautiful sheet of water which skirts the Common into \nan empty mud-basin, reeking with filth, abhorrent to the \n\n* Quoted in Winsor's \" Memorial History,\" vol. iv., page 33. \n\n\no \n\n-t- \n\n\ny, \n\no \n\n•J \ny \n\nas \n\n\n■■4 \n\nH \n\n2; \n\n\nsi \n-1 \n\n\nO \n\n\n412 THE OLD ORDER CHANGE TH. \n\nsmell, and distasteful to the eye ? By every god of sea, \nlake, or fountain, it is incredible ! \" \n\nThe process of improving this portion of Boston \nwas not, it must be confessed, an agreeable one, and \nin 1849 t^^^ Board of Health declared that the region \nhad become a \" nuisance, offensive and injurious to \nthe large and increasing population residing upon \nit,\" for it was then an open cesspool, receiving the \nsewage of a large community. Then measures were \ntaken in earnest to overcome the difficulty. \n\nBefore the beginning of the present century the \nterritory of Boston remained of the same form that \nit had in the earliest times. The North End was \nseparated from the rest of the promontory by an \ninlet which put up from the Bay at the present \nBlackstone Street and became eventually Mill Creek, \naffording vessels a passage through to Mill Cove, an \nenlargement of the Charles River, which also was \nchanged in time to Mill Pond by the formation of \na dam or causeway across its mouth. In 1643 this \ncove was granted to four partners on condition that \nthey would erect one or more corn-mills on or near \nthe premises. One hundred and sixty-one years \nafter this grant (in 1804), the successors of the men \nto whom it was made were incorporated as the \nBoston Mill Corporation, and they proceeded to fill \nup the pond, obtaining the necessary earth by dig- \nging away Beacon Hill. By this process fifty acres \nwere added to the area of Boston, and the shore \nline much altered. The railways running to the \nnorthward all start from stations erected on the \n\n\nDIGGING DOWN HILLS. \n\n\n413 \n\n\nland thus formed. At a later period both Copp's \nHill and Pemberton Hill were made tributary to \nthis filling in of the Mill Pond,\"'^ and the topography \nof the town was thus materially changed. \n\n* The digging down of Copp's Hill was begun in 1806, amd was \ncontinued for several years. Pemberton (formerly Cotton's) Hill, \nfamed for the elegant estate of Gardiner Greene, fell into the hands \nof others upon Mr. Greene's death in 1832, and was laid out in lots \nafter the grading had been completed. \n\n\nXXVIII. \n\n\nTHE TOWN BECOMES A CITY. \n\n\nBoston was deeply interested in the convulsions \nin Europe preceding and during the wars of Napo- \nleon, for in the earlier period her merchant ships \nreaped a rich harvest in the carrying-trade, and great \nfortunes were built up by the enterprising adventur- \ners. This state of affairs was not destined to con- \ntinue long, for Great Britain was just as desirous \nafter the peace as she had been before to cripple the \ncommercial progress of the Americans. In every \nway practicable the shipping business was hampered \nby restrictions laid upon it by the British govern- \nment, for England was determined not to allow the \ncarrying trade to pass away from her if it could be \navoided. Indignation rose so high in Boston, only \nthree years after the war had closed, that a business- \nmen's meeting was held in Faneuil Hall (April i6, \n1785), at which it was voted not to have any com- \nmercial relations with the British mercantile agents \nin America, who were receiving large consignments \nof goods, \" greatly to the hindrance of freight in all \nAmerican vessels.\" A call was made upon all other \nsea-ports to enter into similar agreements, and a \nmemorial to Congress was ordered. In the follow- \n\n414 \n\n\nTHREATS OF SECESSION. 415 \n\ning July the legislature of Massachusetts doubled \nthe duties on goods brought to the ports of the \ncommonwealth in British vessels, and entirely pro- \nhibited the exportation of American products in \nBritish ships, until the odious restrictions should be \nremoved. London soon felt the pressure, and some \nhouses there failed ; but the government was not to \nbe easily turned aside from its plan. Neither were \nBoston merchants to be baffled, and they gave their \nattention to the Eastern trade, sending many vessels \nto China, and reaping large returns from their in- \ntelligent activity. The wars between England and \nFrance complicated matters. American shipowners \nfound themselves suffering greatly, and in 1807, when \nJefferson enforced his embargo in consequence of \nthe Milan Decrees of Napoleon and the British \nOrders in Council, the commerce of Boston was \nalmost destroyed, and the party feelings that were \nengendered ran so high that there were threats of \n\"secession,\" such as had been uttered in Boston \nwhen Louisiana was bought, — such as were to be \nheard from Josiah Quincy in Congress apropos of \nthe plan to form a state west of the Mississippi \nRiver.\" John Ouincy Adams informed the Presi- \ndent that the embargo could not be enforced in New \nEngland, that the Federalist leaders were making \narrangements to break off from the Union, and had \nreceived an offer of aid from the English govern- \n\n* The essential portion of the speech referred to (delivered in Janu- \nary, 1811), maybe read in Edmund Quincy's \" Life of Josiah Quincy,\" \npages 206-213. This has been pronounced the \" first announcement \" \nof the doctrine of secession \" on the floor of Congress.\" \n\n\n4l6 THE TOWN BECOMES A CITY. \n\nment.* Such representations as these about his \npolitical opponents moved the President and mem- \nbers of Congress on the Republican side, and the \nNon-Intercourse Act took the place of the embargo, \nMarch 4, 1809. \n\nThe harm had been done, however, and the ships \nrotted at the Boston wharves or were taken from \nservice and dismantled ; shipyards were deserted ; \nthe fisheries were given up, and even the farmer felt \nthe pervading distress ; ruin stared the merchant in \nthe face, and the laboring man knew not in which \ndirection to look for work. Meanwhile the second \nwar with Great Britain came on, in opposition to the \ninterests and desires of the people of Boston.f Then \n\n* The correspondence of Josiah Quincy might have afforded some \nground for a statement like this, for Mr. Harrison Gray Otis wrote to \nhim, December 15, 180S, \" it would be a great misfortune for us to \njustify the obloquy of wishing to promote a separation of the states \nand of being solitary in that pursuit.\" At the same time Mr. Otis \nsuggested a convention of delegates from the commercial states \"at \nHartford or elsewhere, for the purpose of providing some mode of \nrelief that may not be inconsistent with the Union of these states.\" \nThe Federalists did not hold their convention at Hartford until \nDecember 15, 1814, just as the war which they had opposed was \nclosing. It was, as President Woolsey has said, a scheme \" with an \nugly look,\" and though it declared that \"no hostility to the constitu- \ntion \" was intended, its actions called out the statement from the \nRichmond Enquirer, that \" no man, no association of men, no State \nor set of States, has a right to withdraw itself from the Union of its \nown accord,\" and it was supposed to have uttered the principles of \nnullification as clearly as South Carolina ever did. \n\nf Josiah Quincy, then the leader in the ^Massachusetts senate, \nshowed the feeling of Boston by drawing up an address, protesting \nagainst the war as impolitic and unjust, and the action was followed \nin other states. We read in Mr. Quincy's \"Life,\" that the stagnation \nof business carried distress and anxiety into every New England house- \n\n\nTHE GRAND PEACE BALL. 417 \n\nthere was no use for vessels except as privateers, \ndomestic produce rose greatly in value, and imported \ngoods were held at very high prices ; money was \nscarce, and men were reduced to straits to supply \nthe wants of their households. Peace was declared in \nFebruary, 181 5, and though it did not in explicit terms \nsecure a single one of the objects for which the war \nhad been fought, it was welcomed with rejoicings on \nall sides. Notwithstanding the fact that the war did \nnot explicitly ensure \" free trade and sailor's rights,\" \nas the watchword of its supporters demanded that \nit should, it was evident that the naval supremacy \nof Great Britain had been worthily challenged, and \nthat England could not longer be said to rule the \nseas, and there was no further impressment of sea- \nmen from American vessels. \n\nWhen the news of peace reached Boston, an extra \nnumber of the Evening Gazette was issued, giving \nthe announcement in the barest terms, and on the \ntwenty-fourth of February there was a grand ball in \nthe concert hall on Hanover Street, which had \nbeen long before a resort of friends of liberty. A \nlady who entertained scruples about attending a \npublic ball, fired by the enthusiasm of the occasion, \nwent, and she describes her costume in the following \nwords : \" My dress was a sheer dotted muslin skirt, \ntrimmed with three rows of plaited white satin rib- \nbon an inch wide. The boddice of white satin was \nalso trimmed with the same ribbon. I wore white \n\nhold, and the ruin of the commercial states seemed to be settled. \nThe Massachusetts legislature refused to furnish troops at the call of \nthe President. \n\n\n41 8 THE TOWN BECOMES A CITY. \n\nlace around the neck, a bouquet, gold ornaments, \nchain, etc. My hair was arranged in braids, bandeau, \nand curls. The building,\" continues the same lady, \n\"was illuminated within and without, and was \ndecorated with flags and flowers.\" The few British \nofficers who were present seem to have been the \nfavorites with the ladies. The floor was arranged for \ndancing, and had a springing motion, which our lady \ninformant declares she \" never saw equalled.\" So \ngreat was the social rebound from the trials of war* \nthat one of the Boston ministers felt called upon to \nremind his congregation, in a sermon, of the necessity \nthat still remained for the practice of forbearance \nand self-denial ! \n\nDuring the long period since Governor Winthrop \nset foot on the peninsula of Shawmut to the time \nnow under consideration, Boston was a simple de- \nmocracy. It was the duty of every freeman to \nmeet at some appointed place, when called upon, \nto confer upon the interests of the town. The \ngovernment was first of the most informal sort ; \nWinthrop and nine others seem to have acted for \nthe whole body during the intervals between the \nmeetings, which occurred at first twice each year. \nThey were known as the \" ten men,\" or the \" town's \nmen,\" until 1643, when they are incidentally men- \ntioned on the records as \"selectmen,\" a name which \nwas fixed upon them after 1647, in which year their \nelection became annual. The semi-annual meetings \nof the freemen were warned from house to house, — \n\n* See Winsor's History, vol. iv. , p. 22, for more particulars in re- \ngard to the return of peace. \n\n\nSELECTMEN'S DINNERS. 4I9 \n\na very slow method one would suppose. Altogether \nthe town system was a bungling one for commu- \nnities of much size, although in small places it was \nexceedingly effective under skilful guidance, as a \nmeans of bringing the sentiment of all the citizens \nto bear upon one point. \n\nAs early as 1650 the difificulties of the informal \ngovernment were apparent, and Boston petitioned \nthe general court that it might become a corpora- \ntion ; but there is no evidence that the court took \nany steps in the premises. The original plan was \neconomical, for, in the earliest times, at least, the \n\"town's men\" not only received no pay for their \nservices, but were allowed to liquidate their own in- \ncidental expenses. In 1637, it was agreed that the \ncharges for the meetings of the town's men should \nbe borne by the town in general, and the gentlemen \nsoon found it convenient to \" refresh \" themselves \nafter their arduous duties. Thus in 1647 a charge \nwas made of two pounds eighteen shillings for \" a \nselectmen's dinner,\" and a custom arose that has \nbeen followed until very late times. The \" junket- \nings \" of the city fathers have sometimes reached \nsuch an extent as to spread dismay among the less \nfavored citizens who were permitted to pay the ex- \npenses of the government. \n\nThough the general court did not take steps to \nconstitute Boston a corporation in 1650, it allowed \nit to choose seven commissioners in 165 1, who were \nmagistrates authorized to hear and give judgment \nupon civil actions; but in 1708, the selectmen re- \nported that the government was inefficient because \n\n\n420 THE TOWN BECOMES A CITY. \n\nthere was no \"proper head \" through whom the law \nshould be put into execution, and they thought that \nas the town was growing more populous, good order \ncould not be expected without more strict regulation. \nThey therefore urged that a charter of incorporation \nbe prepared for presentation at the next annual \nmeeting of the town. A committee was appointed, \nand a scheme drawn up. It was in due time pre- \nsented to the town, and, though most of the prin- \ncipal inhabitants were in favor of it, the people felt \nmisgivings lest some of their privileges were to be \ntaken away, and it was voted down. One of the \npopular champions made a conclusive speech, ending \nwith the warning: \"It is a whelp now, it will be a \nlion by-and-by ; knock it in the head! Mr. Moder- \nator, put the question ! \" The \" whelp \" was killed, \nand no effort of a similar nature seems to have been \nmade until the March meeting in 1762, when the \nfreemen voted, almost unanimously, that no steps \nshould be taken towards making the town a cor- \nporation. \n\nMeantime the dil^culties of the situation were in- \ncreasing. It was found that no public building could \npossibly hold all of the freemen, if they should all \nattend a meeting, and even though but a small \nproportion appeared, it was impracticable for them \nall to take part in the discussion, or even to hear all \nthat was said by others. The result naturally was \nthat the control of the affairs of Boston, fell into the \nhands of a small number of persons, and, though at \nthe time these were the persons best qualified to \n^vjQ. them proper direction, it was not at all the \n\n\nNO INNOVATIONS WANTED. 42 1 \n\nnormal condition of things, nor that Hkely to con- \ntinue satisfactory. In case of an exciting subject \ncoming up the hall would be crowded ; but on other \noccasions the business was carried through by thirty \nor forty persons besides the town ofificers. The \nmajority of the citizens took things upon trust, and \nfew gave public affairs careful consideration. \n\nThe intervals between the discussions of the sub- \nject of a city government were becoming shorter. \nThe matter laid quiet lifty-eight years after the first \nproposition of 1650; fifty-four years elapsed before \nthe discussion of 1762; and in twenty-years it came \nup again. Upon its presentation in 1784, at a \nmeeting especially called to consider a carefully \nprepared plan, there was \" an unabated roaring,\" and \namid the cries of \" No corporation — No Mayor and \naldermen — No innovations ! \" there were incessant \ncalls for the question ; no discussion was allowed, \nand the vote was recorded against the plan. Similar \nefforts were made in 1791, 1804, and 181 5, all without \nsucccess, though the need of a more efificient police, \nas well as one responsible head \" to take a general \noversight,\" was generally felt, and the difficulties of \ntransacting public business increased. The plan pre- \nsented in the year last mentioned approached more \nnearly the form of a city government than any which \nhad preceded it. It provided for an \" intendant,\" \nand a \"municipality \" consisting of two citizens from \neach ward, and a body of selectmen chosen by the \ncitizens generally. This scheme was defeated by the \nvery small majority of thirty-one. \n\nOn the last day of December, 1821, the town was \n\n\n422 THE TOWN BECOMES A CITY. \n\ncalled to consider and act upon another plan for a \ncity organization. \n\nIn his municipal history of Boston, Mr. Quincy \nshows that in view of the want of safety and respon- \nsibility of the loose methods of the town government, \nthe \" inherited and inveterate antipathy to a city \norganization \" had now much diminished. The loose- \nness of the financial methods are astonishing, and \nare only to be explained on the hypothesis that each \nfreeman had entire confidence in every other. The \nselectmen, overseers of the poor, and board of health \nwere the \" committee on finance,\" which exercised \nthe whole power of taxation. After the money was \ncollected by an ofificer whom the three boards ap- \npointed, it was kept by a treasurer whom they also \nchose, and spent by them as they pleased, each board \ntaking as much as it deemed requisite for its pur- \nposes. The amount to be raised annually was form- \nally voted by the town meeting of which the members \nof the board were apt to contribute the majority of \nthe freemen present. It is not strange that great in- \nterest attached to the subject at this time. \n\nFor three days Faneuil Hall w^as thronged, and \nearnest but decorous discussions were carried on by \nsome of the most respected citizens. On Monday, \nJanuary 7, 1822, the final ballots were cast which \ndecided the long-discussed subject. It was voted \nthat there should be a city government, and that \nthe name of the town should be changed to the City \nof Boston. A charter was granted by the legislature \nand signed by the governor, February 23d. The \ncharter was accepted by the people at its last town- \nmeeting, held March 4th, and the governor announced \n\n\nELECTING THE FIRST MA YOR. 423 \n\nthe fact by proclamation, three days later. The first \nday of May was designated as the beginning of the \nmunicipal year, and it was necessary that the city \nshould be divided into wards before the second \nMonday in April, in order that upon that day there \nshould be an election of mayor and aldermen and \nsubordinate officers. The inferior offices gave no \ntrouble, for it was found practicable to divide them \namong the different political parties in such a way \nthat each was satisfied ; but, as Dr. Snow observes, \nthe mayoralty was \" an honor that could not be \ndivided,\" and a spirited contest immediately opened \nfor that office. \n\nMr. Josiah Quincy had been chairman of the final \ntown-meeting, and it was considered by many promi- \nnent citizens that he was the man for the chief \nmagistracy. Mr. Quincy accepted a nomination, not \nknowing, it is said, that other citizens proposed to \nraise Mr. Harrison Gray Otis, who had lately resigned \nhis seat in the United States senate, to that office, as \na stepping-stone to the higher post of governor. Mr. \nOtis was a gentleman of \" the old school,\" who had \nlong been prominent in public affairs, though, partly \nbecause he had been a member of the Hartford Con- \nvention, his popularity was at this time considerably \nless than it had formerly been.* Mr. Quincy pos- \nsessed many traits that fitted him for the office to \n\n* Mr. Otis was one of the Latin-School boys, who attended Master \nLovell's celebrated institution the last time on the morning of April \n19. 