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Drake, 1905. Roxbury before annexation, in the words of a man writing while people who remembered it as a town were still alive.","text_extract":"A i^- : \n\n\n'%0^^ \n\n\n4j;S \n\n\nf&l \n\n\n^1v \n\n\nTHE \n\n\nTOW]^ OF EOXBUEY \n\n\nMEMORABLE PERSONS AND PLACES \n\n\nHISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES, WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS \nOF ITS OLD LANDMARKS AND NOTED PERSONAGES \n\n\nBy FRANCIS sfi)BAKE \n\n\nBOSTON \nMUNICIPAL PRINTING OFFICE \n\n1905 \n\n\ncoprRiGHT : \nBy Francis 8. Drake. \n\nA. D. 1878. \n\n\nJUN 18 1906 \nD. otO. \n\n\n[Document 93. — 1905.] \n\n\n«^v REGISTRY DEPARTMENT \n\nOF THE \n\nCITY OF BOSTON\" \n\nRECOEDS RELATING TO THE EMLY HISTORY \nOF BOSTON \n\n{Formerly called Record Commissioners'' Beports) \n\n\nThis volume, which is the thirty-fourth in the series formerly \nissued under the direction of the Record Commissioners, is \nreprinted from the original plates purchased from the estate \nof the late Francis S. Drake, and issued as one of the volumes \nrelating to the early history of Boston. \n\n\nEDWARD W. McGLENEN, \n\nCity Registrar, \n\n\nOld Court House, Boston. \n\n\nf^■i \n\n\nPREFACE. \n\n\nIn the following pages the author's aim has been, while going \nover the old roads and pointing out their memorable localities, to \npresent whatever of historical interest the annals of the town \nafford, and also to delineate the manners, customs, mode of life, \nand other characteristics of the men and women who lived and \nwrought here in former days, together with such visible memorials \nof them, their homes, their monuments, etc., as have escaped the \nravages of time. In the performance of this task, every available \nsource of information known to him has been drawn upon, and \nfrom aged persons, familiar with Roxbury as it was, much has been \ngleaned that would otherwise have been buried in oblivion. \n\nThough without a printing-press, Roxbury has led the van of \nindependent thought, three of her most eminent citizens, by their \nprotests against superstition, and their advocacy of political or \nreligious reforms, having had their writings condemned to the \nflames by the colonial authorities. She is the mother of towns, as \nmany as fifteen prosperous New England communities, including \nthe flourishing cities of Springfield and Worcester, having been \nfounded or largely settled by her citizens. She can fairly claim to \nbe the banner town of the Revolutionary war, furnishing to it three \ncompanies of minute-men at Lexington, one of which was the first \nthat was raised for the defence of American liberty, and having also \ngiven birth to three of the generals of the Revolutionary army. \nShe played a prominent part in the siege of Boston, and was greatly \ninjured both by friend and foe. No less than ten of the governors \nof Massachusetts have been natives or residents of Roxbury. But \nwhile this is a record of which she may be justly proud, it is yet \n\n\niv PREFACE. \n\nlittle to her credit that one must look elsewhere than within her \nconfines, for adequate mementos of John Eliot and Joseph Warren. \nIn the nomenclature of her streets she has done well to remember \nher founder and principal citizens, but she owes it to herself to \nperpetuate in the same manner the no less deserving names of \nDenison, Parke, Bowles, Brewer, Craft, Lamb, Johnson, Bell, Mor- \nrill, Bugby, Payson, Graves, and Newell. \n\nRoxbury was appropriately so named from its most prominent \nnatural characteristic; and no one who venerates its founders, or \nwho cherishes a proper regard for the preservation of its historical \nor ancestral memories, should ever consent to substitute for it a \nname no more applicable to it than to many other localities now in- \ncluded within the city limits. To do so is no less a blunder in taste \nthan in fact. The great city of London, while gradually absorbing \nadjoining localities, religiously preserves their ancient names. \nAre ours less dear to us? Let us, then, while a single \"rock\" \nremains above its surface, cling to the good old name of Roxbuky, \n\"scotched, not killed,\" by the temporary substitution for it of the \nunacceptable misnomer of \" Boston Highlands.\" \n\nTo Augustus Parker and Edward Sumner the author's especial \nacknowledgments are due for valuable aid in obtaining materials \nfor his work. He is also under obligations to P. B. Smith, Jr., for \nkindly placing at his disposal his minutes of Roxbury conveyances, \nwhich have been of great assistance to him. He also acknowledges \nwith pleasure the courtesies of the city clerk of Boston, Samuel F. \nMcCleary, and his assistant, J. T. Priest. His thanks are likewise \ndue to Hon. John J. Clarke, Joseph W. Tucker, Moses Williams, \nthe late Miss Catherine P. Curtis, George A. Simmons, Mrs. H. G. R. \nDearborn, II. A. S. Dudley, George Mirick, Aaron D. Weld, Mrs. \nEdwin Lemist, Mrs. Paul Willard, W. II. Spoouer, John D. Col- \nburn, William F. Crafts, Guy Carleton, Bradford Kingman, and to \nall others who have aided him with information or materials for the \nprosecution of his work. \n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS. \n\n\nFASB \n\nArrival of thk \"William and Francis\" ----- 12 \nacchmttty housb - .----..--- 352 \nBernard, Sir Francis, Autograph ------- 430 \n\nBoyle, Hon. Robert - -- 183 \n\nCavalier --- 5i \n\nColony Flag. — Colony Seal ------ - 105, 177 \n\nCrafts House --- _.. 340 \n\nCurtis House ------- 400 \n\nDavis's Store ----------- 142 \n\nDearborn, Gen. Henry _.. 335 \n\nGen. H. a. S. 337 \n\n\" House 327 \n\nDeath of Miantonomoh --------- 238 \n\nDove's Corner --- 208 \n\nDudley, Gov. Joseph -.- 244 \n\n\" Lucy 254 \n\n\" Paul - - - - 253 \n\n\" Gov. Thomas, Autograph - 240 \n\n\" Street Baptist Church 112 \n\n\" Tomb. — House 99, 445 \n\n\" Col. WiLLLiM 446 \n\nEarly House. — Early Church- ------ 58,282 \n\nEliot, John. — Eliot Preaching ------ 175, 178 \n\nEusTis, Gov. \"William. — Eustis House . - - . 130, 120 \n\nFirst Chuech - - 288 \n\nForest Hills Gateway --------- 234 \n\nFort Monument __.-------- 378 \n\nFox, Ebenezer ----------- 150 \n\nGage, Gov. Thomas ...-------71 \n\nGarrison House ----------- 384 \n\nGore House ------------321 \n\nGreaton, Gen. John ----- 156 \n\nGrosvenob Arms ----------- 102 \n\nHallowell House ..-.------ 408 \n\nHeath, Gen. \"William ---------- 388 \n\nHutchinson, Gov. Thomas -------- 24 \n\n\nVI ELLUSTRATIONS. \n\nPAGE \n\nIndian Sachem. — Indian Wigwam ------ 3,4 \n\nJamajca Pond --...-....- 405 \n\nLee, W. R., Residence --------- 398 \n\nLiberty Tree --------_. --82 \n\nLoREVG House ----------- 419 \n\nMead's House ------ 219 \n\nMeeting-House Hill -------- Frontispiece. \n\nRIlNUTK-IHAN ----------- 316 \n\nNazing Parish Church ---------10 \n\nNorfolk House ----------- 364 \n\nOld Mill 319 \n\nParker, Theodore, Residence. — Oak- - - - - 452, 454 \n\nParsonage ----- - 310 \n\nParting Stone ----- 379 \n\nPillory 326 \n\nPine-Tree Shilling. — Pxne-Tree Sixpence - - - - 62 \nPlan of Peaps, First Church -------- 285 \n\nPorter, Rev. Eliphalet - 313 \n\nPynchon, \"Willloi -----13 \n\nRoxBURY Upper Fort. — Plan of Roxbury Fort - - 376, 372 \nRuggles House ---------- 366 \n\nSeal of Roxbury --------- Title-page. \n\nSeaver, Ebenezer ---------- 227 \n\nSecond Church - 447 \n\nShip of Pilgrims - -----7 \n\nShirley, Gov. William, Autograph ------ 125 \n\nSoldiers' Monument .