1775. passing, on his way, by the British troops who occupied \nTremont Street from Scollay's Building almost to the bottom of the \nMall, and running home as fast as his young legs would carry him, \nfor fear of the soldiers, when he heard the words, deponile lihros, with \nwhich the exercises were indefinitely postponed. \n\n\n424 THE TOWN BECOMES A CITY, \n\nwhich he was nominated, though he had resisted the \neffort to make a city of the town, because he be- \nHeved that the pure democracy of the town-meeting \nwas less Hable to abuse and more suited to the New \nEngland character than the more compact form. \n\nOn the eve of the election another candidate was \nnominated, and the next day his name was presented \nat the polls, without his knowledge, and much to his \ndispleasure, with such success as to draw enough \nvotes to prevent an election. Thus the era of city \ngovernment seemed to fulfil Mr. Ouincy's prophetic \nopinion, by opening with a small political trick. Mr. \nQuincy and Mr. Otis immediately withdrew from \nthe contest, and Mr. John Phillips, a person who was \nfamiliar with public business, and who bore an un- \ndisputed character for honesty, discretion, and sound \njudgment, was, after a few days of great excitement, \nchosen to the position by a vote almost unanimous. \n\nGreat preparation was made for the inauguration \nof the new government. At the appointed hour, \nFaneuil Hall was filled to excess ; the newly chosen \nofficers occupied positions of prominence on a plat- \nform erected for the purpose, and two of the galleries \nwere filled with ladies. After a prayer by the senior \nminister of the city, the oaths were administered, \nand the chairman of the retiring board of selectmen \ndelivered an address to the mayor, handing him a \nsilver case containing the town charter and books of \nrecords, after which Mayor Phillips made his address. \nIn the course of his remarks, Mr. Phillips said : \n\" Purity of manners, general diffusion of knowledge, \nand strict attention to the education of the young, \nand above all a firm practical belief of that di- \n\n\nSICUT PA TRIE US. 425 \n\nvine revelation which has affixed the penalty of \nunceasing anguish to vice and promised to virtue \nrewards of interminable duration, will counteract the \nevils of any form of government.\" Mr, Phillips' son, \nthe late Wendell Phillips, relates that his father built \nthe first brick dwelling on Beacon street. It stood on \nthe corner of Walnut, next to the stone house of John \nHancock, and was thought so remote from the other \ndwellings that his uncle, Judge Oliver Wendell, was \nasked what had induced his nephew \" to remove out \nof town.\" \n\nMr. Phillips conceived it to be his duty simply to \norganize the new government, to make the people of \nBoston familiar with an unaccustomed and some- \nwhat uncongenial form, with as little friction as \npossible ; to make as few innovations as were con- \nsistent with effectual work. As Mr. Otis said, he \n\" respected the force of ancient and honest preju- \ndices,\" and, in making a novel experiment, aimed \n\"to reconcile by gentle reform, not to revolt by \nstartling innovation.\" He accomplished this with \nmuch success. Naturally such a prudent line of con- \nduct was not adapted to give cause for complaint, \nneither was it likely to excite special admiration ; \nand many felt disappointed that no more energy \ncharacterized the new government. \n\nThe feelings of the officials, as well as of the citi- \nzens generally, are shown in the motto adopted for \nthe municipal seal,— 5/j5y^ \n\nP? \n\n^^P \n\n:^ \n\n-u\".-''> \n\nj^^-a^^ \n\nf \n\ns \n\ni \n\nm \n\n1 \n\n4 ^■V^'^^^^ \n\n1 \n\n8 \n\n#1 \n\n41* \n\n1^ \n\nm \n\n^^^s \n\n^^ \n\n^r# \n\ni^-j^^'i^'^--^ \n\n^^i^'^fc \n\nfe \n\n=:^@*5r \n\n^ \n\n^ \n\nC \n\n\"2^ \n\nffi^ \n\nXXXI. \n\nCHANGING BOUNDARY LINES. \n\nWhen Mr. Quincy declined to be a candidate for \nthe ofifice he had so admirably filled, the Hon. \nHarrison Gray Otis was chosen almost unanimously. \nHe had long been a public man, and his popularity \nhad once been immense, but at the time he had lost \nsomewhat of his prestige. He had been active in \nthe Hartford Convention, all the members of which \nwere looked upon with suspicion, and in his first \ninaugural address he attempted to vindicate himself \nfrom criticism. \n\nAn era of great commercial progress was opening. \nThe Erie Canal had been finished in 1825 ; but \ntwenty-two years before that another had been con- \nstructed in Massachusetts which established water \ncommunication with Concord in New Hampshire, \nseventy-five miles. When the great waterway of \nNew York was finished, steps were taken in Massa- \nchusetts to see if it were possible to build one from \nBoston to the Connecticut River and thence to some \npoint on the Hudson near the junction of the Erie \nCanal. A report was made in favor of a route by \nway of Fitchburg and through a tunnel in the \nHoosac Mountain, at an estimated cost of some six \n\n448 \n\n\nA RAILWAY TO THE HUDSON. 449 \n\nmillion dollars. The tunnel alone was expected to \ncost a million dollars.* It is not necessary to say \nthat the canal was not built. \n\nMeantime, news of the proposed railway in Eng- \nland between Manchester and Liverpool f reached \nthis country, and interested the builder of the \nBunker Hill monument, which was begun in 1825. \nHe had bought a granite quarry at Ouincy, and now \nproposed to construct a railway four miles to tide- \nwater to facilitate his work. Great opposition was \nmade, of course, but finally a charter was obtained \nand the road built. In October, 1826, a train of cars \ndrawn by horses passed over the whole length of the \nroad. Horses continued to draw the cars for forty \nyears. \n\nThere arose immediately a railroad party in Boston \nand the commonwealth, opposed to the canal party, \nand long were the debates that followed. A com- \nmittee was appointed in the legislature to consider \nthe feasibility of constructing a railway to the \nHudson. The committee made its report in 1827, \nthrough its chairman, an enthusiast in favor of the \nproject, and it encountered the usual fate of schemes \nfor progress. It was ridiculed, one very sensible \neditor writing that it was impracticable, the cost \nbeing \"little less than the market value of the whole \nterritory of Massachusetts,\" and of as little use \nwhen completed as \" a railroad from Boston to the \n\n* The State found that it had expended some thirteen million \ndollars on the tunnel and the tracks necessary for the railway, when, \nmany years after this, the work was accomplished. \n\nf This road was not opened until September 15, 1830 ; but it used \nsteam instead of horse-power. \n\n\n450 \n\n\nCHANGING BOUNDARY LINES. \n\n\nmoon.\" The agitation was continued, however, and \nfinally roads were built to Providence, to Lowell, \nand to Worcester. After that they were extended \nin every direction, and Boston men were not satisfied \nwith what they could do in their own State ; they \ncontributed capital towards making roads in all \nportions of the country. Under their management \nlong lines have been successfully built and operated \n\nBOSTON AND WORCESTER RAIIi ROAD. \n\n\nTHE Passenger Cars will continue lo run daily from the \nDnpol near Washington street, to Newton, at 6 and \n10 o'cJock, A.iM. and at 34 o'clock, P. M. and \n\nReluruing, leave Newton at 7 and a quarter past 11, A.M. \nnnJ a quarter belbre 5, P.M. \n\nTickets for. the passagfe either way may be bad at the \nTiclici Office, N0.GI7, Washington street 5 price 37^ cents \neach ; and lor ilwj return passage, of the Master of the Cdr5, \nNewton. \n\nBv order of the Presideul and Direclore. \n\na 29 episif F. A. WILLIAMS. Clerk. \n\nAUVERTISEMENT OF THE WORCESTER RAILROAIJ \nFROM THE PAPERS OF THE DAY. \n\n\nin the South and West, as well as in the North. \nThe road towards Worcester was opened as far as \nNewton, May i6, 1834, and on the Fourth of \nJuly, 1835, it was formally opened to Worcester \nitself. The roads to Providence and Lowell, were \nopened in June, 1835. It was not until 1841 that \nthe road to Albany, then known as the Western \n\n\nTHE SECOND '' CENTENNIAL.\" 45 I \n\nRailroad, was opened its entire length. Then it \nwas announced that \"the magnificent system of \nroads extending from a common centre at Boston \" \nand reaching to four adjoining States was nearly \ncompleted. \n\nWhile these great industrial movements were in \nprogress, Boston passed her two hundredth birthday, \nand celebrated it with vigor and great ceremony. \nOn the morning of the seventeenth of September, \n1830, the city government took possession of the \napartments that had just been provided for the \npurpose in the Old State House at the head of \nState Street, and after an address by Mayor Otis, \nwent in procession under escort of the Ancient and \nHonorable Artillery Company to the Old South \nchurch, where ex-Mayor Quincy, then president of \nHarvard College, delivered an oration, and Charles \nSprague read a poem. The address of Mr. Quincy is \nnoteworthy on account of the details which it gives \nconcerning the motives of the Fathers in coming to \nthe New World. We have already seen that, as Mr. \nQuincy now said, \" civil independence was as truly \ntheir object as religious liberty,\" but doubtless the \nstatement fell upon wondering ears, for it had been \nunderstood that \" religious liberty\" was their sole \npurpose in seeking American shores. Mr. Quincy \nrightly traced the desire for independence directly to \nWinthrop and his companions, who \" by the magic \nof their daring\" transmuted \"a private act of incor- \nporation into a civil constitution of a state,\" though \nfrom the circumstances of the case they could not \nannounce their full purpose at the time. \n\n\n452 CHANGING BOUNDARY LINES. \n\nThe impetus given to manufactures during the \nmayoralty of Mr. Quincy is seen in the establishment \nof two societies for the encouragement of science \nand the arts. The New England Society for the \nPromotion of Manufactures and the Mechanic Arts \ndates from 1826, and in 1827 the Boston Mechanics' \nInstitute was founded, for the promotion of science \nand the useful arts by means of lectures and other \ninstrumentalities. \n\nThe interests of the people became more and \nmore extensive ; they began to make lithographs, \nchain cables, pianos, ships, ferry-boats, printing- \npresses, locomotives, watches, sewing-machines, boots \nand shoes, organs, seamless bags, and almost every \nother article that nineteenth-century civilization \nrequires. They widened out in every direction ; they \nwent to Rhode Island and wove woollen goods on \npower-looms ; they built factory towns on the Merri- \nmac, and called them after prominent citizens, \nLowell and Lawrence, and then they made broad- \ncloths, doeskins, cambric and flannels, calicoes and \nalpacas, paper, and steam-engines, railway cars, and \ncarriages, and clothing, employing men and women \nby the thousand. Time would fail us to tell of the \nplaces to which the Boston men went in their \nenterprise, and the articles that they laid their \nhands to to make. They did not confine them- \nselves to the continent, nor to the hemisphere, but \nwent everywhere, impelled by their inherited \nenterprise, and brought home the products of every \nclime and every tribe. \n\nAt the time that the present State House was \n\n\nTHE NEW STATE HOUSE. \n\n\n453 \n\n\nbegun on John Hancock's pasture in 1795, the \nappearance of the promontory was not very different \nfrom what it was when Blaxton built his small house \non the southwestern slope of Beacon Hill ; but it was \ndestined soon to lose most of the traits that character- \nized it then. The State House was at first over- \n\n\nTHE REAR OF THE STATE-HOUSE, AND THE MONUMENT, SHOWING \nTHE REMOVAL OF THE HILL (181I-I2). \n\n\ntopped by the sugar-loaf summit of the hill which \nwas crowned by a doric column erected five years \nbefore, after designs of Charles Bulfinch, on the site \nof the ancient beacon. The base of this monument \n(which was of brick and stucco) rested on the sum- \nmit, which was some seventy feet higher than at \n\n\n454 CHANGING BOUNDARY LINES. \n\npresent. The ascent from the north was so steep \nthat wooden steps were necessary, but they did not \nreach very far, and the rest of the ascent was made \nby means of footholds worn in the grassy surface. \nWe have already seen that this hill was cast into the \nsea to fill up Mill Cove, and add to the territory \navailable for building. The other hills followed in \nturn, and last of all Fort Hill was ordered to be \nlevelled in 1869, and after three years of digging it \nwas no more. \n\nIt was not the levelling of its hills however, which \nmade the greatest change in the appearance of \nBoston. The \" Back Bay \" improvement has given \nthe city nearly seven hundred acres of additional \nspace for expansion. The cry against the \" Back \nBay Nuisance,\" to which we have referred,* that \nbegan to go up in 1849, caused the legislature to \ntake possession of the region, and to make arrange- \nments for reclaiming and purifying it. The late \nArthur Oilman, one of the architects of Boston, pre- \npared a plan for laying out and filling in the \nterritory, and in 1857 operations were begun in \nearnest. The most elegant homes in the city have \nsince been erected on the \" made \" land, and the \nparks and thoroughfares which have been constructed \ngive Boston preeminence above the cities of America \nfor beauty and taste. \n\nThe eleventh person to fill the office of mayor was a \nson of the second mayor, Josiah Quincy, Jr. His term \nof office is rendered notable from the fact that he \nwas able to furnish to the city that supply of water \n\n* See jjp. 408, 409. \n\n\nTHE BA CK BA Y REGION. \n\n\n455 \n\n\nwhich his father had pleaded for in vain. On the \ntwenty-fifth of October, i S48, the water from Cochit- \nuate Lake was turned into the Frog Pond on the \nCommon, rushing to the height of eighty feet amid \nthe triumphant plaudits of the people. An ode by \n\n\nTHE MONUMENT FKUM TEMPLE AND DERNE STREETS (1811-12). \n\n\nthe poet Lowell was written for the occasion. Mr. \nQuincy had some of the traits of his father, and the \nbusiness of his office was conducted with energy and \nsuccess. He was in 1847 authorized to make con- \ntracts for filling in the flats at the south side of the \n\n\n456 CHANGING BOUNDARY LINES. \n\n\" Neck,\" and in consequence the outline of the city \nwas considerably changed in that direction, and its \nfinances improved by the sales that followed. The \npolice force was reorganized and put upon a more \neffective footing, and progress was made in school \nmanagement under the lead of suggestions made by \nHorace Mann and George B. Emerson. \n\nThe following list gives the names of all of the may- \nors, with the dates at which they took up the duties \nof of^ce : 1822, John Phillips ; 1823, Josiah Ouincy ; \n1829, Harrison Gray Otis; 1832, Charles Wells; \n1834, Theodore Lyman, Jr. ; 1836, Samuel T. Arm- \nstrong; 1837, Samuel Atkins Eliot ; 1840, Jonathan \nChapman; 1843, Martin Brimmer; 1845, Thomas \nA. Davis; 1846, Josiah Quincy, Jr. ; 1849, John P- \nBigelow ; 1852, Benjamin Seaver ; 1854, Jerome V. \nC.Smith; 1856, Alexander H. Rice; 1858, Freder- \nick W. Lincoln, Jr. ; 1861, Joseph M. Wightman \n1863, Frederick W. Lincoln ; 1867, Otis Norcross \n1868, Nathaniel B. Shurtleff ; 1871, William Gaston \n1873, Henry L. Pierce; 1874, Samuel C. Cobb \n1877, Frederick O. Prince ; 1878, Henry L. Pierce \n1879, Frederick O. Prince ; 1882, Samuel A. Greene \n1883, Albert Palmer; 1884, Augustus P. Martin \n1885, Hugh O'Brien ; 1889, Thomas N. Hart. \n\n\nXXXII. \n\nINDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\n*' It is a wonderful property of the human mind,\" \nsaid Coleridge, the seer, \" that when once a momen- \ntum has been given to it in a fresh direction, it pur- \nsues the new path with obstinate perseverance, in \nall conceivable bearings, to its utmost extremes.\" \nThe religion of New England was individual ; \" the \nchurch existed independent of its pastor \" ; \" each \none of the brethren possessed equal rights with the \nelders \" ; every individual carried in his breast a \nmonitor who interpreted for him the will of God, \nand he felt himself a judge of the orthodoxy of his \ncompanions, as well as of the elders whom he elected \nto be over the church that he' united to constitute.\" \n\nMohammed was wont to assert that the multi- \nplicity of sects in Islam attested its truth. If we \naccept this statement, we need go no further to \nprove the truth of the religion of Puritanism and \nSeparatism. They contained in themselves the seeds \nof schism. There were always in Boston men and \nwomen looking for some new light, and ever and \nanon congratulating themselves that they had put \nthemselves under its direction. Boston was the \n\n* See Bancroft's \" History of the United States,\" vol. i., chap. x. \n\n457 \n\n\n458 INDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\nproper sphere for a woman like Mrs. Hutchinson ; \nRoger WilHams found followers, though he did not \nfind enough to enable him to fight with success \nagainst others who felt that their light was better \nthan his. The Separatists established a tendency \nwhen they left the Church of England ; the Puritans \nfollowed when they gave up the usages of the old \ncountry on the soil of a new world. The tendency \nwas carried wherever the Puritan and the Separatist \nwent, but Boston became the peculiar home of isms \nof every sort. \n\nThe isms that have made themselves most promi- \nnent during the past century in Boston are Transcen- \ndentalism, Abolitionism, and Woman Suffragism. \nIt is not needful to enumerate others, for the daily \nnewspapers give full notices of the gatherings at \nwhich their leaders attempt to make disciples and \nto enlighten the world in regard to their peculiari- \nties. The historian of Transcendentalism says that \nNew England \" furnished the only plot of ground \non the planet \" where that form of philosophy had \na chance to show what it was and what it proposed.* \nOf all New England, Boston was the focus about \nwhich the interests of the new philosophy centred. \n\nThe intellectual revival in New England, which \nmarks the beginning of our century, was contempo- \nrary with a forward movement in literature and \nphilosophy that began, so far as the beginning of \nsuch a movement can be marked, at about the acces- \nsion of President Kirkland to the head of Harvard \n\n* \"Transcendentalism in New England,\" a history, by Octavius \nBrooks Frothingham, p. 104. \n\n\nTRANSCENDENTALISM. 459 \n\nCollege. Though the scholars with which he sur- \nrounded himself gave a strong impulse to the young \nmen under their care, they did not begin at that \nearly period to study the German writers. It was \nColeridge who introduced German philosophy to \nEngland. In 1829 President Marsh, of the Univer- \nsity of Vermont, published the \" Aids to Reflection,\" \nwith a masterly essay upon it, which was the first \nfully elaborated estimate of the philosophical opin- \nions of the English seer. At an early period Ralph \nWaldo Emerson took an interest in the speculations \nof Coleridge, whom he declared to be \" a citizen of \nthe universe,\" who took a post at the centre and \nsent sovereign glances to the circumference of things. \nHe was, Emerson thought, \" one more human soul \nbursting the narrow boundaries of antique specula- \ntion, and mad to know the secrets of the unknown \nworld on whose brink it is sure it is standing.\" It \nwas not long after this, in 1832, that Mr. Emerson \nfound it necessary to resign his position as a Uni- \ntarian preacher, in which he followed the example of \nColeridge, though he did not, like Coleridge, enter \nthe Episcopal Church. \n\nThe influence of Transcendentalism is apparent in \nGeorge Ripley, Mr. Olcott, Miss Margaret Fuller, \nand Theodore Parker, each of whom had an indi- \nvidual character. All of these, like many a writer \nof less note, were filled with the same \" enthusiasm \nof humanity,\" and longed to exert an influence for \ngood in the world, but not through the channels \nthat had been usual for such efforts. They became \nthe radicals, the \" come-outers,\" the ardent laborers \n\n\n460 INDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\nfor liberty, for freedom, for the abolition of slavery, \nfor humanity everywhere and in every manner. \n*' Earnest men and women no doubt they were ; \nbetter educated men and women did not live in \nAmerica ; they were well born, well nurtured, well \nendowed.\" So speaks the historian of the move- \nment, and he adds : \" Their philosophy may be un- \nsound, but it produced noble characters and humane \nives. \" \n\nTo trace the history of the men and women who \nfelt the influence of this movement in Boston would \nbe to give an account of the contemporaries of \nEmerson who became eminent in philosophy, in \npolitics, in letters, with but few exceptions. It \nwould be necessary, also, to describe the movement \nthat is recognized by the name of its habitation at \n\" Brook Farm.\" The men and women who, in 1841, \nwent to that rural retreat, f and tried, by leaving a \nworld of institutions, and returning to first principles, \nto reconstruct the social order under the inspiration \nand direction of Mr. and Mrs. George Ripley, fully \nexpected \" to promote the great purpose of human \nculture,\" to \" apply the principle of justice and love \nto the social organization in accordance with the \nlaws of Divine Providence,\" to \" substitute a system \nof brotherly cooperation for one of selfish competi- \ntion,\" and to secure the rights of the individual. \nThey had no doubt that they had laid a foundation \nfor a social structure that would approach more \n\n* Frothingham's \" Transcendentalism,\" p. 383. \nf It was on the borders of Newton and Dedham, within the present \nlimits of the city of Boston. \n\n\nABOLUTIONISM. 46 1 \n\nnearly the ideal than any that had ever existed. \nThey felt certain that they were \" men of common- \nsense,\" holding in their hands the means of escape \nfrom the evils of society, then suffering from the \neffects of \" civilization,\" as well as \" from the more \nfrightful state to which in all countries it is hurry- \ning.\" The first stage of the experiment, though it \nwas not looked upon as an \" experiment,\" so fully \nwere its votaries convinced of its success, was en- \nthusiastic ; the second systematic ; but success did \nnot attend it, and after a few years it dissolved, the \nlast to leave being Mr. Ripley, who made honorable \nand self-denying arrangements to cancel all obliga- \ntions to the rest of the world, and then entered upon \nhis notable career as a critic in New York. \n\nThe members of the Brook Farm association \nfound that whether it was necessary to get them- \nselves out of the world in order to set it right, or was \nnot, it was impracticable to carry on a reform at \nthat period of history in that particular way. They \nhad not given themselves very much to the next ism \nto be mentioned. The friends of abolitionism called \nin vain for a positive utterance from them in favor of \nthe cause to which William Lloyd Garrison had be- \ngun to devote his energies in 1 829. They asserted that \nthey stood upon broader ground ; it was the ground \nof the Golden Rule, which would do away with \nevery form of slavery and wrong. On the first of \nJanuary, 1831, Mr. Garrison issued the first number \nof his journal. The Liberator, and from that time \nuntil emancipation was declared he gave his thoughts \nunreservedly to the abolition of slavery. He was an \n\n\n462 INDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\n\" obscure individual \" at first, and seemed destined \nto have little success, but he kept at his work un- \ndaunted by threats and indignities, and lived to see \nthe reform that he had labored for a reality. He \nsent his paper to the South, and the Mayor of \nBaltimore wrote to Mayor Otis, asking him to sus- \npend its publication. Mr, Otis replied that his \nofificers \" had ferreted out the paper and its editor; \nwhose office was an obscure hole ; his only visible \nauxiliary a negro boy ; his supporters a few ignorant \npersons of all colors.\" This was a pretty true de- \nscription of Mr. Garrison's editorial office. One of \nhis life-long friends afterwards said that it bore \n\" an aspect of slovenly decay.\" He describes \" the \ndingy walls, the small windows, bespattered with \nprinter's-ink ; the press standing in one corner, the \ncomposing-stands opposite ; the long editorial and \nmailing table covered with newspapers ; the bed of \nthe editor and publisher on the floor.\" Such was the \nplace from which the paper went out in support of \nthis ism. \n\nMr. Garrison was not accustomed to prophesy \nsmooth things, though personally he was one of the \ncalmest, the kindliest and most courteous of gentle- \nmen. He was inspired by a single thought. He \nasked, \" Is slavery right or wrong?\" and satisfied \nhimself that it was wrong. He then fell back upon \nthe belief that it was the particular wrong that he was \nto fight, and that, being wrong, no compromise was \npossible. Immediate emancipation, leaving the re- \nsults to Providence, was his conviction, and upon it \nhe acted with vigor. He said : \" I zuill be heard ! \" \n\n\nA MOB OF WELL-DRESSED GENTLEMEN. 463 \n\nBefore the year 1831 closed, on the thirteenth of \nNovember, a meeting was held in the office of \nSamuel E. Sewall,* a descendant of the judge who \nwrote \" The Selling of Joseph,\" for the purpose of \nforming an Anti-Slavery Society. Other meetings \nwere held, the society was formed, and the move- \nment which had begun in \" an obscure hole \" was \ntaken up by some of the most promising men and \nwomen of Boston. It was something tangible, and \nswept many into it who could not be touched by the \ndeep generalizations of transcendentalism ; it touched \na subject that every man was able to appreciate. \n\nStill, everybody in Boston did not sympathize \nwith Garrison at this time or at any other. In 1835, \nindeed, a meeting of wealthy and intelligent citizens \nwas held in Faneuil Hall to protest against any \ninterference with slavery, and to condemn the meth- \nods of the Abolitionists ; and finally, in October of \nthat year, a great stir was raised by a statement that \nGeorge Thompson, an active English Abolitionist, \nhad declared that \" every slaveholder ought to have \nhis throat cut,\" In the midst of this excitement a \nmeeting of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society \nwas held in the building in which TJie Liberator was \nprinted, and a mob of \" well-dressed gentlemen \" \ndetermined that Mr. Thompson, who was falsely \nannounced to address the gathering, should be pun- \nished. When it was found that Mr. Thompson was \nnot present, the mob clamored for Mr. Garrison, and \ndragged him through the streets until he was res- \ncued by the officers of the law and placed in jail for \n* Mr. Sewall died in December. 1888. \n\n\n464 INDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\nsecurity. The outrage brought Mr. Garrison into \ngreater prominence. The inhabitants generally were \nnot sorry that the meeting had been broken up. \nMr. Garrison himself was made even more fixed \nthan before in his firm determination. Other citi- \nzens rose and took his part, and the cause that he \nhad at heart progressed. \n\nBoston was now thoroughly aroused. Edward \nEverett, who was then governor, took up the sub- \nject, and in his message to the legislature in Janu- \nary, 1836, expressed the opinion that the good of \nthe slave and the stability of the Union were endan- \ngered by the anti-slavery movement. The legis- \nlatures of slave States had desired that it might be \nmade a penal offence to speak or write against slavery \nanywhere in the Union, and Mr. Everett thought that \nthe Abolitionists were committing misdemeanors by \nsuch efforts as they made, for they tended to excite \nthe slaves to insurrection. There was a legislative \n\" hearing,\" and a report was made against the \nAbolitionists ; but it was laid on the table and never \nacted upon. It was on the occasion of this hearing \nthat the Rev. Wm. Ellery Channing, the eloquent \nand renowned pastor of the Federal Street church, \ntook pains to show his warm sympathy with the \nopponents of slavery. Congress took the matter up, \nand the discussion passed far beyond the limits of \nBoston. \n\nIn 1837, after the killing of Mr. Lovejoy at Alton, \nthere was an exciting meeting in Faneuil Hall, at \nwhich one person placed the \"murderers of Alton \nside by side with Otis and Hancock and Quincy \n\n\nWENDELL PHILLIPS AROUSED. 465 \n\nand Adams.\" This stirred the young heart of Wen- \ndell Phillips, who rose and made his first speech, \nwhich gave him rank among the orators of the land. \nThere was over-excitement on both sides ; the \nchurch was denounced as a \" brotherhood of thieves,\" \nthe constitution of the United States was cursed as \na \"covenant with death,\" and in 1844 Garrison \nand those who followed him declared for \" No union \nwith slaveholders,\" thus taking up the cry of seces- \nsion, which had been a favorite with the dissatisfied \nwhenever union became irksome. Parties were \nformed in national politics: the \" Liberty Party,\" in \n1839; t^^s \"Free-Soil Party,\" in 1848; and finally, \nin 1856, the \" Republican Party,\" said to have been \nproposed the previous year by William H. Seward, \nof New York, In 1848, Charles Sumner took his \nplace among the Free-Soilers. \n\nLike Theodore Parker, John G. Palfrey, and John \nAlbion Andrew, the \"war governor\" of Massachu- \nsetts, Mr. Sumner did not agree with Garrison in \nopposition to the Union and the constitution, and \nthe event shows that his calmer judgment was cor- \nrect.* Mr. Sumner was a native of Boston, born \nJanuary 6, 181 1, and had shown his anti-slavery \nprinciples before this time, though he was not \na member of the Abolition society. \n\nThere were constant meetings ; the papers were \n\nfilled with incendiary articles ; fugitive slaves were \n\n* Mr. Palfrey, who was a member of Congress when Robert C. \nWinthrop, of Boston, was Speaker of the House, said in one of his \nspeeches : \"If the slaveholders insist that the Union and slavery can- \nnot live together, they may be taken at their own word ; but it is the \nUnion that must stand I \" \n\n\n466 INDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\nbrought upon the platforms and into the churches \nto tell their thrilling tales of suffering and escape; \nand, as in earlier days Samuel Adams sought \nto keep the citizens up to the point of indig- \nnation necessary for carrying out his scheme of \nrevolution, so now Mr. Garrison left no means \nunemployed that would help bring them to the \nposition that he had taken of antagonism to what \nhe considered a national wrong and a deep disgrace. \nIn 1854 the Fugitive-Slave act was denounced at \na convention of members of the Free-Soil party in \nBoston ; and at about the same time \" The Massa- \nchusetts Emigrant Aid Association \" was chartered \nwith a nominal capital of five million dollars, to \nsend free-State emigrants to the territories, and \nespecially to Kansas. This association gave way to \nanother and more practicable one, which under the \nguidance and with the support of the late Amos A. \nLawrence and his associates began to send out men, \nAugust 17, 1854. Other parties followed, singing \nthe words of Mr. Whittier: \n\n\"We cross the prairie, as of old \nThe Pilgrims crossed the sea, \nTo make the West, as they the East, \nThe homestead of the free.\" \n\nThe history of the Kansas struggle belongs to \nother pages ; it brought to Boston at one time and \nanother all the men who were interested in that \nregion. Hither John Brown, of Ossawattomie, for- \nmerly a Massachusetts wool-dealer, came to get sup- \nport and comfort, though his method of making Kan- \nsas free, by exterminating slavery \" with gun, pike, \n\n\nWOMAN SUFFRAGE. ^^67 \n\nand sword,\" was quite opposite to the peaceful mode \nof the company that Mr. Lawrence directed. Boston \nnever became a convert to all of the views of the \nAbolitionists, but it never ceased to respect Mr. \nGarrison, their leader, for his personal character, and \nit honored him for the manner of his public life in \nseeking peace and good-will after his great fight \nwas accomplished. A colossal statue in bronze was \nerected to his memory in the \" court end \" of the city. \n\nWoman suffragism is the only other ism that we \ncan touch. The women of Boston have since 1854 \nbeen moving with some vigor to obtain political \nrights. We have seen that in the matter of educa- \ntion they had been almost utterly neglected during \nthe earlier periods. In spite of this fact they man- \naged to show considerable literary ability and mental \nstrength, if not power of the highest kind. They have \nafter long effort succeeded in obtaining the right of \nsuffrage so far as it relates to education, and at the \nlatest election, that of December, 1888, they exer- \ncised a great influence. The occasion was one that \ncalled forth all of their feelings. A certain text- \nbook in history had been dropped from those in use \nin the schools, and a teacher transferred from one \npost to another, through the too great influence, as \nwas said, of the Catholic clergy. Women by the \nthousand qualified themselves to vote, and the day \nwas carried for the Protestant candidates. \n\nThe campaign that preceded this election was \ncharacterized by much of the violent oratory that \nhad been heard when slavery had been the object of \nattack. It recalled the excitement of 1834, when it \nwas averred that the Ursuline Convent, which stood \n\n\n468 INDIVIDUALISM AND OTHER ISMS. \n\nin the present limits of Somerville, was injurious to \nthe best interests of the community, and when the \nstory went abroad that a convert from Protestantism \nhad been obliged to fly from the institution, and \nthat one of the Sisters had also gone for refuge to \nthe house of a Protestant neighbor. The worst \nstories about the convent were believed, and a \nBoston mob surrounded the building, and \"vindi- \ncated republican institutions \" by battering down \nthe doors, breaking the windows, and leaving the \nedifice in much the condition in which the house of \nGovernor Hutchinson had been left by the indignant \npatriots who in his day thought that breaking and \nburning were the only methods by which American \nprinciples were to be sustained. The rioting in \nSomerville was cool, and, until the men became in- \nflamed by strong drink, unattended by violence. It \nwas properly condemned in Faneuil Hall by Harri- \nson Gray Otis, Josiah Quincy, Jr., and other citizens \nof the same high character. Still, it left a blot on \nthe fame of the city. \n\nThe Womans Journal, which was established at \nabout 1870, has been the channel through which it \nwas hoped to direct legislation and public opinion \nin favor of woman suffrage and all the civil rights \nthat women claim, and it has exerted much influence. \nIn 1874 it was established that women might become \nmembers of the school committee, and in 1879 their \nright to vote for school officers was confirmed. The \nNew England Woman's Club is another means of \nconcentrating action and of bringing their thoughts \nto a focus on every subject upon which women think \nit desirable to make their influence felt. \n\n\nXXXIII. \n\nMODERN BOSTON. \n\nThe rough promontory to which John Winthrop \nwas invited by the hospitable Blaxton has become \nthe site of a modern city ; its hills have been taken \ndown ; its borders have been gradually advanced \ninto the surrounding sea ; its crooked lanes have be- \ncome streets and avenues ; its territory has been \ncovered with palaces of brick and stone. The busi- \nness men of the present time store their goods in \nwarehouses of grand proportions, and meet their \nassociates in offices of such elegance that, could the \ncitizens of an earlier day reappear, they would not \nrecognize their former haunts ; and if they could be \nconvinced that they were actually in the limits of \nwhat they once knew as Boston, they would be \ncertain that the place had entered upon a career of \nextravagance which could end only in speedy ruin. \nGradually a new Boston has been evolved from the \nold. The children have grown rich, and the city is \nnow perhaps the most wealthy in the land in propor- \ntion to its population. While Boston has changed \nin its external appearance and increased in material \nwealth, it still draws men to it, in a greater degree \nthan most other American cities, by virtue of its \n\n469 \n\n\n470 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nexcellent schools and libraries, and by the general \nintelligence of its citizens. These are inherited \ntraits, and they are strong. \n\nThe territorial growth of the city is a noteworthy \nfeature in its later history. Three years are re- \nmembered for the annexation of adjoining territory. \nIn 1868 Roxbury, which as a town was as old as \nBoston itself, and as a city dated from 1846, became \na portion of the city. In 1870 Dorchester, which \nhad retained its town organization from 1630, was \nalso absorbed. In 1874 Chariest own, West Roxbury, \nand Brighton were added, and the enlarged city \nreached its present extent — twenty-three thousand \nseven hundred acres. Chelsea, Cambridge, and \nBrookline still retain their independent existence, \nthough they are as much parts of the suburbs as \nthose sections that have been merged in the corpora- \ntion. Brighton, indeed, can scarcely be reached from \nthe city proper except by crossing some portion not \nincluded in the city limits, or going by water. The \n\" Neck,\" which was originally hardly broad enough \nto permit the building of the only street which \ncrossed it, has been expanded to a width of more \nthan a mile and a half ; and upon the land thus \ntaken from the sea some of the handsomest and \ncostliest of the public and private edifices of the \ncity have been built, including the Art Museum, \nTrinity Church, the \" New \" Old South Church, the \nbuilding erected for the \" Manifesto Church,\" now \nowned by the First Baptist Society, and, finally, the \nHigh and Latin School building, and the new home \nof the Public Library. \n\n\nE3 \n\n\no \n\n\nZ \n\n\n472 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nIn hastily glancing over the Boston of to-day we \nare attracted by the great growth shown in church \nbuildings, the vast proportions assumed by the \norganizations for charity and social enjoyment ; the \nincrease of libraries, the creation of a literature, and \nthe development of the business of publishing books, \nnewspapers, and magazines ; the improvement in \narchitecture, the adornment of the streets and \nsquares, the cultivated taste shown in music, the \ndrama, and in the fine arts ; and the growth of manu- \nfactures and commerce. From the first Latin \nSchool and Harvard College a vast system of edu- \ncational influences has grown. Colleges and schools, \npublic and private, are many, in which both women \nand men may obtain the most complete education \nknown to Americans in the different branches of \nhuman knowledge. It seems, indeed, as though \nevery line of thought had been followed to its ut- \nmost extent in the effort to make complete the \ndevelopment of the faculties, the preservation of \nmental and physical health, the relief of distress, the \nprotection of the weak and forlorn, the recovery of \nphysical and moral health when lost, and the en- \nlargement of opportunities for study and enjoyment. \n\nThe men and women of Boston to-day are not \nconfined in their interests, as their fathers and \nmothers were, to the discussion of politics and re- \nligion, but can carry their thoughts into the realms \nof space and into worlds of which no one dreamed \na century ago. The result is modern civilization. \nThe men know more, they enjoy more, they are \nbroader and larger, but they sufTer more also. With \n\n\nJOHN ALBION ANDREW. 473 \n\nthe extension of the faculties in one direction comes \ngrowth in every other direction. There are, how- \never, no happier homes in Boston to-day than there \nwere when John Winthrop expressed in formal \nspeech his attachment for his Margaret ; when Mrs. \nJohn Adams wrote her delightful epistles to her ab- \nsent lord; when young ladies were less distinguished \nfor the charms of their minds than for the elegance \nof their persons. With the growth of good taste \nhas come a greater sensibility to suffering from those \nthings that offend propriety ; with the increase of \nwealth has come an increased list of wants to be sup- \nplied ; every convenience of modern civilization has \nbrought with it new cares and new classes of trials. \n\nThe memory of the present generation emphasizes \ncertain epochs especially, which are indeed worthy \nof note. From 1861 to 1865 the hearts of all citizens \nwere stirred by the uprising of the nation and the \nbloody struggle that settled the government firmly \nupon its present basis. Then the war governor of \nMassachusetts, John Albion Andrew, came forth, \nand placed the state in the fore-front of the move- \nment for the support of the Federal Government, \nand carried out determined plans with vigor like that \ndisplayed by the Father of the American Revolution. \nThe men of Boston supported the governor and the \npresident, and went with alacrity to danger and to \ndeath at their call. \n\nWhen, in 1876, the \"Centennial\" period of the \nnation arrived, Boston sympathized to the full with \nall who rejoiced, and there was a revival of ancient \nmemories as each notable date passed. The impetus \n\n\n474 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nto patriotism has not yet ceased to be felt, and it is \nremembered that we are now in the midst of a series \nof centennial anniversaries of the stirring times when \nthe constitution of the United States was ratified by \nMassachusetts, by the convention that adjourned \nfrom the Old State House and held its memorable \nand protracted sessions in the meeting-house on \nLong Lane, afterwards called Federal Street. \n\n\" The 'vention did in Boston meet, \nBut State House could not hold 'em ; \n\nSo then they went to Federal Street, \nAnd there the truth was told 'em.\" \n\nThe revival of historical study is shown by the \nrepeated courses of lectures on American topics in \nthe venerable building of the Old South church, and \nby the establishment of societies for the special pur- \npose of keeping the memories of the Fathers fresh. \nThe first of these in order of time was the Anti- \nquarian Club, organized in 1879 for the purpose of \npreserving historical records. The Boston Memorial \nAssociation was next formed, in 1880, for the pur- \npose of caring for the memorials of the city, for the \npreservation and improvement of its public grounds, \nand the erection of works of art. Tlie Bostonian \nSociety, incorporated at the close of the year 1881, \nhas for its object not the erection of memorials, but \nthe preservation of them from reckless destruction \nby those champions of progress who would make \nnew every thing old if it happened not to bear upon \nit the marks of the fashion of the day. Into this \nsociety the Antiquarian Club was merged. \n\n\nHISTORY AND LETTERS 475 \n\nThe same purposes, to a certain extent, are sub- \nserved by the Massachusetts Historical Society. It \nwas founded in 1791, and incorporated in 1794, for \nthe \" collecting, preserving, and communicating the \nantiquities of America,\" \" especially in the historical \nway,\" as Jeremy Belknap, its founder, wrote. Eight \nof its ten original members were Bostonians, as each \nof its seven presidents have been. The New Eng- \nland Historic-Genealogical Society, which dates from \nthe autumn of 1844, ^Iso gave impetus to the inves- \ntigation of early American history in the Eastern \nStates, and became a centre of antiquarian study. \n\nReference has been made to the increase of libra- \nries. Boston has long been specially rich in both \npublic and private collections of books, and at the \npresent time affords the student in all branches of \nhistory, but especially American history, unequalled \nopportunities for the study of originals. A catalogue \nof these collections would be so long as to be tedi- \nous, but a few of them must be mentioned. The \nlibrary of the University at Cambridge, which under \nits hospitable management is a boon to all students, \nneeds but a passing mention. The great Boston \ncollection in the Public Library, which bears on its \nouter walls the legend, \"FREE TO ALL,\" rtow \nnumbers more than half a million volumes, and is as \nfree as its motto promises. This collection was be- \ngun in 1848, in consequence of an offer of money \nmade by the younger Mayor Quincy. Prominent \ncitizens at once took an earnest interest in making \nthe collection of books worthy of their city ; they \ngave it money in generous sums ; they hastened to \n\n\n^ \n\n\n4/6 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nput on its shelves the books that had been left to \nthem from their fathers, and made provision in their \nwills that their own books should follow. In this \nway it is no wonder that the favorite library grew in \nnumbers. Edward Everett laid down his valuable \ncollection of public documents for the public good ; \nJoshua Bates sent from London fifty thousand dol- \nlars ; George Ticknor, historian of Spanish literature, \ngave his time, his money, and finally his unrivalled \ncollection of books in Spanish and Portuguese ; the \ndeacons of the Old South Church deposited within \nits walls the curious and valuable collection made by \nthe Rev. Dr. Thomas Prince, which had long been \nprecariously preserved in the ancient lofts in the \nsteeple of the old meeting-house. Eleven thousand \nvolumes were received by bequest of the Rev. Theo- \ndore Parker. The best collection of Shakespearian \nworks known in America came from the library of \nThomas Pennant Barton, of New York, which was \nbought in 1873, ^\"ci comprised twelve thousand vol- \numes. The result is the largest collection of books \nfor free circulation in the world. \n\nThe library of the Boston Athenaeum grew out of \na literary club called into being by the Rev. William \nEmerson, father of the more distinguished son, when \nhe took editorial charge of the Monthly Anthology, \nsix months after its inception. This was the chief \nliterary enterprise of his life, and the magazine was \nthe longest-lived of those that followed the Ameri- \ncan Magazine, which began its fitful career in 1740. \nThe notable collection of men of literary tastes that \nMr. Emerson grouped around him was known as the \n\n\nb. \n\n0 \n\nW \n\n' \n\nZ \n\no \n\no \n\nCO \n\nu \n\nw \n\nC \n\nr~\" \n\n>o \n\nz \n\nc \n\nui \n\na \n\n■j: \n\nw \n\n^ \n\nz \n\n'■) \n\n<: \n\nf \n\na \n\n04 \n\n*-• \n\nW \n\nH \n\nZ \n\nZ \n\nu \n\n:^ < \n\n.J \n\nz id \n\n■■4 X \n\n\na 5 \n\n\nZ \n\no \nu \n\n\nQ \nZ \n< \n\n\n478 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nAnthology Club. Once a week they met to discuss \nletters, with especial reference to their magazine, and \na dinner of modest character, with reference to their \nown social life. The club kept its magazine up for \nsome six years, and also formed a collection of books, \nto which were added some that Mr. Emerson had \ngotten together when he had taught at Harvard, \nthough he wrote in his journal of himself and his \nwife at the time: \"We are poor and cold, and have \nlittle meal, and little wood, and little meat, but, \nthank God, courage enough.\" From the collection \nthus formed grew the Athenaeum Library, one of the \nbest in the land, which occupies a prominent building \non Beacon Street, and has been in the care of a \nnumber of the most noted librarians of America. \n\nNo inconsiderable part of the gradual improve- \nment in the appearance of Boston has been made \npossible by the fires which have destroyed buildings \nthat in the ordinary process of events would have \ncumbered the ground many years longer than they \nwere permitted to. There have been, as in many \nother towns, \" great \" fires from time to time, and \neach one has startled the inhabitants into new and \nmore rigid provisions against a recurrence of the like \ndisaster. The series began with the fire of 1653. \nAfter it householders were directed to provide them- \nselves with ladders of sufficient length to reach \nto the ridge-poles of their dwellings, and long \npoles with swabs on the end adapted to \" quench \nfire,\" and six long ladders were hung on the outside \nof the meeting-house. By 1670 these simple means \nhad proved inadequate, and householders were or- \n\n\nTHE GREA T FIRES. A,JC^ \n\ndered to provide at or near the doors of their build- \nings, hogsheads of water ready filled, with the heads \nout, and to keep their chimneys well swept. The \nvision of a hogshead standing at each door through- \nout the city is an amusing one ! \n\nThe second great fire, which occurred in 1676, \nbegan \"an hour before day,\" and burned forty-six \ndwellings, besides other buildings, and Increase \nMather's church, the \" Old North.\" It led directly \nto straightening the streets, and all persons were \nenjoined against building upon the burnt district \nuntil the selectmen had staked out the streets anew \nand given permission. Those who recollect the \ndistrict burned at the time can but wonder how the \nstreets could have ever been more crooked than \nthey were even within the second half of the present \ncentury. The year 1679 witnessed another and \neven more disastrous confl-agration, which began \nnear the Dock, and, as Cotton Mather says, burned \nfourscore dwellings and seventy warehouses. The \nfire of 171 1 is described as more \"sweeping and dis- \nastrous \" than any of its predecessors. It burned \nthe First Church, the Town House, all the buildings \non both sides of Cornhill (present Washington Street) \nfrom School Street to Dock Square, and turned a \nhundred or more families into the streets, besides \nresulting in the death of several men who were \nengaged in efforts to arrest the conflagration. In \nBonner's map this is called the eighth great fire. \nAnother occurred in 1760, and others in 1787, 1793, \n1824, 1825, and 1835 * ; but all of these were eclipsed \n\n* See Winsor's \" Memorial History,\" vol., iv., page 48. \n\n\n480 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nin greatness and destructiveness by the one which \nfortunately remains the great fire of Boston. \n\nIt was not remarkable that in the provincial period \nthe town was frequently visited by fire. Indeed \nCotton Mather said that \" never was any town under \nthe cope of heaven more liable to be laid in ashes,\" \nand that \" such a combustible heap of contiguous \nhouses \" continued to stand he considered a \" stand- \ning miracle.\" It was Saturday evening, November \n9, 1872 that the greatest Boston fire began. It did \nnot attack such a combustible heap of contiguous \nhouses as Cotton Mather was familiar with, but \nbegan and worked its rapid way through buildings \nbuilt of solid brick and granite that had been sup- \nposed to be proof against such ravages. Beginning \non Saturday evening at the corner of Summer and \nKingston streets, the fire was not stopped until \nSunday afternoon, when it had burned over sixty- \nfive of the densest acres of the city, and had \ndestroyed seventy-five million dollars' worth of \nproperty, including many public buildings, and most \nof the newspaper of^ces. It left the view unob- \nstructed from Washington Street at the ends of \nWinter, Bromfield, and Milk streets quite out to the \nislands in the harbor. Insurance companies were \nmade bankrupt, private citizens and corporations \nfound themselves crippled by their sudden losses, \nand the people were for a time almost in a state of \npanic. Common-sense took the place of these feel- \nings, however. \n\nExpressions of sympathy came from all quarters. \nEven as the flames were burning, Henry Ward \n\n\nTHE PUBLIC \nThis is all on \" m \n\n\nTHE STORY STOPS. 48 1 \n\nBeecher, son of one of the former pastors of the \nchurch on Bowdoin Street, speaking from his Brook- \nlyn pulpit exclaimed : \" Upon no other place could a \ncalamity have fallen which would have touched so \nuniversally the national life and the national feeling \nas upon the city of Boston — this city from which \nsprung the earliest American ideas. Her history \nis written in the best things that have befallen this \nland, and shame on the man who in the day of her \ndisaster has no tears for her ! \" The city was glad \nof the good feeling, but it accepted no other help \nin the process of recuperation. The streets were \nstraightened and widened ; new squares were laid \nout ; new water-pipes were laid ; and the whole dis- \ntrict that had been devastated was rebuilt in much \nfiner style than before. \n\nThe one hundredth anniversary of the founding of \nBoston occurred September 17, 1730, and the two \nhundredth was celebrated in 1830. Fifty years later, \nin 1880, there was another hearty celebration, marked \nby one of the greatest processions that had ever been \nknown. There was likewise an address intended to \narouse local pride, as on the former occasions, in the \nOld South Church. This time the orator took for \nhis theme the character and services of the first \ngovernor, who was the first citizen of the town at \nits beginning. The day was appropriately marked \nalso by the unveiling of a statue of Mr. Winthrop, \nwhich stands in the very middle of the rush of \nmodern life, in ScoUay Square. It is clothed in the \nstriking garments of the period, and brings back to \nour eyes the governor as he landed from his ship. \n\n\n482 MODERN BOSTON. \n\nOne hand bears to the New World the king's charter \nand the other the Bible, both of which were held \nsacred by Winthrop and honored by all true sons of \nBoston in the early days. The vessel that brought \nover the precious freight is suggested by a rope \nattached to a forest tree that bears fresh marks of \nthe settler's axe. \n\nThus the Story of Boston may stop with this new \nreference to the man who guided its first steps, \nwhose memory can never fade from the city's records. \nThe city's growth in elegance and perhaps in public \nand private magnificence may be dated from the late \nperiod of the last great fire and of the erection of \nthis statue of Winthrop. The streets and squares \nare adorned by many monuments, and with other \nstatues, commemorating heroes from Aristides to \nLincoln, and events from the \" Massacre \" to the \nuprising of the people in 1775, and the establishment \nof the Nation in 1865. \n\n\nINDEX, \n\n\nA \n\nAbolitionism and its energetic \nprophet, 461 \n\nAcadians, the carrying away of the, \n252 \n\nAcadie, relations with the French \nin, 99 \n\nAdams family, the, origin of, 222 \n\nAdams, John, appointed delegate \nto Congress, 358 ; asks a question \nabout tea, 362 ; bravely appears \nfor Preston, 317 ; lirought into \nprominence, 262 ; commends an \noration by Hancock, 349 ; in- \nveighs against luxury, 393 ; on \nthe American congress, 355 ; \npoints out the excellences and \ndefects of Bostonians, 385, 3S6 ; \npresents his sentiments about in- \ndependency, 383 ; recommends a \ncelebration, 384 ; removes from \nBoston to Braintree, 325 ; thinks \nBritain would enslave America, \n284 ; to his wife after the pas- \nsage of the port bill, 351 \n\nAdams, Mrs. John, on the battle \nof Bunker Hill, 567 ; on the \nbehavior of the French officers, \n394, 395 ; on changes in society, \n387 ; on the favor of Heaven to \nBoston, 380 ; on the situation of \nthe British, 376 ; sermon at mar- \nriage of, 206 \n\nAdams, John Quincy, tells Jeffer- \n\n\nson that the embargo cannot be \nenforced in New England, 415 \n\nAdams, Nehemiah, pastor of the \nEssex Street Church, 447 \n\nAdams, Samuel, Sr., member of \nthe Caucus Club, 221 \n\nAdams, Samuel, not adapted to the \ntimes after independence had \nbeen won, 402 ; appointed dele- \ngate to congress, 358 ; argues \nwith Hutchinson, 313 ; asks to \nhave the galleries cleared, 335 ; \ncalled Masterof the Puppets, 306; \nbrings young men forward, 262 ; \ndeath of. 405-; defends the com- \nmittee of correspondence, 347 ; \ngives the populace a cue, 314 ; \ndenies the right of parliament to \ntax America, 278 ; expresses the \nthanks of America to the French, \n395 ; the \" famous,\" 393 ; fears \nthe Society of the Cincinnati, \n405 ; graduates, 235 ; character \nof, 235 ; habits of, 393 ; has \ngreat influence as clerk of the \nlegislature, 292 ; influence of, in \neducation, 442 ; invites some \nBritish troops to front seats, 359 ; \nkeeps up the pre-revolutionary \nindignation. 276 ; labors of, 295 ; \nleaves college and prepares to \npractise law, 256 ; makes a mem- \norable address at Cambridge, \n236 ; opposed to toryism, 390 ; \nplan of, for committees of corre- \n\n\n483 \n\n\n484 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nspondence, 279, 326, 327, 334 ; \njHiblishes an \"Appeal to the \nWorld,\" 308 ; puts Hutchinson \nin the ^\\■rong, 33 1; 332 ; retires \nfrom public life, 404 ; secretary \nof state, 390; s;nds out a circu- \nlar-letter, 350 ; the skill of, 290, \n291 ; warns Boston on the com- \ning of a British fleet, 324 ; writes \nan address for Hancock, 349 ; \nwrites voluminously for the press, \n263 \n\nAdams and Hancock excepted from \na proclamation by Gage, 365 ; \noutlaws, 383 \n\nAdvertiser, Independent, the, begins \na career, 264 \n\nAlbany Convention of 1754, the, \n243. 250 \n\nAlexandria, meeting of royal gov- \nernors at, in 1755, 250 \n\nAmerica, strange views regarding, \n12 \n\nAmerica, History of, by Winsor, 2 \n\nAmerican empire, an, figured by \nsome before the Revolution, 261 \n\nAmerican Magazine, the, 476 \n\nAmericans, misrepresented at court, \n307 ; said to be poor but proud, \n150 ; spirits of the, to be broken \nat all hazards, 321 \n\nAmphictyons, the, set up as models, \n\n332 \nAmusements renounced on account \n\nof the presence of troops, 301 \nAnabaptists, fears of the, 78, 105 ; \n\nsimply Baptists. 105 \nAncient and Honorable Artillery \n\nCompany, the, 88, 240 \n•Andrew, John Albion, governor, \n\n465 ; vigor of, 473 \nAndros, Sir Edmund, becomes \n\ngovernor, 164 ; arrested and sent \n\nto England, 170 \nAnniversaries, importance of, in \n\nthe estimation of Adams, 293 ; \n\ninfluence of celebrations of, 294, \n\n319 \nAntagonism between Bostonians \n\nand officers of the king, 261 \n\n\nAnthology Club, the, 478 \nAnthology, Alontldy, the, edited by \n\nWilliam Emerson, 476 \nAntinomianism, controversy about. \n\nAntiquarian Club, the, 474 \nAnti-Slavery Society, the, founded, \n\n463 \nApthorp, Rev. East, comes to \n\nCambridge, 273 \nAri>ella, the ship, named in honor \n\nof Mrs. Johnson, 32 \nAristides, monument of, 483 \nAristocracy, a sort of established, \n\nin Boston, 84 \nArms, the appeal to, advocated \n\nunder certain circumstances, 265 \nArmstrong, Samuel T., mayor, 456 \nArtillery Company, the Ancient \n\nand Honorable, 88, 240 \nAssistants, the first court of, 42 \nAthenteum, the Boston, how be- \ngun, 476 \nAttucks, Crispus, death of, 312 \nAulnay, d', wishes to trad© with \n\nBoston, 99 \nAustin, Anne, and Mary Fisher \n\narrive from the Barbadoes, and \n\nare sent away, no \n\n\nB \n\n\nBack Bay, improvements in the, \nplanned by Arthur Oilman, and \ncarried out, 455 \n\nBack-Bay region, process of im- \nproving, 412 \n\nBall, the Peace, in 1815, dress of \nan attendant at, 417 \n\nBalls frowned upon by Adams, 392 \n\nBancroft, George, on the transfer \nof the charter, 9; History, quoted, \n\n301, 457 \nBanishment, a punishment for un- \ninvited settlers, 63 ; of Roger \nWilliams, 77 \nBank, a private, proposed, 208 \nBaptism, infant, trouble about, T04 \nBaptist Society, the First, in Bos- \nton, no \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n485 \n\n\nBarbadoes, contest about a salary \nat, 226 ; trade with, 97 \n\nBarre calls the Boston ians Sons of \nLiberty, 291 \n\nBarton collection of books, 476 \n\nBates, Joshua, gives money to the \nPublic Library, 476 \n\nBay Psalm Book, the, iiS ; speci- \nmens of the verses in, 109 \n\nBeacon Hill, the (Sentry) digging \naway of, 412, 454 ; in early days, \n58 ; the steepness of, 454 \n\nBeecher, Henry Ward, on the \ncharacter of Boston, 482 \n\nBeecher, Lyman, pastor of the \nchurch on Ixiwdoin Street, 447 \n\nBelcher, Jonathan, becomes gover- \nnor, 228 ; disaffection with, 230 \n\nBelknap, Jeremy, founds the Mass- \nachusetts Historical Society, 475 \n\nBellomont, Earl of (Richard \nCoote), i8g ; begins his rule, \n196 \n^ Bernard, Governor Francis, de- \nnounced, 294 ; called to account \nfor unwarranted expenditure, \n271 ; called to London, 303 ; \ncharacter of, 304 ; fears to ask \nfor troops, 298 \n^ Bernard and Hutchinson, influence \nof, 325 \n\nBible, the, furnishes the model for \nthe Bostonian government, 84 ; \ninfluence of the, on England, \n16 ; to be kissed by witnesses, \n167 ; the mode of reading it, \n180 ; quoted to support a Boston \nnotion, 190 ; the source of early \nBoston laws, 119 \n\nBible-reading in churches, 118 \n\nBigelow, John P., mayor, 456 \n\nBilboes, as a punishment, 63, 64 \n\nBill, the, sent up by Judge Sewall \nin the Old South,' 187 \n\nBishop's palace, the, in Cambridge, \noccupied by Burgoyne, 389 \n\nBlackstone. See Blaxton. \n\nBladen, ^Nfartin, charges that Bos- \nton Seeks independency, 209 \n\nBlaxton, the first settler at Boston, \n\n\n38 ; invites Winthrop to Shaw- \n\nmut, 42 \nBlessing of the Bay, the, launched, \n\n52 \n\" Blockade of Boston,\" a play \n\ncomposed to enliven the British \n\nduring the siege, 372 \nBlood, the first, spilled, 309 \nBoards, price of, fixed, 69 \nBoard of Trade, the development \n\nof, 209 ; invites a meeting of \n\ncolonists, 250 \n\" Body of Liberties,\" the, pre- \npared by Ward, 121 \nBomazeen, imprisonment of, 189 \nBook, the first, printed in Boston, \n\n\"9 \n\nBooks and printing, 118 \n\nBoston accused of aiming at the \nsovereignty of the continent, \n328 ; acts as though she were \nindependent, 151 ; alarmed by a \nrumor of the return of the Brit- \nish, 388 ; alarmed by rumors of \nIndian war, 146 ; alarmed by \nthe French Acadians, 100 ; \nalarmed when the charter was \ncalled for, 122 ; area of, 56 ; \narea of, enlarged, 412 ; aspect \nof, in 1631, 56, 60, 61 ; beauty \nof, 454 ; becomes a place gov- \nerned by a few, 420 ; bound \nhand and foot, 167 ; carefully \nwatched by England, 273 ; cele- \nbrates its coming two hundred \nyears of age, 451 ; celebrates its \n250th anniversary, 482 ; censures \nthe governor for accepting a sal- \nary from the king, 326 ; changes \nin, after the Revolution, 397 ; the \nchief seat of oppositioii, 307 ; \nchurch, the, errors in, 79 ; com- \nplained of by the Board of \nTrade, 209 ; condition of, dur- \ning the siege, 368, 369 ; condi- \ntion of, after the siege, 3S0 ; in \nconstant strife with the king's \ngovernors, 191, 192 ; denounces \nthe stamp act, 285 ; destitute \nof the choice spirits that once it \n\n\n486 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nknew, 387 ; determined to resist \ntaxation, 308 ; determines to \nassert its rights, 297 ; divisions \nof, in early times, 397 ; early \ngovernment of, 83 ; in the early \ntimes, 126 ; engages in tlie trade \nwith China, 415 ; evacuated by \nGeneral Howe, 375 ; excellences \nof. 385, 386 ; excited by the \narrival of tea ships, 337 ; .excites \nHutchinson's jealousy, 321 ; ex- \npects liberty to be snatched \naway, 292 ; the first settlers \naround, 38 ; government of, 418 ; \ngreat influence of, in the public \ndiscussions, 290 ; hears of the \ndeclaration of independence, \n3S4 ; holds an \"adjourned\" \ntown-meeting, 354 ; holds a \ntown-meeting about the port \nbill, 351 ; holds power through \nits town-meetings, 92 ; import- \nance of, in the early ])eriod, 376, \n37S ; independency of, makes an \nimpression in England, 143 ; in- \ndependent in the days of Crom- \nwell, 13S ; influence of, among \nthe towns, 91, 332 ; influence of, \nthroughout the colonies, 249 ; \ninvested by war ships, 299 ; the \njealousy on the part of other \ntowns disappears, 290 ; just be- \nfore the Revolntion, as drawn by \nHutchinson, 323, 325 ; laughed \nat by New York, 32S ; living in, \nin early days, 145 ; looks toward \nthe great West, 406 ; loses pop- \nulation during the Revolution, \n397. 39S ; made the naval ren- \ndezvous, 322 ; meetings of the \nselectmen cease, 363 ; merchants \nsupport the legislature against \nBurnet, 226 ; named, 42, 44 ; \nobjects to the presence of troops, \n302 ; opposed to giving up the \ncharter, 154 ; opposed to govern- \nors appointed by the king, 190 ; \nopposed to the War of 1812, 416 ; \norigin of the name, 44 ; Parlia- \nment thinks it ouccht to be de- \n\n\nstroyed, 345 ; a period in its \nexistence, 376 ; people, not a \nrabble, 363 ; port of, closed, \n346 ; postpones giving up the \ncharter, 124 ; prepares to defend \nitself against the king, 123, \n141 ; progress of, 172 ; customs \nof, 172; changes in, 173; \"creep- \ning statesmen \" in, 172 ; tricks \nnot to be shown in, 174 ; Sunday \nin, 175, 176; matrimony in, 178; \nholy days in, 1 78 ; preaching in, \n180 ; first marriage in the Town \nHouse, 182 ; dwellings and \nmode of living in, 184 ; inhabi- \ntants of, 185 ; prosperous, 125 ; \n\"prostrates\" itself before \nCharles H., and keeps on forti- \nfying itself, 141, 142 ; a purely \nEnglish town, 426 ; receives a \ncharter as a city, 422 ; rejoices \nat the removal of Bernard, 304 ; \nrelative size of, in early days, 87 ; \nremarkable changes in its physi- \ncal appearance, 469 ; reported \nbombardment of, 357 ; restless \nunder Hutchinson, 327 ; sends \nletters to the other towns, 327 ; \nsettles the financial policy of the \nprovince, 208 ; siege of, begun, \n361, 364 ; seventeen miles from \na seaport, 353 ; social changes \nin, 390 ; supports the Union \ncause in the last war, 473 ; terri- \nfied at the appointment of Kirke, \n156. 157 ! threatened by a fleet, \n324 ; trade growing up in, 97 ; \ntrade interfered with by the \nparliament, 193 ; troubled by \nIndians, 92 ; troubled by Quak- \ners, no; widening of the inter- \nests of, 472 ; wishes to become \na city, 419 \n\nBoston Mill Corporation, scheme \nof 412 \n\nBoston Public Library, the, 475 \n\nBoston and Roxbury Mill Corpo- \nration, scheme of, 410 \n\nBoston and ^V^)rcester Railroad, \n450 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n487 \n\n\nBostoneers, name given the in^ \nhabitants of Boston by Ran- \ndolph, 19S \n\n.Bostonian Society, the, object of, 474 \n\nBostonians, called \" Sons of Lib- \nerty,\" 291 ; defects of, as seen by \nJohn Adams, 3S5, 386; grow \nrich in the carrying trade, 414 ; \nmainly whigs, 262 ; think rapidly \nand to purpose, 286 ; uneasy in \nthe days of Pownall, 259 \n\nBounties offered for scalps, 201 \n\nBowdoin, Governor, dwelling of \noccupied by Burgoyne, 370 ; \ngives a sentiment, 384 \n\nBowen, Francis, \" Life of Otis,\" \nby, 296 \n\nBow-wows, the three, arrive, 363 \n\nBoyle, Robert, President of the \nSociety for the Propagation of \nthe Gospel, 136 \n\nBoylston, Thomas, disciplined by \nsundry \"females,\" 388 \n\nBracket's tavern, known as Crom- \nwell's Head, 408 \n\nBradish's tavern, now Porter's \nHotel, 389 \n\nBradstreet, Simon, at the head of \nBoston affairs, 169, 170 \n\nBrattle Street church, beginning \nof, 199 \n\nBra%\\ls ill the streets in 1768, 301, \n\n310, 311 \n\nBreck, Samuel, dwelling of, occu- \npied by Earl Percy, 370 \n\nBreed's Hill, battle on, 366. See \nBunker's Hill \n\nBridge to Charlestown, Iniilding of \na, 408 \n\nBridge, the Craigie, to Cambridge, \nbuilt, 409 ; the Harvard, build- \ning of, 409 \n\nBridges, effect of the, when lighted, \n409, 410 \n\nBrighton, annexation of, 470 \n\nBrimmer, Martin, mayor, 456 \n\nBriscoe, Nathaniel, brutally beaten, \n107 \n\nBritish authority ended in Boston, \n385 \n\n\nBrook Farm movement, the, plan \nof, 460 \n\nBrowne, John and Samuel, sent to \nEngland, 64 \n\nBrown, John, comes to Boston, \n466 \n\nBuckminster, Rev. Joseph Stevens, \npastor of the Brattle Street \nchurch, 200 \n\nBuildings, new, on the made land, \n470 \n\nBulfinch, Charles, designs a monu- \nment to commemorate the Bea- \ncon, 453 \n\nBullivant, Doctor, makes a repartee \nto Bellomont, 197 \n\nBunch of Grapes tavern, bonfire in \nfront of; 385 ; important meet- \ning in, 406 ; reception of Gov- \nernor Burnet at, 225 \n\nBunker Hill, battle on, 366, 367 \n\nBurgoyne, General, arrives in Bos- \nton the first time, 363 ; surrender \nof, 389 \n\nBurnet, William, becomes gov- \nernor, 223 ; death of, 227 \n\nBurying-place, the first, 43 \n\nBusiness, stagnation of, in 1814, \n416 \n\nByles, Mather, minister of the \nHollis Street church, salutes \nGovernor Burnet, 224 ; describes \na Harvard commencement, 237 \n\n\nCambridge, Eng., important meet- \ning at, I, 9 \n\nCambridge. See New Town. \n\nCambridge, an army at, the day \nafter Lexington, 364 ; legislature \nadjourns to, in 1769, 302 ; ad- \njournment of the court to, 227 ; \nferry to, 131 ; meetings of the \nprovincial congress at, 358, 360 ; \nreceives its name, 107 ; reception \nof Washington in, in 1789, 402 \n\nCambridge platform, departed \nfrom, 199 \n\nCanals, beginnings of, 44S \n\n\n488 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nCanso, garrison at, surprised, 244 \n\nCapital offences in yVmerica and \nEngland, I2i \n\nCarpets not known in early Bos- \nton, 400 \n\nCarrying trade, prosperity of the, \n414 \n\nCatholics, fear of the, 102 \n\nCaucus Club, the, 221 \n\nCaulker's Club, the, 223, 235 \n\nCelebrations, anniversaries, etc., \ninfluence of, 294 \n\n\" Centennial,\" the first, in Boston, \n231 \n\nCentennial period, the, 473, 474 \n\nChandelier, the word attracts the \nattention of Gen. Putnam, 374 \n\nChanning. William E., influence \nof, 446 ; shows his sympathy with \nthe opponents of slavery, 464 \n\nChapman, Jonathan, mayor, 456 \n\nCharles I. grants a charter to set- \ntlers in New England, 3 \n\nCharles II. not \" proclaimed \" in \nBoston, 139 \n\nCharlestown, annexation of, 470 ; \nbridge to, built, 408 \n\nCharlton becomes the capital, 41 \n\nCharter, the Massachusetts, pro- \nposal to take it to America. 5 ; \ntransfer of the, discussed, 6 ; the, \ndemanded by the king, 122; \ndiffering views of the nature of, \n193 ; the ' explanatory \" (1725), \n213 ; rights under the, 6 ; rights \nunder the, proclaimed, 140 ; \nstrifggle for it between the king \nand the colonists, 151, 153, etc. \n\nCharters, abrogation of the, advo- \ncated, 209 \n\nChauncy, Charles, reads the Dec- \nlaration of Independence in his \npulpit, 385 ; on the union of the \ncolonies, 355 \n\nChrist Church (Boston), lanterns \nhung in the steeple of, 361 \n\nChrist Church. Cambridge, 273 \n\nChurch, Benjamin, brought for- \nward, 263 ; delivers an oration \ncommemorating the massacre. \n\n\n332 ; a writer on the side of \nEngland, 325 \n\nChurch green, site of the New \nSouth meeting-house, 221 \n\nChurch of England, feelings of \nWinthrop towards, 30 ; the, sus- \npected, 273 \n\nChurch, the Episcopal, begins to \nthrive, 162 \n\nCluirch, the, of New England, \ncharacter of, according to Hub- \nbard, 78 \n\nChurch music, 117 \n\nChurch services in the early days, \n180 \n\nCincinnati, Society of the, fears \nabout, 405 \n\nCisterns provided for use in case \nof fire, 431 \n\nCitizen, an indignant, writes to \nthe Advertiser, 410 \n\nCity, movements toward a, 420- \n\n,423 \nClergy, limits to the influence of, \n\n72 ; a new, sought by Randolph, \n\n181 \nClub, the Anthology, 478 \nClub, a whig, advocates the rights \n\nof the people, in 1747, 264 \nClymer, George, on liberty, 337 \nCobb, Samuel C, mayor, 456 \nCobbler, the Simple, of Agawam, \n\nmentioned, 26; on fashions, 138 \nCochituate Lake, water obtained \n\nfrom, 435, 455 \nCodfish and cranberries sent to the \n\nking. 144 \nCoinage of money complained of \n\nby Randolph, 153 \nColeridge, S. T., influence of, 459 \nColman, Benjamin, first pastor of \n\nthe Manifesto Church, 199, 200 ; \n\n\" lashes \" the Mathers, 202 \nColonization of America, I \nColonists, invited to Ireland, 125 ; \n\nsome leave Boston, 98 \nColumn, the, on Beacon Hill, 453 ; \nCome-Couters, the, 459 \nCommencement at Harvard, as \n\ndescribed by Byles, 237, 238 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n489 \n\n\nCommerce, depressed by war debts, \n400 ; ysrosperity of, 449; suf- \nfered during the Revolution, \n\n398 \n\nCommissioners from the king, ex- \npected to take the government \nfrom the people, 140, 141 ; ar- \nrive, but effect nothing, 142 \n\nCommissions, roving, of the king's \ngovernors, 1 91 \n\nCommon, the Boston, ovvfed to the \ninfluence of Winthrop, 73 ; cows \npastured on, 438 ; the water that \nonce washed its shores, 410 \n\nConcert Hall, situation of, 394. \n\nConcord, \"battle\" at, 361 ; pro- \nvincial Congress formed at, 357 \n\nConfederation, the New England, \nof if>43, origin of, 93 \n\nCongregational Church, the, 447 \n\nCongress, of the colonies called, \n351 , a continental, wished by \nSamuel Adams, 337 ; the con- \ntinental, delegates to, 358 ; the \nfirst of the colonies, 249 ; meets \nat Philadelphia. 3S3 ; a pro- \nvincial, favored by the \"county \nmeeting,\" 356 ; the provincial, \norganized at Concord, 357 ; the \nstamp act. 2S0 \n\nConscience, liberty of, 77, 106 ; \nfreedoni of. to be extended to \nusers t)f the prayer-book. 139 ; \nshould be free, thought Salton- \nstall. 65 \n\nConscientiousness in early times, \n219 \n\nConstitution, the new, of Afassa- \nchusetts, adopted, 391, 403, 404 ; \ndebate on the adoption of, 350 \n\nConstitution of the United States, \nratification of the, 474 \n\nContraction of marriage, 17S \n\nCooper, Rev. Samuel, pastor of the \nBrattle Street church, 200 \n\nCooper, Rev. William, pastor of \n\nthe Brattle Street church, 200 \nCoote, Richard, Earl of Bellomont, \n\n189, 196 \nCopp's (Windmill) Hill, 58 ; the \n\n\nburial-place of the Mathers, 213; \n\ndigging away of, 413 \nCorn a legal tender, 98 \nCorn-stalks, sugar and molasses to \n\nbe made from, 3S8, 389 \nCorrespondence, committees of, \n\n279 ; meet, 350 ; opposed by \n\nHancock, 391 ; plan for, 326, \n\n327- 334 \nCotting, Uriah, important project \n\nof, 410 \n\nCotton, Rev. John, arrives, 70, \n130 ; disapproves of democracy, \n83 ; expected by \\Vinthrop at \nGroton, 28 ; on Roger Williams, \n66, 76 ; overrates his clerical \npower; 72 ; prepares \" Moses, his \nJudicials,\" 119 \n\nCotton's Hill, a name of Pember- \nton Hill, 413 \n\nCouncil for New England, records \nof, edited by Charles Deane, 3 \n\nCounty meeting, a, held at Ded- \nham and Milton, 355 \n\nCouriers, a system of, established \nby the county meeting, 356 \n\nCourt, the Great and General, \nformed, 5 ; troubled about a \nsow, 89, 90 ; adjourns to Cam- \nbridge. 210 ; adjourns to Salem, \n226 ; adjourns, hoping for some \n\" unhappy accident,\" 160 ; meets \nat Salem, and a^jpoints dele- \ngates to Congress, 352, 353, \n\n354 \nCourtship in the Winthrop family, \n\n27. 54 \nCoves, the, of Boston, 58 \nCows pastured on the Common \n\nuntil 182S, 438 \nCradle of Liberty, a name of \n\nFaneuil Hall, 235 \nCradock, Matthew, governor of \n\nthe Massachusetts Company, 5 \nCrafts, Thomas, reads the Declara- \ntion of Independence in Boston \n\nthe first time, 3S4 \nCredit, bills of, banish coin, 2c8 \nCreeping statesmen infest Boston, \n\n173 \n\n\n490 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nCromwell invites colonists to Ire- \nland and Jamaica, 125 \nCromwell's Head tavern, 408 \nCross in the flag, the, disapproved, \n\n^ 76, 174 \n\nCurfew bell, the, 114 \n\nCurrency, paper, depreciation of, \n229 ; troubles with, 209 \n\nCurwen, Samuel, \"Journal\" of, \nquoted, 397 ; remarks of, about \nchanges in society, 3S7, 396 \n\nCushing, Thomas, appointed dele- \ngate to Congress, 35S \n\nCustoms, early Bostonian, 114 \n\nCutler, Manasseh, negotiates with \nCongress about western lands, \n408 \n\n\nD \n\n\nDalrymple, Col., decides to remove \ntroops, 316 \n\nDancing opposed in early days, 175 \n\nDancing-school, an, established, \n176 \n\nDartmouth, the first tea-ship, ap- \npears in Boston harbor, 338 \n\nDavis, Thomas A., mayor, 456 \n\nDawes, William, sent to Lexing- \nton, 360 \n\nDave, Stephen, the first printer, \nI'lS \n\nDeaf-mutes, schools for, 444 \n\nDeane, Charles, communicates to \nthe Historical Society about \nJohn Hull's house, 162 ; edits \nthe records of the Council for \nNew England, 3 ; on the Coun- \ncil for New England, 2 ; on the \ngift of Boston to Ireland, 150 \n\nDebt, the, of England, increase of, \n\n277 \n\nDebt, the, public, increased by the \nLouisburg expedition, 247 \n\nDebts incurred during the Revolu- \ntion, 398, 400 \n\nDemocracy, a, not intended by the \nfounders of New England, 83 ; \na simple, the government of \nBoston, 418 \n\n\nDiary, the, of John Winthrop, \n\nbegun, 32 \nDickinson, John, on the American \n\nCongress, 355 \n\" Dippers Dipt,\" the, bv P^atley, \n\nDiscourse on Government, by John \nWinthrop, 6 \n\nDisplay opposed by Samuel Adams, \n.390 \n\nDiscussion in Boston before the \nRevolution, 274 \n\nDistress, financial, after the wars, \n208 \n\nDorchester Heights fortified, 366, \n374, 406 \n\nDorchester Neck annexed and \ncalled South Boston, 409 \n\nDress thoroughly studied in early \nBoston, 400 \n\nDrinking too much punished, 69 \n\nDruiletes, Gabriel, the Jesuit mis- \nsionary, visits Boston, 103 ; \nsays the first mass in Boston, \n103 \n\nDudley, Joseph, chosen governor \nby Charles II., 159 ; disappoints \nthe expectations of Randolph, \n161 ; made governor, 200; de- \ngeneracy of, 153 ; his demand \nfor a salary, how met, 192 ; \ndeath of, 205 \n\nDudley, Thomas, one of the first \nsettlers in Boston, 20 ; deputy- \ngovernor, traits of, 66 ; receives \nDruiletes, the Jesuit missionary, \n103 \n\nDummer, William, governor ad \ninterim, 212 \n\nDunkirkers, dangers from, 35 \n\nDunster, Henry, becomes presi- \ndent of Harvard College, 108 ; \nfinds himself at odds with his \nchurch about baptism, 109 ; is \nobliged to vacate his office, 109 \n\nDuties levied on goods imported \nfrom England and the West \nIndies, 211 \n\nDwellings, in early days, 115 ; fur- \nniture of, 400 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n491 \n\n\nEaton, Nathaniel, is made head of \nHarvard College, 107 ; he beats \nhis usher brutally, 107 ; feeds \nhis scholars poorly, 107 ; is cast \nout, and goes to \\'irginia, 108 \n\nEducation in early Boston, 439, \n441 \n\nElection, methods of, 85 \n\nElection Sermon, the, before the \nartillery company, 241 \n\nEliot, the Rev. John, apostle to \nthe Indians, exchanges civilities \nwith Druiletes, 103, 104, 136 \n\nEliot, Samuel Atkins, mayor, 456 \n\nEllis, Dr. G. E., describes the \ntrials of the colonists, 126 ; on \nthe motives of the early emi- \ngrants, 31 ; on the transfer of \nthe charter, 9 \n\nEmbargo, the, effect of, in Boston, \n415, 416 \n\nEmerson, George B., labors to im- \nprove the school system, 456 \n\nEmerson, R. W., interested in \nColeridge, 459 \n\nEmerson, William, begins the \nAthenreum, 476 \n\nEmigrant Aid Society, the, found- \ned, 466 \n\nEmigration, falls off in 1631, 65 ; \nnumbers who came over, 95 \n\nEndicott, Governor John, cuts the \ncross out of the flag, 76 ; goes to \nSalem, 2 ; meets Winthrop on \nhis arrival at Salem, 37 \n\nEngines, fire, opposition to the use \n\nof, 432 \n\nEngland, claims America by virtue \nof Cabot's discovery, i ; decides \nto be \" civil and conciliating,\" \n144 ; endeavors to restrict the \ntrade of Boston in 1785, 414 ; \nsees evidence of independence, \n88 ; supposed to need American \nmoney to pay its debts, 255 \n\nEngland, Church of, discounte- \nnanced, 153 \n\nEnglish high-school, the, 443 \n\n\nEpiscopal Church, the, growth of \n\n447 \n\nEpiscopalians encouraged by Ran- \ndolph, 161 \n\nEpiscopal service held in Boston \nfor the first time, 1 61 \n\nEquality of men, the, supported by \nOtis, 272 \n\nEvelyn, John, on the independency \nof Boston, 143 \n\nEverett, Edward, at the Federal \nStreet church, 446 ; gives his \nbooks to the Public Library, \n476 ; on slavery, 464 \n\nExportations, prohibited from Bos- \nton,'415; renewed by British \nmerchants, 307 \n\nExtent of the American continent \nas seen by early colonists, 3 \n\nF \n\nFactory towns increase, 452 \n\nFalmouth, now Portland, Adams \nat, 362 \n\nFamilists, the, errors of, 79 \n\nFamine in Boston, 52 \n\nFaneuil Hall, a business men's \nmeeting in, in 1785, 414; im- \nportant meetings in, 422 ; Love- \njoy meeting in, 464 ; meeting \nagainst abolitionism, 463 ; meet- \ning in, to condemn the Ursuline \nConvent riot, 468 ; meeting in, \nto oppose the importation of \ntea, 338 ; meetings in, to protest \nagainst extravagance, 392 ; occu- \npied by troops, 300 ; site of, 60. \n\nFaneuil Hall market, built, 234, \n235 ; inadequate, 433 \n\nFaneuil, Peter, proposes to build a \nmarket-house, 234 \n\nFast, the first, 41 \n\ntoasts and thanksgivings, 179 \n\nP'ather of America, the, 379 \n\nFederalist leaders receive an offer \nfrom England, 415 \n\nFederalist:,, the, support the Massa- \nchusetts constitution, 404 \n\nFederal Street Church, convention, \nin, 474 \n\n\n492 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nFederal Street, why so named, 404 \nFemale Anti-Slavery Society, meet- \ning of, 463 \nFerry, a, established to Charles- \ntown, 69 \nFeudalism feared on account of the \nformation of the Society of the \nCincinnati, 405 \nFinances, the, of Boston retrieved \nfrom confusion by Mayor Quincy, \n432 \nFinancial distress, 208 \nFines as punishments, 69 \nFire, the great, of 1872, 480 \nFires, confusion at, 431 ; provision \nagainst, in early times, 431, 478 ; \nreform in management of, 430 ; \nthe notable, in Boston, 478 \nFisheries, interest of Samuel Adams \n\nin, 403 \nFlats, contract for filling, 455, 456 \nFleet, a British, comes to Boston, \n\n324 \n\nFloors uncarpeted in early Boston, \n400 \n\nFlynt, Tutor, opinion of White- \nfield, 233 \n\nFones, Priscilla, matrimonial affair \nof, 26 \n\nFood in early days, 62 \n\nFort Hill, efforts to fortify, 379 ; \nnow cut away, 58 ; levelled, \n\n454 \n\nFortunes made during the Revo- \nlution, 400 \n\nFoster, John, the first Boston print- \ner, 119 \n\nFourth of July, the noisy celebra- \ntion of, owed to John Adams, \n3S4 ; takes the place of other \nanniversaries, 319 \n\nFoxcroft, Rev. Thomas, preaches \na centennial sermon, 231 \n\nFrance, alliance with. 394 ; a ficti- \ntious war with, provided against, \n299 \n\nFranklin, Benjamin, colonial agent \nin London, 34S ; examined by \nthe House of Commons, 288 ; \nin favor of paying for the tea \n\n\ndestroyed, 354 ; obtains some \nletters of Hutchinson, 335 \n\nFranklin, James, begins a paper in \nBoston, 211 \n\nFranklins, the, do not reverence \nthe Mathers, 212 \n\nFreemen, oath of the, 85 ; must \nbelong to churches, 84 ; seek to \nenlarge their share in the govern- \nment, 85 ; semi-annual meetings \nof, how warned, 418 \n\nFree-Soil Party, the, 465 \n\nFrench, the, at Acadie, relations \nwith, 99, 100 \n\nFrog Pond, water let into, from \nCochituate Lake, 455 \n\nFrothingham, \"O. B., quoted, 458, \n460 \n\nFugitive Slave Act, the. denounced, \n466 \n\nFuller. Margaret, and Transcen^ \ndentalism, 459 \n\nFuneral, the, of the boy Schneider, \n\n309 \nFunerals, how conducted, 177, 178 ; \nof the victims of the massacre, \n316 \n\nG \n\nGage, General, arrives in Boston \nas governor, 351 ; character of, \n352 ; collects troops, builds bar- \nracks and fortifications, 356 ; dis- \nsolves the general court at Salem, \n354 ; on the Boston people, 363 ; \nrecalled after the battle of Bunker \nHill, 371 ; receives a protest \nagainst the presence of troops, \n302 ; sends troops to Concord, \n360 \n\nGammell, Prof. William, \" Life of \nRoger Williams,\" 66 \n\nGannett, Ezra Stiles, in the Fed- \neral Street church, 446 \n\nGardiner, Sir Christopher, ban- \nished, 64 \n\nGardiner, S. R., \" History of Eng- \nland.\" quoted, 5 ; on the charac- \nter of Margaret Winthrop, 16 ; \non independency in Boston, 88 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n493 \n\n\nGarments of men and women in \nearly days, 218 \n\nGarrison monument, the, 467 \n\nGarrison, William Lloyd, and abo- \nlitionism, 461 ; dragged through \nthe streets, 463 ; likened to Sam- \nuel Adams, 466 ; monument, 467 \n\nGaston, William, mayor, 456 \n\nGates, General, in command of the \narmy about Boston, 379 \n\nGeorge III. expresses his \" unalter- \nable \" determination, 372 \n\nGermaine, Lord George, on the in- \nfluence of town-meetings, 345 \n\nGibbons, Mrs. Edward, goes to \nPullen Point, gg \n\nGilman, Arthur, plans improve- \nments in the Back Bay, 454 \n\nGilman, Nicholas, makes out a \n\" carnal \" scheme, 248 \n\nGirls' high-school, the, revived, 442 \n\nGirls' Latin school, the, founded, \n442 \n\nGirls, opportunities for education, \n\n439. 440 \n\nGloves and rings at funerals 227, \n228 \n\nGold obtained for rum. 399 \n\nGordon, William, on the Caucus \nClub. 221 ; his \" American Rev- \nolution,\" quoted, 277 \n\nGorges, F., \"America Painted to \nthe l-ife,\" 4 \n\nGorham.town of, favors liberty, 329 \n\nGospel, intention to carry it to the \nIndians. 14 \n\nGout, the, an old friend of Han- \ncock, 350. 403 \n\nGovernment, a continental de- \nmanded, 381 \n\nGovernment of Boston, the. 418 ; \ninefficient, 420 ; loose methods \nin. 422 ; suffers a change, 83 \n\nGovernments, local, recommended \nby the Continental Congress. 381 \n\nGovernors, royal, number of, 195 ; \nnot successful, 206 ; popular \nfeeling, towards, 197 ; time of \nthe, a period of constant strife, \n189 \n\n\nGrace-cup, a, presented to Harvard \nCollege by William Dummer, \n217 \n\nGrammar schools, course in the, \n\n445 \n\nGranary burying-ground, the rest- \ning-place of the victims of the \nmassacre, 317 \n\nGray, Edward, begins rope-mak- \ning, 310 \n\nGray, Harrison, grandfather of \nHarrison Gray Otis, 310 ; warns \na young gentleman against in- \ntemperate language, 342 \n\nGreat tree, the, at Essex Street, \n281, 287, 291 \n\nGreen, J. R., on the condition of \nPuritan England, 16 \n\nGreene, Gardiner, estate of, 413 ; \nmansion of, occupied by Earl \nPercy, 370 \n\nGreene, Samuel A., mayor, 456 \n\nGridley, Jeremiah, opens the case \nin favor of writs of assistance. 269 \n\nGriffin, E. D., pastor of the Park \nStreet church, 447 \n\nGriffin's wharf, the tea-party at, 342 \n\nGroton, Suffolk, the home of John \nWinthrop, ir \n\nGroton, sale of the homestead at, \n\n51 \n\nH \n\nHair-cutting, views regarding, 215 \nHair, long, not to be tolerated, \n\n136 \nHancock, J., appointed delegate \nto Congress, 358 ; arrested, 301 ; \ncharged with smuggling, 296 ; \nin conflict with Washington, \n402 ; delivers an oration written \nby Adams, 349, 350 ; dwelling \nof, occupied by Gen. Clinton, \n370 ; entertains the French offi- \ncers, 394 ; enters college, 258 ; \n\"exposes\" letters of Hutchin- \nson, 335 ; gives a great dinner, \n289 ; opposed to the nomination \nof Washington, 391 ; ostentation \nof, 402 ; refuses to order the \n\n\n494 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\ncadets to support Hutchinson, \n\n339 \n\nHancock and Adams, character- \nistics of each, 390 ; dissensions \nbetween and reconciliation of, \n391 ; excepted from a proclama- \ntion by Gage, 365 ; outla\\\\s, 383 \n\nHangings, public, opposed by \nQuincy, 429 \n\nHanover Square, an open space \naround the Liberty Tree, 291 \n\nHart, Thomas N., mayor, 456 \n\nHartford Convention, the, charac- \nterized, 416 \n\nHarvard Bridge, the, 409 \n\nHarvard College begins in a school, \n106 ; commencement in early \ndays, 237, 23S ; criticiaed by \nWhitefield, 232, 233 ; \" danger- \nous\" teachings at, 199; a nur- \nsery of seditious preachers, 182 ; \nought to be suppressed, 182; \nreorganization of, by Josiah \nQuincy, 437 ; its original pur- \npose, 439 ; students assert their \npatriotism, 300 \n\nHarvard examinations for women, \n\n443 \n\nHarvard, Rev. John, becomes \nbenefactor of the college, 107 \n\nHealth, Board of, declares the \nBack-Bay region a nuisance, 412 \n\nHealth-drinking, disapproved, 51 \n\nHeath, General, called upon to \nlend a book, 373 \n\nHenry, Patrick, draws up the \n\\'irginia resolves, 278 ; makes \na celebrated speech against the \nstamp act, 280 ; proposes a \ncongress, 280 ; provides for inter- \ncolonial correspondence, 334 \n\nHigginson, the Rev. Francis, sails \nfor America, 4 \n\nHigh-school, course in the, 445 ; \na, for girls, in Boston, 440 \n\nHicjh and Latin school building, \nthe, 444 \n\nHills, the, of Boston, 58 \n\nHistoric-Genealogic Society, the, \n475 \n\n\nHistory, interest in, 474 \n\nHolyoke, President Edward, testi- \nfies against Whitefield, 233 \n\nHomespun goods, 399 ; admired, \n286 \n\nHooker, Rev. Thomas, 130; \npreaches a long sermon, in \nCambridge, 117 \n\nHoosac mountain to be tunnelled, \n448 \n\nHope, the ship, captured when en- \ntering Boston harbor. 380 \n\nHosmer, J. K., \" Life of Adams,\" \nquoted, 295, 329, 349 \n\nHouse of Correction established, 70 \n\nHowe, Estes, settles the site of the \nhouse of John Hull, 162 \n\nHowe, General, arrives at Boston, \n363 ; on the Battle of Bunker \nHill, 367 \n\nHowes, the, hatred of, 369 \n\nHubbard, William, historian, quot- \ned, 32 ; on the enemies of New \nEngland, 78 \n\nHull, John, site of his house, 162 \n\nIfumanity, the enthusiasm of, 459 \n\nHumfrey, John, an original settler, \n21 \n\nHutchinson, Anne, comes to Bos- \nton, 74 ; character of, 79 ; \nbanned, 80 \n\nHutchinson, Edward, sent against \nPhilip, 147 \n\nHutchinson, Thomas, alarmed by \nthe action of Massachusetts \ntowns, 330 ; assumes the man- \nagement of affairs. 306 ; charac- \nter of, and descent of, 265, 266 ; \ncharacterizes the first committee \nof correspondence, 327 ; his de- \nmand for a salary, how opposed, \n192 ; favors extreme measures, \n308 ; fatuity of, 330 ; favors a \nhard-money currency, 248 ; flees \nfrom his home, 2S4 ; his \"His- \ntory of Massachusetts\" quoted, \n4, 266 ; his house mobbed, 2S3 ; \nimpotent to support the tax col- \nlectors, 339 ; investigates the \nmassacre, 312 ; leaves for Eng- \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n495 \n\n\nland, 352 ; letters of, theatrically \nexposed, 335 ; made governor, \n322 ; on the means used by \nSamuel Adams, 37S ; on the \nmurder of a \"poor German,\" \n310; .his power gone, 349; re- \ncall of, demanded, 226 ; on the \nsecond generation of statesmen \nin Boston, 173 ; surrenders the \nCastle to Major Dalrymple, 322 ; \non the uneasiness of the people, \n\n85 \nHydraulion, a, purchased by Mayor \nQuincy, 431 \n\nI \n\nImportations opposed by Boston, \n\n351 \n\nImpressment of seamen, 252 ; on \nthe Rointiey, 296 \n\nIndependency, the aim at, traced \nto Governor Winthrop, 451 ; \nalmost a fact in 1671, 144; an \navowal of, according to Hutchin- \nson, 334 ; danger of the approach \nof, according to Hutchinson, \n330 ; declared, 383, 384 ; desire \nfor, the controlling passion from \nthe beginning, 275 ; desire for, \ncharged to the Bostonians, 209 ; \ndisavowed as an intention, 279 ; \ndreaded by the tories, 381 ; evi- \ndences of a feeling of, 8 ; the \nfirst declaration of, 10 ; the great \ntopic before the Congress of \n1776, 383 ; indicated by the \ncoinage of money, 139 ; indica- \n• tions of, 121, 151 ; jealously \nwatched by the king's governors, \n191 ; looking towards, 87 ; a \nmove towards, made by Adams, \n237, 239 ; planned by Adams, \n265 ; prophesied by Governor \nPovvnall, 261 ; signs of, 95 ; the \nson of Liberty, 281 ; supported \nby biblical arguments, 190 \n\nIndians, gives trouble, 145 ; as \nservants, 115 ; shut out of Bos- \nton, 151 \n\nIndian strife, results of, 196 \n\n\nIndian war causes anxiety in Bos- \nton, 258 ; devastates the country, \n201 \n\nIndies, searchers for the, who \nthought to go through the con- \ntinent, 3 \n\nIndividualism, the, of the religion \nof Boston, 457 \n\nIndustries, the great, of Boston, 398 \n\nInformer, an, tarred and feathered, \n308 \n\nInnovations in government op- \nposed, 421 \n\nInoculation practised by Dr. Boyl- \nston, 211 \n\nIntemperance in the olden time, \n196 \n\nIreland sends money to Boston, 150 \n\nIsms, the, of Boston, 458 \n\nJ \n\nJames I. grants a charter, 2 \n\nJamaica Pond furnishes water to \nBoston, 435 \n\nJefferson, Thomas, influenced by \nFederalist representations, 416 ; \non Samuel Adams, 378 \n\nJenks, William, pastor of the Park \nStreet church. 447 \n\nJohnson, Arl)ella, an original set- \ntler, 21 ; dies, 42 \n\nJohnson, Isaac, an original settler, \n21 \n\n\" foice junior\" terrifies royalists, \n\n\"387 \n\nJoseph, The Selling of, tract by \nSewall, 218, 463 \n\nJudges, the, to be made indepen- \ndent of the people, 326 \n\nJunketings of the selectmen, 419 \n\nJury, trial by, to be refused, 277 \n\nK \n\nKansas, emigrants sent to, 466 \nKeayne, Robert, captain of the \n\nAncient and Honorable Artillery \n\nCompany, 240; and the widow's \n\npig, 88, 89 \nKidd, William, and the Earl of \n\nBellomont, 19S \n\n\n496 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nKindergartens established, 444 j \n\nKing, the, ignored in tlie freeman's ! \noath, 87 \n\nKing's Chapel built, 166 \n\nKirke, Col. Piercy, chosen as gov- \nernor of New England, 156 ; \ncharacterized by Mather, 158 | \n\nKnowles, Commodore Sir Charles, j \nimpresses seamen, 252 , \n\n\nLamb abstained from, that there \nmight be more sheep and wool, \n285 \n\n\" Land Bank\" scheme, the, 230 \n\nLand titles disturbed by Randolph \nand Andros. 167, 169 \n\nLanguage, peculiar use of, by the \nMathers, 214 \n\nLatin School, the, purpose of, 441 ; \nboys in the, 440 \n\nLa Tour wishes to trade with Bos- \nton, 99 \n\nLaud, Archbishop, influence of, on \nNew England, 81 \n\nLawrence, Amos A., sends men to \nKansas, 466 \n\nLaws, the early, 119 \n\nLawyers, profession of, not ad- \nmired, 206 \n\nLectures at the Lowell Institute, \n446 \n\nLee, Arthur, opposes the importa- \ntion of tea, 337, 338 \n\nLee, Richard Henry, apjjroves in- \ntercolonial correspondence, 334 ; \nletter of Samuel Adams to, on \nState sovereignty, 403 \n\nLetters of John Adams and his \nwife quoted, 385, 386 (See \nAdams, Mrs. John) \n\nLetters, the, of Hutchinson, the- \natrically exposed, 335 \n\nLetters, virulent, written by the \nMathers, 201 \n\nLeverett, John, governor, sends \nmen against Phil!]), 147 \n\nLexington, \"battle\" at, 361 \n\nLiberator, The, publication of, 461 \n\n\nLiberties abridged under the king's \n\ngovernors, 160 \nLiberty, not always distinguished \n\nfrom license, 284 ; movement \n\ntowards, 460 ; threatened by a \n\nfleet, 324 \nLiberty Hall an open space, 287, \n\n291 \nLiberty Party, the, formed, 465 \nLiberty Tree, the, at Essex Street, \n\n287 ; cut down by the British \n\nsoldiers, 371 \nLibrary, the Boston Public, 475 \nLicenses of tipi>ling-houses taken \n\naway by Mayor Quincy, 430 \nLincoln, F. W., Jr., mayor, 456 \nLincoln monument, the, 483 \nLinn, Henry, whipped and ban- \nished, 64 \nLiverpool wharf. Tea-party at, 342 \nLiving, cost of, after the Revolution, \n\n386, 387 ; in Boston in early days, \n\n\"5 \n\nLocal governments recommended \nby the Continental Congress, 3S1 \n\nLondon, city of, loses its charter, \n155 ; affected by Boston's re- \nstrictions on trade, 415 \n\nLong Lane, name of, changed to \nFederal Street, 405 \n\nLong Pond, now Lake Cochituate, \nused as a water-supjaly, 435 \n\nLothrop, Rev. Samuel Ik., pastor \nof the Brattle Street church, 200 \n\nLoudoun, Lord, commander of the \nroyal army, 260 \n\nLouisburg, capture of, 243, 247 ; \niron cross from, 256 \n\nLovejoy, killing of, meeting about, \n464 \n\nLovell, Master John, gives Faneuil \nHall a name, 235, 236 ; im- \nprisonment of, 369 ; closing of \nthe Latin school by, 423 \n\nLowell Institute founded by John \nLowell in 1839, 446 \n\nLowell, John, establishes the \nLowell Institute, 445 \n\nLowell railroad, the, ojiened, 450 \n\nLoyalists find refuge in Boston, 364 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n497 \n\n\nLoyalty, defined by the Independent \nAdvertiser, 265 ; weakening in \nBoston in 1760, 260 \n\nLuxury, after the Revohition, 400 ; \nopposition of John Adams to, 393 \n\nLyman, Theodore, Jr., mayor, 456 \n\nM \n\nMall, breezes that once blew over \nthe, 410 ; a new, on Charles \nStreet, 432 \n\n\"Manifesto\" Church, the, why so \nnamed, 199 \n\nMann, Horace, improvements in \nthe school system by, 456 ; in- \nfluence of, in education, 442 \n\nManufactory House, the, a place \nfor the celebration of the mas- \nsacre, 319 \n\nManufacture, the chief, before the \nRevolution, 398 \n\nManufactures, grow up in Boston, \n98 ; interfered with by parlia- \nment, 194 ; the New England \nSociety for the promotion of, 452 ; \nand trade, improve, 452 \n\nMarket-house, designs for a new \none, by Mayor Quincy, 432 ; \nbuilding of a, 433 \n\nMarkets, three built, and de- \nstroyed, 234 \n\nMarriage ceremony, the, in early \ndays, 178 \n\nMarriage, the first, in the Town \nHouse, 182 \n\nMarriages solemnized by a magis- \ntrate, 177 \n\nMarsh, President, introduces the \nworks of Coleridge, 459 \n\nMartin, Augustus P., mayor, 456 \n\nMasked ball, a, arranged by the \nBritish, 372 \n\nMass, the first, in Boston, 103 \n\nMassachusetts becomes the Terri- \ntory of Massachusetts Bay, 371 ; \nthe chief industries of, in 1750, \n398 ; colony to be broken up, \n124 ; forms a local government, \n356, 357, 381 ; gives up to the \n\n\nking under protest, 160 ; named \nby John Smith, 2 ; refuses to fur- \nnish troops in 1814, 417 \n\nMassachusetts Company, the, \nformed, 4 \n\nMassachusetts Historical Society, \nthe purposes of, 475 \n\nMassacre, the Boston, a street riot, \n276 ; how originated, 311, 312 \n313 ; celebrated in 1773, 332 ; \nin 1775, 35S, 359 ; monument to \ncommemorate, 483 \n\nMaster of the Puppets, a name \ngiven to Adams by Hutchinson, \n306 \n\nMather, Cotton, character of, 134, \n135 ; on danger from fire in Bos- \nton, 480 ; on the death of Arbella \nJohnson, 42 ; favors inoculation, \n211 ; his opinion of Williams, 76; \nprepares to be president of Har- \nvard College, 135 ; is disappoint- \ned, 135 ; proposes to publish a \ntract on slavery, 218 ; on reli- \ngious customs, 177 \n\nMather dynasty, the, begins, 129 \n\nMather, Rev. Increase, life of, \n132 ; called a \"bellows of sedi- \ntion and treason,\" 184 ; charac- \nterizes the students at Harvard \nCollege, 439 ; church of, burned, \n479 ; connected with the perse- \ncution of witches, 186 ; gives an \nopinion of a newspaper, 212 ; \nlaments the bad times, 199 ; sent \nto England to plead with the \nking, 168 ; has some success in \nEngland, 171 ; strong words of, \non the charter, 154 ; writes the \nfirst book printed in Boston, 1 19 \n\nMather, Increase and Cotton, \ndeaths of, 213 \n\nMather, Richard, arrives, 129 \n\nMather, Samuel, loses his library \nand the books of Cotton and In- \ncrease Mather, at the Battle of \nBunker Hill, 367 \n\nMather and \\\\'illard refuse the use \nof the Old .South for Episcopal \nworship, 165 \n\n\n498 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nMathers, the, opponents of Dudley, \n20I \n\nMaverick, Samuel, at Winnisim- \nmet, 38 \n\n]\\Iay flower, the ship, carries emi- \ngrants to Boston, 32 \n\nMayhew, Jonathan, denies the \npower of parliament over reli- \ngion, 274 ; preaches a notable \nsermon, 283 ; writes al>out lib- \nerty, 281 \n\nMayoralty, difficulty about, at the \norganization of the city govern- \nment, 422 \n\nMayors, the, of Boston, 438 ; list \nof, 45*^ ^ \n\nMechanics' Institute, the Boston, \n452 \n\nMedford, once Mystic, 40 \n\nMeeting-house, the first, 61, 116; \nits second building, 179 \n\nMeeting, talking in, forbidden, 137 \n\nMemorial Association, the Boston, \n\n474 \nMilitary companies formed upon \n\nthe passage of the port bill, 351 \nMilitia, the, in early Boston, 241 ; \n\ntraining-day for, 69 \nMill Corporation, the Boston and \n\nRoxbury, scheme of, 410 \nMill Cove and Creek, 58 \nMill Cove, filled up with soil from \n\nBeacon Hill, 454 ; filling up of \n\nthe, 412 \nISIill Creek, filling up of, 412 \nMill-dam, building of the, 410 \nMill Pond, limits of, in early \n\ndays, 59 ; filling uj) of the, 412, \n\n413 \n\nMinisters, influence of, 87 ; invited \nto emigrate, 25 \n\nMinot's continuation of Hutchin- \nson's History, quoted, 398 \n\nMinute-men enrolled, 358 \n\n\" Model of Christian Charity,\" a \nwork by John Winthrop, 48 \n\nMolasses act, forfeitures under the, \n268 ; the, enforced by Paxton, \n\n254 \n\nMolasses distilled into rum by \n\n\nGage, 369 ; price of. after the \nRevolution, 387 \n\nMoney, the coinage of, in Boston, \n139 ; trouble about, 208 \n\nMontreal, fall of, 259 \n\nMorning gun of the Revolution, \nthe, 274 \n\nMorton, Thomas, of WoUaston, \nsent to England, 64 ; punished \nfor \" cheating Indians,\" 50 \n\nMotto of Boston city, 425 \n\n\" Mr.\" Plastowe, to be called \nJosias, 69 \n\nMugford, Captain, captures a ves- \nsel with powder, 380 \n\nMinister, excesses at, 78, 105 \n\nMusic, instrumental, not relished, \n200 \n\nMutiny act, the, passed, 280 \n\n\nN \n\n\nNaumkeag, the early name for \n\nSalem, 2 \nNavigation, the act of, interferes \n\nwith commerce, 140 \nNeck, change in the width of, 456, \n\n470 \nNegroes, traffic in, disliked by \n\nSewall, 218 \nNew England as seen by John \n\nWinthrop, 49, 51 \nNew England, Council for, formed, \n\n2 \n\nNew England people awkward, \naccording to John Adams, 386 \n\nNew Hampshire, boundary trouble, \n230 ; forms a local government, \n^381 \n\njVe7us-Lcflfi\\ ill success of the, 211 \n\nNew South church, the, 222 \n\nNewspapers, origin of, in Boston, \n202 \n\nNewspaper, the third, begun by \nJames Franklin, 21 1 \n\nNew Town (Cambridge) fortified, \n69 ; a college to be established \nat, 106 ; once destined to be the \ncapital, 67 ; becomes Cambridge, \n107 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n499 \n\n\nNew York becomes larger than \nBoston, 398 ; political princi- \nples of, 337 \n\nNon-importation agreements, 2S5 ; \nforetold, 278 \n\nNorcross, Otis, mayor, 456 \n\nNormal schools founded, 442 \n\nNorth End, the, loses its prece- \ndence, 3g7 ; outlines of, 397 \n\nNorth, Lord, thinks the people of \nBoston a \" riotous rabble,\" 346 \n\nNorth meeting-house, the, pulled \ndown for firewood, 370 \n\nNorthwestern territory, plan for in- \nfluencing, 406 \n\nNorton, Rev. John, of Boston, 130, \n\n131 \nNorton, Rev. John, of Hingham, \n\npreaches a \" flattering\" sermon, \n\n202 \nNowell, John, one of the original \n\nsettlers, 20 \n\n\nO \n\n\nOakes, Urian, president of Har- \nvard College compliments Cot- \nton Mather, 134 \n\nO'Brien, Hugh, mayor, 456 \n\nOffal, removal of, under Mayor \nQuincy, 432 \n\nOffice a trust, not to be declined, \n242 \n\nOlcott, A. Bronson, and Transcen- \ndentalism, 459 \n\nOld North church, burned, 479 \n\nOld South meeting-house, the, \nafter the massacre, 313, 314 ; \nmeeting in, to oppose importation \nof tea, 339, 340 ; occupied as a \nriding-school, 370 ; refused to \nAndros, 165 \n\nOld South lectures on American \nhistory, 474 \n\nOliver, Andrew, obliged to resign, \n281 ; death of, 349 \n\nOliver, Peter, chief-justice, charges \nagainst, 348 \n\nOpinions, effect of, in acts, 173 \n\nOtis, Harrison Gray, candidate for \n\n\nmayor, 423 ; chosen mayor, 448 ; \ndescribes Garrison, 462 ; suggests \na Hartford convention, 416 \nOtis, James, arouses enthusiasm \namong the Harvard students, \n302 ; close of the active life of, \n305 ; graduation of, 258 ; Life of, \nby Francis Bowen, mentioned, \n296 ; moves that the Superior \nCourt adjourn to Faneuil Hall, \n\" on account of the presence of \nsoldiers,\" 301 ; opens debates to \nthe public, 295 ; opposed to \nBernard, 270 ; opposes the legal- \nity of writs of assistance, 269 ; \nprepares a memorial to go to \nEngland, 279 ; protests against \ntroops about the State House, \n302 ; publishes a vindication of \nthe house, 272 ; on taxation \nwithout representation, 276 ; \ntraits of, 266 ; comes into con- \nflict with government, 266 ; \nwould not deny all parliamentary \nauthority, 325 \n\n\nPaine, Robert Treat, appointed \ndelegate to congress, 358 \n\nPainter, one, whipped for not hav- \ning his children baptized, 105 \n\nPainter, Rev. Henry, courts Pris- \ncilla Fones, 27 \n\nPalaverers, the Two, an inn, 221 \n\nPalfrey, Rev. John G. , pastor of \nthe Brattle Street church, 200, \n446 ; does not oppose the Union, \n465 ; his History referred to, 73 \n\nPalinurus, the, of the Revolution, \n\n378 \nPalmer, Albert, mayor, 456 \nPanic, a financial, in Boston, 96 \nPaper money, refused after the \nRevolution, 387 ; troubles from, \n229 \nParker, Theodore, favors the \nUnion, 465 ; gives books to the \nPublic Library, 476 ; and Tran- \nscendentalism, 459 \n\n\n500 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nParliament, acts of, not to be exe- \ncuted in Boston, 322 \n\nParliament debates the question of \ntaxing America, 2S8 ; deems its \npower vindicated, 347 ; resolves \nto check the defiant spirit of \nBoston, 345 ; right of, to tax \nAmerica denied, 325 ; suppresses \na bank by a retroactive decision, \n230 \n\nParliamentary supremacy argued \nfor by Hutchinson, 331 \n\nParsons, Theophilus, writes an \naddress for Hancock, 350 \n\nParties, in early Boston, 250 ; \npolitical, formed in abolition \ntimes, 465 \n\nParty strife lapses in war, 207 \n\nPatent, the, Williams' views re- \ngarding, 77 \n\nPatriotism, aroused in Boston, 286; \nbred in the New England towns. \n\nPauperism, investigated by Josiah \nQuincy, 429 \n\nPaxton, Charles, surveyor of the \nport, enforces the sugar law, 254 \n\nPemberton, Rev. Ebenezer, dis- \nturbed, 204 \n\nPemberton Hill, digging away of, \n\nPennsylvania, political principles \n\nof, 337 \n\nPepperell, William, takes com- \nmand of the Louisburg expedi- \ntion, 246 \n\nPepys, Samuel, acknowledges a \n\"blessing mighty imexpected,\" \n144 \n\nPequod war, the, 92, 93 \n\nPercy, Lord, retreats to Boston, \n365 ; sent with troops to Con- \ncord, 361 \n\nPeter, Hugh, comes to Boston, 74, \n81 \n\nPetersham opposed to salaries for \nthe governor from the king, 329 \n\nPhiladelphia, congress to be held \nat, 353 ; the meeting, 355 ; con- \ntributes to alleviate the riirors of \n\n\nthe port bill, 353 ; rejoices over \nthe Boston tea-party, 343 \n\nPhilip of Mount Hope gives \ntrouble, 145 ; killed, 149 \n\nPhilip's war, 206 \n\nPhillips, John, chosen mayor of \nBoston, 424 \n\nPhillips, pastor at Watertown, dis- \nciplined, 69 \n\nPhillips, Wendell, begins his \nremarkable career, 465 ; points \nout his father's house, 425 \n\nPhilosophy, the, of Transcendent- \nalism, 460 \n\nPhips, Sir William, made govern- \nor, 171 ; career of, 1S7 ; his \npugilistic traits, 188 \n\nPierce, Henry L., mayor, 456 \n\nPiracy, efforts to extirpate, 197 ; \nhonored in early times, 33 \n\nPlastowe, Josias, fined for stealing \nfrom Indians, 69 \n\nPolice force, reorganization of the, \n\n456 \nPolitics, revolution in, after the \n\nRevolution, 397 \nPoor, provision for the, under \n\nMayor Quincy, 432 \nPopulation, growth of, retarded, \n\n206 \nPort bill, the Boston, 347, 350, \n\n354., 364 \n\nPorter's hotel, formerly Bradish's \ntavern, 389 \n\nPownall, Thomas, appointed gov- \nernor, 258 ; character of, 260, \n261 ; holds correct views about \nAmerica, 325 \n\nPrayer, a political, 202 \n\nPrayer-book forms objected to, 64 \n\nPreaching with notes, iSo \n\nPrerogative, the royal, sustained \nby Shute, 208 \n\nPrerogative men opposed to the \npatriots, 250 \n\nPress, importance of, in American \nhistory, 250 \n\nPreston, Captain John, and the \nmassacre, 312, 317, 318 \n\nPrimary schools, course in, 445 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n501 \n\n\nPrince, Prederick O., mayor, 456 \nPrince, Rev. Thomas, preaches a \n\ncentennial sermon, 231 \nPrisoners, treatment of, Ijy the \n\nBritish, 368 \nPrivateering, a means of gaining \n\nriches, 387 \nProphesying in church, 118 \nProvidence railroad, the, opened, \n\n450 \nProvincial congress, the, formed at \n\nConcord, 357 \nProvisions in early days, 62 \nPsalms, the, no longer read line by \n\nline in church, 200 \nPsalm-singing, in early days, 117 ; \n\nmade libellous, 204 \nPublic, the, admitted to debates, \n\n295 \n\nPublic Library, the, 475 \n\nPublishment of marriage inten- \ntions, 178 \n\nPunishments in early days, 53, 63 \n\nPuppets, Master of the, a name \ngiven to Adams, 306 \n\nPurchase Street, home of Adams \non, 295 ; origin of name of, 310 \n\nPuritan dress, and other matters, \n218 \n\nPuritanism, tendency of, 458 \n\nPutnan*, General Rufus, makes a \ntimely call, 373 ; writes to Wash- \nington in regard to western im- \nmigration, 406, 407 \n\nI'utnam, Israel, surprises Charles- \ntown, 365 \n\n\" Puritan Age and Rule,\" the, re- \nferred to, 9, 31, 126, 429 \n\nPynchon, William, an original \nsettler, 21 \n\n\nQuakers, hanged on the Common, \n112; punishments for, 11 1 ; \ntrouble Boston, no \n\n(,)uality, persons of, propose to \nemigrate to Boston, 73 \n\n(,)uarters for troops, dispute regard- \ning, 300 \n\n\nQuebec, fall of, 259 ; sends aid to \nBoston, 353 : \n\nQueen Street, now Court. 394 \n\nQuincy, three members of the fam- \nily named Josiah, 340 \n\nQuincy, Josiah, Jr., bravely appears \nfor Preston, 317, 428 ; called the \nBoston \"Cicero,\" 263; an- \nnounces the doctrine of seces- \nsion 415 ; asks a question about \ntea and salt water, 340 ; recom- \nmends retaliation, 307 ; Memoir \nof quoted, 325, 345, 428 \n\nQuincy, Josiah, becomes president \nof Harvard College, 437 ; career \nof, before becoming mayor, 428 ; \nchosen mayor, 426 ; on common \nschools, 440 ; correspondence of, \n416 ; delivers a Fourth of July \noration, 428 ; gives an account of \nthe motives of the settlers of \nBoston, 451 ; his History of \nHarvard Univeristy, 439 ; on \nthe independency of early Bos- \ntonians, 8 ; influence of, on \nBoston, 438 ; Life of, quoted, \n415 ; method of performing his \nduties as mayor, 429, 430, 436 ; \nMunicipal History of, 422 ; \nnominated as mayor, 423 ; retires \nfrom office, 436 \n\nQuincy, Josiah, eleventh mayor, \n\n454 \nQuincy Market, the, building of, \n\n433 \nQuo loarranio, matter of the, 155 \n\n\nR \n\n\nRadcliffe, Rev. Robert, holds \nEpiscopal service, 161, 163, \n182 \n\nRadicals, the, 459 \n\nRailways, beginnings of, 449. \n\nRandolph, Edward, appears in \nBoston, 151 ; makes charges \nagainst the colonists, 152, 153 ; \narrested, 169 \n\nRatcliff, Philip, circulates scandals \nin England, 63 \n\n\n5o: \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nRawson, Edward, secretary, on \ntlie condition of the colony, 158 \n\nReftirmation, a, expected in Eng- \nland, 96 \n\nRegicides, the, escape to Boston, \n\n139 \nRegiments, the \"Sam Adams,\" \n\n317 \n\nReligion, the, of the founders of \nthe colony, 274 \n\nReligious character of Bostonians \nin early days, 177 \n\nReligious life in Boston, 446 \n\nReligious troubles at the Old South, \n166, 167 \n\nRepresentative government estab- \nlished, 85 \n\nRepublican party, the, formed, \n\n465 ' \n\nRevere, Paul, carries a message from \na Boston town-meeting to Phila- \ndelphia, 351 ; carries the Suffolk \nresolves to Philadelphia, 356 ; \nilluminates his house, 319 ; in- \nfluences Samuel Adams by means \nof the mechanics, 404 ; sent to \nConcord, 330 ; takes to Phila- \ndelphia an account of the tea- \nparty, 343 \nRevolution, the \"causes\" of, 275 \nRice, Alexander H., mayor, 456 \nRichardson, the informer, who \ncaused the death of Schneider, \n\n309 \nRiedesel, General, in Cambridge, \n\n389 \n\nRights of the people advocated by \na club, 264 \n\nRings and gloves at funerals, 227, \n228 \n\nRiot, the, on account of the seiz- \nure of Hancock's vessel, 296 ; \ncaused by impressment of sea- \nmen, 252, 253 ; at the time of \nthe Romuey troid)]e, 297 ; the, \nat the Ursuline convent, 468 \n\nRioters dispersed by Mayor Quin- \ncy, 430 \n\nRipley, George, and Transcenden- \ntalism, 459, 460 \n\n\nRomer, Col., William Wolfgang, \nengineer, repairs the Castle, 219 \n\nKoiiincy, impressment of seamen on \nthe, 2g6 \n\nRope-making in Boston, 310 \n\nRoxbury, annexation of, 470 ; be- \nginnings of, 40 \n\nRoyalists not accorded justice, 173 \n\nRum, extravagant price of, 387; \nthe chief manufacture previous \nto the Revolution, 398 ; not to \nbe sold without a permit from \nGage, 369 \n\nRyece, Robert, a friend of Win- \nthrop, gives him advice, 17, iS \n\n\nSafety, a committee of, appointed, \nin 1770, 316; formed, 35S ; a \ncouncil for, appointed, 171 \n\nSalaries decreased by the deprecia- \ntion of the currency, 248 \n\nvSalaries to be paid by the king, 346 \n\nSalary, Belcher's contest for, 229 ; \ndifficulties of Bellomont in re- \ngard to, 198 ; contest of Burnet \nfor, 225 ; not given to Dudley, \n201 ; the, of Hutchinson direct \nfrom the king, 323 ; contest of \nShirley for, 243 ; troubles of \nShute regarding, 210 \n\nSalary question, the, as connected \nwith the king's governors, 192 \n\nSalem, general court adjourned to, \n226 ; meetings of the general \ncourt at, 352, 354 ; made the \ncapital, 346 \n\nSalem witchcraft, the, 185 \n\nSaltonstall, Sir Richard, character \nof, 20 ; obliged to make restitu- \ntion to Indians, 6g ; protests \nagainst certain acts \"of the early \nsettlers, 65 \n\nSalutation Inn, and Alley, 221 \n\nSatan, the emissaries of, abroad at \nan early date, 1 19 ; influence of, \nin New England, 48 ; as a hard \nmaster of the Indians, 92 ; said to \nhave been the instigator of the \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n503 \n\n\npersecution of the witches, 187 ; \nhis kingdom supported by Quak- \ners, III \n\nScalps, bounties offered for, 201 \n\nSchneider, the boy, becomes the \n\" first martyr,\" 309 \n\nSchool committee, the, how formed, \n445 \n\nSchools, free and unsectarian not \nknown in early Boston, 439 ; \nplan formed for the support of, \nin the West, 406 \n\nSchools in the West, 40S \n\nSchool Street, named for the Latin \nschool, 408 \n\nSchool system, organization of, un- \nder the influence of Samuel Ad- \nams, 442 \n\nScrupulosity, the, of Bostonians, \n136 ; in early times, 219 \n\nSecession, first announcement of \nthe doctrine of, 415 ; from a \nSouthern point of view in 1814, \n416 \n\nSecrecy of the movements of the \ncolony company in arranging to \ntake the charter to America, 7 \n\nSelectmen, the first appearance of, \n91 ; the, of early Boston, 418 ; \njunketings of the, 419 \n\nSelling of Joseph, the, a tract by \nJudge Sewall, 21S, 463 \n\nSentry (Beacon) Hill in early days, \n58 \n\nSeparatism opposed by Winthrop, \n\n31, 74 \nSermon, the Election, before the \n\nArtillery Company, 241 \nSermons in the heroic age, 117 ; \n\nstrange texts for, 205, 206 \nServants in Boston families, 116 \nSever, Benjamin, mayor, 456 \nSewall, Samuel, judge of the court \nthat tried witches, 1S6 ; his re- \npentance of his deeds, 187 ; com- \nforts himself at the coming of \nAndros, 164 ; comments on the \nchange in the times, 162 ; his \nhome, 162 ; his Selling of Joseph, \n218 ; converses about the Dud- \n\n\nley letters, 201, 202 ; deals \nwith \"brother Wing,\" 174 ; gives \na view of the doings of his day, \n214 ; has scruples about the cross \nin the colors, 174 ; his opinion \nof the influence of Increase \nMather, 215 ; death of, 231 \n\nSewall, Samuel E., unites in found- \ning the Anti-Slavery Society, 463 \n\nShawmut becomes Boston, 43 \n\nShays' rebellion, the, causes of, \n400, 402 \n\nShepard Memorial church, men- \ntioned, 309 \n\nShepard, Rev. Thomas, of Cam- \nbridge, 80 \n\nSherman, goodwife,and her trouble- \nsome sow, 88, 89 \n\nShirley, Thomas, expresses his \nopinion of Boston, 328 \n\nShirley, William, appointed gov- \nernor, 243 ; puts the indepen- \ndency of America in the distance, \n261 \n\nShurtleff, Nathaniel B., mayor, \n456; his \" Description of Bos- \nton,\" quoted, 397 \n\nShute, Samuel, appointed govern- \nor, 208 \n\nShylock, a lesson from, 195 \n\nSinging by note first introduced, \n200 \n\nSlavery, abolished in Massachusetts, \n405 ; Edward Everett on, 464 ; \nprotestsagainst interference with, \n463 ; tract against, by Sewall, 218 \n\nSlaves, cost of and care of, 184 ; \nobtained for rum, 399 \n\nSmall-pox in Boston, 210 \n\nSmith, Jerome V. C, mayor, 456 \n\nSmith, John, on the beauty of Bos- \nton, 38 ; gives names to places \nin New England, 2 \n\nSmith, Rev. Ralph, becomes a \nSeparatist, 32, 74 \n\nSmuggling, seizure of the Liberty \nfor, 296 \n\nSmuggling trade, the, 254 \n\nSnow, Dr. Caleb H., History of \nBoston, 202, 355, 409 \n\n\n504 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nSociet)', changes in, as marked by \nSamuel Curwen, 3S7 ; after the \nRevolution, 396 \n\nSoldiers, in the early Boston econo- \nmy, 242 ; from Halifax arrive in \nBoston, 300 ; provision for quar- \ntering, upon towns, 346 \n\nSons of Liberty, an organization, \n291 \n\nSouth Boston, annexed, 409 ; (Dor- \nchester Heights) fortified, 366 \n\nSouth Carolina, forms a local gov- \nernment, 381 ; sympathizes with \nsuffering Boston, 353 \n\nSouth End, boundaries of, 397 ; in \nearly days, 223 \n\nSovereigns, Americans first so- \ncalled, 261 \n\nSow, the stray, and what it brought \nabout, 88, 89 \n\nSpeculation after the Revolution, \n\nSpeculators punished as royalists, \n\n387 \nSprague, Charles, reads a poem, \n\n451 \nSqueb, Captain, at Nantasket, 40 \nStamp-act congress, the, 2S0 ; men- \ntioned, 326 \nStamp-act riot, the, 282 ; cele- \nbrated, 294 ; denounced, 284 \nStamp act, the, passed, 280 ; re- \npealed, 288 \nStamp duties proposed by Sir Wil- \nliam Keith, 224 \nStamps deemed a mark of slavery, \n\nand not to be used, 381 \nStamp tax, the, proposed, 277 \nState Church, the, in Boston, 178 \nState House, the present, begun, \n\n452, 453 \n\nState sovereignty as interpreted by \nHancock, 402, 403 \n\nStoddard, Rev. Solomon, of North- \nampton, 216 \n\nStone, Rev. Samuel, 130 \n\nStoughton, William, acting gover- \nnor, 189 ; governor, rule of, 195, \n198 \n\nStreets, changes in, after the Revo- \n\n\nlution, 397 ; condition of , in early \ndays, 59 ; improvement in the, \nunder Mayor Quincy, 432 ; new, \nbuilt by Mayor Quincy, 434 \n\nSuffolk resolves, how passed, 355, \n_ 356 \n\nSuffrage, the, and church member- \nship, 84 ; right of, sought by \nwomen, 467 \n\nSugar law, the, enforced by Charles \nPaxton, 254 \n\nSumner, Charles, becomes a Free- \nSoiler, 465 \n\nSunday customs in Boston, 115 \n\nSunday, how kept in early days, \n\n175, 176 \nSunday services given up at the \n\ntime of the battle of Bunker \n\nHill, 367 \nSwearing, the terrible, in Boston \n\nin early days, 232 \nSynod, the, of 1637, at New Town, \n\n(Cambridge), 79 \n\nT \n\nTable, provisions for the, 219 \n\nTaxation, arguments against, source \nof, 272 ; by stamp proposed, 224, \n277 ; without representation tyr- \nranny, a sentiment of Otis, 276 \n\nTaxes, arbitrary, laid by Andros \nand Randolph, 167 ; exorbitant \nin Boston, 277 ; ought to be laid \nby representatives only, 16S ; re- \nmoved, except on tea, 321 \n\nTaylor, Jeremy, on the treatment \nof Baptists, 106 \n\nTea, cost of, after the Revolution, \n386 ; the, destroyed at Griffin's \nwharf, shall it be paid for? 354 ; \nquality of, and quantity of, used \nin Boston in pre-revolutionary \ntimes, 323 ; renounced by Har- \nvard students and others, 300, \n301 ; shipments of, expected, 337 ; \ntax upon, levied by England, 2Q2 ; \ntax upon, retained for a reason, \n321 ; endangers liberty, 324, 325 \n\nTeachers, training demanded of, \n444 ; women equal to men, 442 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n505 \n\n\nTemperance approved by Win- \n\nthrop, 51 \nTen Hills Farm, 52 \nTen men, the, of early Boston, 418 \nTexts, strange, for sermons, 205, \n\n206 \nThacher, Oxenbridge, supports \n\nAdams, 278 \nThanksgiving-day, the first, in \n\nBoston, 52 \nTheology in Boston, 446 \nThompson, Benjamin, on early \n\nNew England diet, 62 \nThompson i George, anti-slavery \n\nagitator, 463 \nThursday lecture, the, iiS, 175 ; \n\nattendance, upon, made a means \n\nof popularity, ig6 \nTicknor, George, gives books to \n\nthe Public Library, 476 \nTindale, Arthur, carries a letter to \n\nMargaret Winthrop, 46 \nTobacco, laws against the use of, \n\n137 . . '^ \n\nToleration, Williams on, 76 \nTonnage of Boston in 171 7, 194 \nTories, estates of, confiscated, 396 ; \nthe, oppose the formation of \nlocal governments, 381 ; ridicule \nthe committee of correspondence, \n328 \nTories and whigs, rise of the names, \n\n262 \nTors'ism makes itself felt in 177S, \n\n389 \n\nTown Cove in early days, 58 \n\nTown Dock, the, condition of, in \n1822, 433 \n\nTown-house, the old, a scene in, \n268 ; the first, 61 \n\nTown-meeting, a, called to censure \nthe governor, 326 ; in Boston to \nconfer with Gage, 364 ; highest \nmark of the, 329 ; important \nfunction of the, 378 \n\nTown-meetings, difficulties in re- \ngard to, 420 ; feared by England, \n345 ; how warned, 91 ; not to be \npermitted, 346 \n\nTowns, first heard of, 91 ; the, \n\n\nabout Boston arm themselves, \n357 ; in Massachusetts express \nthemselves, 328; the \"unfor- \ntunate \" power of, 91 \n\n\" Townsmen,\" the, of early Boston, \n418 ; refreshments for the, 419 \n\nTown system, the, a bungling one, \n\n^419 \n\nTrade, brisk, in Boston, 96 ; grow- \ning up in Boston, 97 ; inter- \ncolonial, interfered with, 194 ; \ninterfered with by the Boston \nport bill, 352 ; interference with, \n193 ; obstructed by the king, \n1 68 ; policy of controlling, 208 ; \nviews of English politicians re- \ngarding, 399 ; carrying, the, \nwealth gained in, 414 \n\nTrade and manufactures improve, \n452 \n\nTrade, the Board of, inquires al)out \nBoston affairs, 143 \n\nTraining-day for the militia, 69 \n\nTranscendentalism, History of, \nquoted, 458, 460 \n\nTribulations at the coming of \nAndros, 164 \n\nTrick, a political, begins the mu- \nnici])al history of Boston, 424 \n\nTrinity Church, site of, 470 \n\nTroops, demand for their removal, \n313 ; expected in Boston, 295, \n298 ; goaded almost beyond en- \ndurance, 308, 310, 311 ; how- \nquartered in 1770, 310; trouble \nin regard to quartering, 260 \n\nTunnel, the, through the Hoosac \nmountain, cost of, 449 \n\nTupper, General Benjamin, sent to \nthe Ohio country, 407 \n\nTyler, Moses Coit, on the influence \nof Laud, 81 \n\n\nU \n\n\nUniform, the, of the old militia, \n242 \n\nUnion, the first American, 93 ; \nthe, of America, as seen by Dick- \ninson, 355 ; plan for an Ameri- \n\n\n5o6 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\ncan, presented by Churcli, 332 ; \ndiscussed at Albany, ^50 ; sug- \ngestions of breaking the, 415 \n\nUnitarian Church, distinguished \nministers in the, 446 \n\nUrsuline convent, destruction of \nthe, 467 \n\nV \n\nVane, Sir Henry, conies to Boston, \n74, 81 ; character and influence \nof, 81 \n\nVassall, William, an original set- \ntler, 20 \n\nVeils, Mather preaches on, 76 \n\nVeto power, the, of the magistrates \nin the general court, go \n\nVice, increase of, bewailed by \nCotton Mather, 196 \n\nVirginia contributes to alleviate the \nsufferings of Boston, 353 \n\nVirginia plan, the, for intercolo- \nnial correspondence, 334 \n\nVirginia resolves, the, drawn up by \nPatrick Henry, 278 \n\n\nW \n\n\nWainscoting, trouble about some, \n\n67 \nWalford, Thomas, at Charton, or \n\nCharleton, 38 \n\nWalpole, Sir Robert, declines to \ntax the colonies, 224 \n\nWard, Artemas, commands the \nAmerican army, 365 ; again in \ncommand of the army about \nBoston, 379 \n\nWard, Nathaniel, prepares the \n\" Body of Liberties,\" as laws \nfor the colony, 120 , recom- \nmended as freeman, 26 \n\nWare, Henry, chosen Hollis Pro- \nfessor, 446 \n\nWar, the civil, 473 \n\nWar of 1812, the, protests against, \n416 \n\nWar, Queen Anne's, 206 \n\nWarrants, \"general,\" issued and \nobjected to, 255 \n\n\nWarren, Joseph, brought into \nprominence, 262 ; deli\\ers the \naddress commemorating the \nmassacre, in 1775, 358, 359 ; \non General Gage, 352 ; member \nof a committee to treat with \nHutchinson, 314 ; patriotism of, \n326 \n\nWashington, George, appointed \ncommander of the continental \narmy, 371 ; enters Boston, 375 ; \nsubscribes to aid Boston, 353 ; \nvisits Boston, in 1789, 402 \n\nWashington Street, early names of, \n\n53 \n\nWater, condition of, in the wells \nand cisterns in Boston, 435 ; not \nthought a strange drink in early \ndays, 62 ; provision for more, \ndesired by the first Mayor \nQuincy, 432, 435 \n\nWaterton, Charles, on the Boston \ntea-party, 344 \n\nWatertown becomes the capital, \n\n371 \n\nWebb, Rev. John,' preaclies a cen- \ntennial sermon, 231 \n\nWebster, Daniel, on the massacre, \n\n319 \nWells, Charles, mavor. 456 \n\nWells, W. v.. Life of Adams, \nquoted, 295, 403 \n\nWest, the, Boston men look tow- \nard, 406 \n\nWest End, boundaries of, 397 ; \nobtrusiveness of vice in, 430 \n\nWheelright, Rev. John, banished, \n80 \n\nWhigs, a club of, in 1747, 264 \n\nWhigs and tories, rise of the names, \n262 \n\nWhipping as a punishment, 64, \n69 \n\nWhitefield, George, visits Boston, \n232 \n\nWhitman, Zachariah, G., men- \ntioned, 241 \n\nWig, the, of Josiah Willard, 215 \n\nWigglesworth, Michael, on the in- \nhabitants of America, 12 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n507 \n\n\nWightman, Joseph M., mayor, 456 \nWitkins, Richard, bookseller, alter- \ncation in shop of, 215 \nWillard, Josiah, cuts off his liair, \n\n215 \n\nWillard, Rev. Samuel, President of \nHarvard College, 135 ; preaches \non the bad times, 199 \n\nWilliam Henry, Fort, fall of, 258 \n\nWilliams, Roger, comes over, 65 ; \nbanished, 77 ; Life of, by W. \nGammell, 66 ; opinions of, 76 ; \nviews regarding the Church of \nEngland, 31, 74 ; will not perse- \ncute Quakers, 1 1 1 \n\nWilmington, N. C, sends aid to \nBoston, 353 \n\nWilson, Rev. John, cliosen first \npastor, 41 \n\nWindmill Hill (Copp's) 58 \n\nWine at funerals, 228 ; furnished \nthe populace, 2S9 \n\nWinsor, Justin, \" History of Am- \nerica,\" 2 ; \" Memorial History \nof Boston,\" by, loi, 344, 398, \n410, 418, 433, 442, 479 \n\nW'inthrop, Fones, wishes to marry \nUrsula Fones, 27 \n\nWinthrop, Forth, and Deane sail \nfor America, 55 \n\nWinthrop, Henry, death of, 46 \n\n\\\\ inthrop, John, appears in con- \nnection with the Boston colony, \n6 ; aims of, according to Mayor \nQuincy, 451 ; character of, 127 ; \nchosen governor, 24 ; dwelling \nof, probably demolished by the \nBritish, 370 ; gives ixp the use of \ntobacco, 137 ; home of, 59, 60 ; \nlost in the woods, 53 ; motives \nof, II ; ordered to gi\\e up the \ncharter, 123 ; removes his dwell- \n\n\ning to Boston, 67 ; rotated out \nof office, 72 ; statue of, 482 ; \ntender letters of, 28, 30 ; tries \nto keep his courage up, 48 ; \ntroubled by a financial panic, \n97 ; dies, 114, 127 ; his \" Model \nof Christian Charity,\" 34 \nWinthrop and Dudley fall out, 67 \nW^inthrop, John, Jr., agrees with \nhis father about America, 23 ; \ninvents a windmill, 28 \nW^inthrop, Margaret, correspond- \nence with her .diusband, 16 ; \nsails for America, 55 ; character \nof, 114 ; dies, 114 \nWinthrop, Robert Charles, Speaker \n\nof the House, 465 \nWitchcraft delusion, the, 185 \nW'oman's Club, the New England, \n\n468 \nWoman's yournal. The, 468 \nWoman suffragism, rise of, 467 \nWomen, education of, 43-9, 441 ; \nexaminations for, at Harvard \nCollege, 443 ; fashions of, in \nearly days, 138 ; garments of, \nin early times, 218 ; voters, work \nof, 467 ; wish to complete a good \nEnglish education, 442, 443 \n\" Wonder-Working Providence,\" \n\nThe, of Edward Johnson, 41 \nWorcester, railway to, 450 \nWorship, forms of, 64 ; religious, \n\nin families, 177 \nWrits of assistance, legality of, \nquestioned, 268, 270 \n\n\nYorktown, victory at, gives joy to \n\nBoston, 395 \nYoung, Thomas, makes an address, \n\n319 \n\n\nThe Story of the Nations. \n\n\nMessrs. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in \nannouncing that they have in course of publication a \nseries of historical studies, intended to present in a \ngraphic manner the stories of the different nations that \nhave attained prominence in history. \n\nIn the story form the current of each national life will \nbe distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy \nperiods and episodes will be presented for the reader in \ntheir philosophical relation to each other as well as to \nuniversal history. \n\nIt is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to \nenter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them \nbefore the reader as they actually lived, labored, and \nstruggled — as they studied and wrote, and as they amused \nthemselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with \nwhich the history of all lands begins, will not be over- \nlooked, though these will be carefully distinguished from \nthe actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted \nhistorical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions. \n\nThe subjects of the different volumes will be planned \nto cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive \nepochs or periods, so that the set when completed will \npresent in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in \nthe great Story OF THE NATIONS ; but it will, of course \n\n\nnot always prove practicable to issue the several volumes \nin their chronological order. \n\nThe \" Stories \" are printed in good readable type, and \nin handsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated \nand furnished with maps and indexes. They are sold \nseparately at a price of $1.50 each. \n\nThe following is a partial list of the subjects thus far \ndetetmined upon : \n\nTHE STORY OF *ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. George Rawlinson. \n\n\" *CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin. \n\n'• *GREECE. Prof. James a. Harrison, \n\nWashington and Lee University. \n«' \" \" *R0ME. Arthur Oilman. \n\n\" *THE jews. Prof. James K. Hosmer, \n\nWashington University of St. Louis. \n\n\" *CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church, \n\nUniversity College, London. \n\n\" BYZANTIUM. \n\n\" *TnE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. \n\n\" *THE NORMANS. Sarah O. Jewett. \n\n\" *PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. \n\n•' *SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale. \n\n\" *GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould. \n\n\" THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS. \n\n\" *HOLLAND. Prof. C. E. Thorold Rogers. \n\" \" \" *NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen. \n\n\" *THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole. \n\n\" *HUNGARY. Prof. A. VAmbery. \n\n\" THE ITALIAN KINGDOM. W. L. Alden. \n\n\" *MEDLE:YAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson. \n\n•■ ^ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy. \nTHE HANSE towns. Helen Zimmern. \n\n\" ^ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. \n\n•' *THE SARACENS. Arthur Oilman. \n\" \" \" *TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. \n\nPORTUGAL. H. Morse Stephens. \n\n\" *MEXICO. Susan Hale. \n\n\" *IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. \n\n\" PHCENICIA. \n\n\" SWITZERLAND. \n\n\" RUSSIA. \n\n\" WALES. \n\n\" SCOTLAND. \n\n\" *MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. \n\nZ. A. Ragozin. \n\n* (The volumes starred are now ready, November, 1888.) \n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \nNew York London \n\n77 \\SD 29 West Twenty-Third Street 27 Kino Willi.\\m Street, Strand \n\n\nPUBLICATIONS OF G. F. FUTNAM'S SONS \n\nTHE SCRIPTURES, \n\nHEBREW AND CHRISTIAN. \n\nARRANGED AND EDITED AS AN INTRODUCTION TO THE \nSTUDY OF THE BIBLE. \n\nRev. EDWARD T. BARTLETT, D.D., \n\nDean of the Divinity School of the P. E. Church in Philadel- \nphia, and Mary Wolfe, Prof, of Ecclesiastical History. \n\nRev. JOHN P. PETERS, Ph.D., ^ Editors. \n\nProfessor of Old Testament Literature and Language in the \nDivinity School of the P. E. Church in Philadelphia, and \nProfessor of Hebrew in the University of Pennsylvania. \n\nThe work is to be completed in three volumes, containing each about \n500 pages. Vols. I. and II. now ready. \n\nVol. I. includes Hebrew story from the Creation to the time of Nehe- \nmiah, as in the Hebrew canon. \n\nVol. II. is devoted to Hebrew poetry and prophecy. \n\nVol. III. will contain the selections from the Christian Scriptures. \n\nThevolumts are handsomely printed in i2mo form, and with an open, \nreadable page, not arranged in verses, but paragraphed according to the \nsense of the narrative. \n\nEach volume is complete in itself, and will he sold separately at $1.50. \n\nThe editors say in their announcement : \" Our object is to remove stones \nof stumbling from the path of young readers by presenting Scriptures to \nthem in a form as intelligible and as instructive as may be practicable. This \nplan involves some re-arrangements and omissions, before which we have \nnot hesitated, inasmuch as our proposed work will not claim to be the Bible, \nbut an introduction to it. That we may avoid imposing our own interper- \ntalion upon Holy Writ, it will be our endeavor to make Scripture serve as \nthe commentaiy on Scripture. In the treatment of the Prophets of the Old \nTestament and the Epistles of the New Testament, it will not be practica- \nble entirely to avoid comment, but no attempt will be made to pronounce \nupon doctrinal questions.\" \n\nThe first volume is divided into four parts : \n\nPart I. — Hebrew Story, from the Beginning to the Time of Saul. \n\" II. — The Kingdom of all Israel. \n\" III. — Samaria, or the Northern Kingdom. \n\" IV. — Judah, from Rehoboam to the Exile. \n\n\nPUBLICATIONS OF G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \n\nThe second volume comprises : \nPart I. — Hebrew History from the Exile to Nehemiah. \n\" n. — Hebrew Legislation. \n\" HI. — Hebrew Tales. \n\" IV. — Hebrew Prophecy. \n\" V. — Hebrew Poetry. \n\" VI. — Hebrew Wisdom. \n\nThe third vohime will comprise the selections from the New Testament, \narranged as follows : \n\nI. — The Gospel according to St. Mark, Presenting the Evan- \ngelical Story in its Simplest Form ; Supplemented by \nSelections from St. Matthew and St. Luke, \nII. — The Acts of the Apostles, with some Indication of the \n\nProbable Place of the Epistles in the Narrative. \nIII. — The Epistles of St. James and the First Epistle of St. Peter. \nIV. — The Epistles of St. Paul. \nV. — The Epistle to the Hebrews. \nVI. — The Revelation of St. John (A Portion). \nVII. — The First Epistle of St. John. \nVIII. — The Gospel of St. John. \n\nFull details of the plan of the undertaking, and of the methods adopted \nby the editors in the selection and arrangement of the material, will be found \nin the separate prospectus. \n\n\" I congratulate you on the issue of a work which, I am sure, will find a \nwide welcome, and the excellent features of which make it of permanent \nvalue.\" — Rt. Rev. Henry C. Potter, Bishop of New York. \n\n\"Should prove a valuable adjunct of Biblical instruction.\" — Rt. Rev. W. \nE. Stevens, Bishop of Pennsylvania. \n\n\"Admirably conceived and admirably executed. . . . It is the Bible \nstory in Bible words. The work of scholarly and devout men. . . . \nWill prove a help to Bible study.\" — Rev. Howard Crosby, D.D. \n\n\" We know of no volume which will better promote an intelligent \nunderstanding of the structure and substance of the Bible than this work, \nprepared, as it is, by competent and reverent Christian scholars.\" — Sunday- \nSchool Times, \n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \n\nNew York : London : \n\n27 and 29 west 23D street 27 KING WILLIAM ST., STRAND \n\n\nPUBLICATIONS OF G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. \n\n\nThe Story of the City of Washington. By Charles \nBurr Todd, author of \" The Story of the City of New \nYork.\" Octavo, cloth, with many illustrations and maps. \n(No. 2 in the series of the Great Cities of the Re- \npublic) . iHlr 75 \n\n\nWASHINGTON, ABOUT I80O. \n(From \"The Story of the City of Washington.\") \n\n\"It is \\\\ell to remember that a nation's capital may fairly be considered \nas an index to a nation's character, and that the outcome of our institutions \nwill be studied by critical strangers in the city on the banks of the Poto- \nmac.\"— From Author s Preface. \n\n\" It is peculiarly happy in its focus, complete in its scope, patriotic in its \ntone, and graphic in its style.\" — Boston foiimal of Education. \n\n\" This is a copious guide-book to the capital city of the United States, as \nwell as an interesting record of its history, its political and oratorical events, \nand its civic growth.\" — Portland Press. \n\n\"So valuable do we regard this book that we express the hope that it \nmay find its way into the hands of every boy and girl in this country.\" — \nJournal of Pedagogy. \n\n\"Its perusal is worth even more than a flying trip to Washington, and \nshould, in fact, precede such a journey.\" — Philadelphia Ledger. \n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London \n\n\nPUBLICATIONS OF G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \n\nStory of the City of New York. By Charles Burr \nTodd, author of \" Life and Letters of Joel Barlow.\" A \nhistory of the city from the discovery of the island by \nVerrazano till the present time. Profusely illustrated, \n-^^loth $1 75 \n\n\n^r \n\n\nTHE BATTERY IN 1663. \n(From \" The Story of the City of New York. \n\n\" Will be found in all respects a convenient, accurate, and comprehensive \nrecord of the city's development for three hundred years.\" — A^cw York \nIndependent. \n\n\" Mr. Todd has managed his material with much skill, and he succeeds \nexcellently in putting before the reader very striking pen-pictures of the \ndifferent phases of civic development. The book is pleasantly written and \nwe have found it very readable.\" — Philadelphia Telegraph. \n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London. \n\n\nPUBLICATIONS OF G. F. FUTNAM'S SONS \n\nRobert Fulton and Steam Navigation. By Thos. W. \nKnox, editor of \" The Travels of Marco Polo,\" author of \n\" Boy Travellers in the East,\" etc., etc. One large i2mo \nvolume, profusely illustrated Si 75 \n\n\nThis book tells the story of a life of constant activity and usefulness, \nand describes the rise and progress of steam navigation in a manner most \nremarkable and clear. It is free from technical terms of all description, \nand is written in that charmingly narrative and picturesque form for which \nMr. Knox is so justly famous. \n\nThe book is composed of 500 pages, and contains 82 elegant engravings, \nwhich go to emphasize its usefulness. \n\nThe early struggles of Fulton to get recognition for his inventions, his \nperseverance, and his dogged determination to succeed, are depicted \nforcefully and sympathetically. All the great ocean, war, and river \nsteamers of the century, their principles of construction, the gradual evo- \nlution of speed by means of improved application of the original idea, and \nthe development of the original crude machinery, are described and exem- \nplified by numerous ilhistrations. \n\nG. P. rUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London. \n\n\nPUBLICATIONS OF G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS \n\n\nLife of Abraham Lincoln. By Noah Brooks. Crown \noctavo, with many illustrations , . . • $i 75 \n\n\n!3? . ;'' . \n\n\nLincoln's wrestle with Armstrong. \n\n(Reduced from \" Life of Abraham Lincoln.\") \n\n\"In writing this brief biography, I have been moved by a desire to give \nthe generation of young people, who will never know aught of Abraham \nLincoln but what is traditional, a life-like picture of the man as many men \nknew him. . . . Many things relating to his early life herein set down \nwere derived from his own lips, often during hours of secluded companion- \nship.\" — From Author's Preface. \n\n\" An excellent and timely book.\" — A^'^t^/ Albany Ledger. \n\n\"An admirably written book.\" — Buffalo Christian Advocate. \n\n\" It is a capital book.\" — Pittsburgh Chronicle. \n\n\"A more interesting biography we have not read.\" — Hartford Times. \n\n\nG. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London \n\n\n/r*l \n\n^^ \n\nm \n\nMM.I \n\nM \n\nW^ \n\n2 \n\n\nti \n\n\nCO \n\n00 \nC5 \n\n\n05 \n\ncn \n\n\n(// \n\n\na \no \n-p \n\n03 \nQ \n\na \n\n•H \nO \n\n\n4i 0) \n\nI b \n\n•H -P \n\n\nOi \n\n\nCO \n\n\n< H \n\n\nUNIVERSITY OF TORONTO \nLIBRARY \n\n\nAcme Library Card Pocket \n\nUnder Pat. \" Ref. Index File.\" \nMade by LIBEAEY BUREAU \n\n\n^> \n\n\n•i. \n\n\n■\"^1 \n\n\nWm \n\nM \n\n^^ \n\nm \n\n^ \n\nw/M \n\nM \n\n^ \n\n\nr^ \n\n\nm \n\n\n\"4 \n\n1 \n\nH \n\n1 \n\ni \n\n/ 1^^^ \n\n^ \n\n8 \n\nB \n\n^ \n\nwtummmmmi.jm \n\n\nictmmimmmmammm \n\n\n\"v \n\n\n","title":"The story of Boston, a study of independency","updated_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:46.961295Z","urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-story-of-boston-a-study-of-independency","version":1,"withdrawn_reason":null},"urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-story-of-boston-a-study-of-independency","version_history":[{"change_note":"accessioned from the Internet Archive, item storyofbostonstu00gilmuoft","changed_by":"archive-ingest 0.1.0","recorded_at":"2026-09-05T09:58:47.255148Z","version":1}]}