--.------ 424 \n\nSpinning Wheel ---------- 311 \n\nStand-pipe ------------ 375 \n\nStone Pound- .----- 381 \n\nStorming of Narragansett Fort -------16 \n\nSumner, Gov. Increase --------- 355 \n\nSwan House - ----------- 135 \n\nThird Church --- - 419 \n\nTown House 260 \n\nUnion Flag ----------- 81 \n\nUniversalist Church ---------- 258 \n\nWarren, Dr., Country Seat -------- 413 \n\n\" Homestead. — House ------- 213, 214 \n\n\" Gen. Joseph --------- 216 \n\nWilliams House. — John D., House ----- 133, 228 \n\n\" Col. Joseph 385 \n\n\" Stedjian, House --------- 229 \n\nWlnslow, Admiral J. A. ----.--. 211 \n\n\nCONTENTS \n\n\nCHAPTER I. \n\nPASR \n\nHistorical Introduction -----_-. 1-42 \n\nCHAPTER II. \nGhnbral Description --------- 43-G4 \n\nCHAPTER III. \nThe Neck -- 65-94 \n\nCHAPTER IV. \nDorchester Road ---------- 95-138 \n\nCHAPTER V. \nBurial-ground to Dudley Street - - - - - 139-198 \n\nCHAPTER VI. \nWarren Street and Walnut Avenue ----- 199-235 \n\nCHAPTER VII. \nMeeting-House Hill --------- 236-302 \n\nCHAPTER VIII. \nSmelt Brook to the Punch-Bowl ------ 303-349 \n\nCHAPTER IX. \nThe Highlands ---- 350-378 \n\nCHAPTER X. \nCentre Street --------- 379-403 \n\nCHAPTER XI. \nJamaica Plain ----------- 404-436 \n\nCHAPTER XII. \nWest Roxbury ---------- 437-463 \n\n\n\" Out of monumentB, names, words, proverbs, traditions, private \nrecordes and evidences, fragments of stories, passages of bookes \nand the like, we doe save and recover somewhat from the deluge \nof time.\" — Bacon. \n\n\n\" I pray you let us satisfy our eyes \nWith the memorials and the things of fame \nThat do renown this city.\" \n\nShalcespeare. \n\n\" Les monuments sont lea crampons qui unissent une generation \na une autre, conservez ce qu'ont vu vos pferes.\" \n\n\nCHAPTER I \n\n\nINTRODUCTORY. \n\n\nCauses of the Piaritan Emigration. — Indian Natives. — Settlement of \nMassachusetts Bay. — Dudley's Account. — Eoxbury Colonists. — \nNazing, England. — Pynchou. — Annals. — Philip's War. — Revolution \nof 1C89. — Stamp Act.— Ante-Revolutionary Action of the Town.— \nMinute-men. — Lexington. — Siege of Boston.— Revolutionary An- \nnals. — Shays's Insurrection. \n\nREADER, before asking 3'ou to accompany me in a retro- \nspective stroll through the ancient town of Roxbmy, \nnoting its old landmarks, treading its old ways, reconstruct- \ning its old dwellings, and making the acquaintance of its \nmen and women of mark in by-gone days, not forgetting an \noccasional glance at the quaint and curious fashions and \ncustoms of our ancestors, — before doing this, we will, if it \nplease j'ou, take a brief surve}' of some passages in its earl}' \nhistory. Many of the chief events in its annals will be noticed \nin describing those portions of the town with which they are \nespecially connected. This breathing space preparatory to \nour journey will be no disadvantage to us, for, as Mrs. Rams- \nbotham says, \" We are to have a great deal of walking on our \nhands.\" \n\nRightly to estimate the present, we must invoke the past, \nof which we ourselves are the product, and its study cannot \nfail to teach us the importance of perpetuating those elements \nof true greatness in New England character bequeathed to us \nb}' our Puritan ancestry, and in which their descendants take \na justifiable pride. The old church, the old schoolhouse, the \nold burial-place, the old homestead, even \n\n\" The old oaken bucket that hangs by the well,\" \n\n\n2 CAUSES OF THE PURITAN EMIGRATION. \n\nall these have their lesson to impart, and recall memories of the \npast, which, though not always pleasurable, are 3'et not devoid \nof interest, and have a charm for us even in their sadness. \n\nThe settlement of New England was almost wholly due \nto the bitter antagonism between the Protestant dissenters \nand the Church of England. These dissenters were of tvro \nkinds : the Pilgrims, who were Separatists, and who, after \n.some years of exile in Holland, landed at Plj'mouth ; and the \nPuritans, who, under \"Winthrop and others, settled the towns \nupon Massachusetts Bay. The latter taught the necessit}' \nof a more complete and personal regeneration, desiring a \nreform in the church, and not a schism ; the former de- \nnounced the establishment as an idolatrous institution, false \nto Christianity and to truth. Purity of religion and civil \nliberty were the common objects of both. These discontented \nsectaries were found in every rank, but the}' were strongest \namong the mercantile classes in the towns and among the \nsmall proprietors in the country, and became so numerous \nthat earlj' in the reign of Elizabeth the}' began to return a \nmajority of the House of Commons. \n\nUnder the ecclesiastical administration of Archbishop Laud, \nevery corner of the realm was subjected to a constant and \nminute inspection. Every little congregation of dissenters \nwas tracked out and broken up. Even the devotions of pri- \nvate families could not escape the vigilance of his spies, \nand many thousands of upright and industrious men, among \nthem nearly eighty clergymen, were driven by persecution to \nemigrate to Xew England. One third of the white popula- \ntion of the United States are the descendants of these men. \nA iargr number of them were educated, and to their influence \nit is owing that schools were so early established, and that \nso much attention was paid to instruction in every New Eng- \nland community. Said one of their number, in the quaint \nlanguage of those da^'s, \"God sifted three kingdoms that he \nmight send over choice grain into the wilderness.\" \n\n\nINDIAX NATIVES. \n\n\nThe Puritan never disowned the name given him in derision \nby those to wliom his sobriety of speecli and visage, his \nopposition to long hair and otlier frivoUties of dress and man- \nners, appeared hypocritical and absurd. Ills witty accusers \nindeed said that his hostility to cruel and barbarous sports, \nsuch as bear-baiting, arose not from sympathy with the bear, \nbut because of the enjoyment it afforded the spectators. \n\n\" To the Puritans,\" sa^-s an eminent English writer, \" we \nowe the whole freedom of our constitution.\" The}' were the \ngreat conservators of English liberty'. To them the present \npolitical freedom of England and the United States is directly \ntraceable. If the founders of great states are entitled to the \nfirst rank among men, posterity' must accord especial jn'omi- \nnenee to the Puritan planters of New England. The verdict \nof impartial history must, despite all their faults and short- \ncomings, pronounce \nthem the most remark- \nable body of men that \nperhaps the world has \never produced. \n\nJust prior to its set- \ntlement, a pestilence \nhad swept away a \nlarge portion of tlie \nIndian population of \nMassachusetts Bay, \nthus clearing the way \nfor the em.igrants, and \nenabling them to es- \ntal)lish themselves \nwithout opposition, — \na circumstance the \npious Puritan could \nhardly fail to regard rs providential. No distinct traces of \naboriginal occupation have ever been observed in Roxbnry, \n\n\n' JJF' \n\n\nINDIVN •>VC'ItM \n\n\nINDIAN NATIVES. \n\n\nINDIAN •WIGWAM. \n\n\nnot even an Indian name remaining to mark the locality of \nmountain, streamlet, or other natural feature of the landscape. \nThe chief sachem of the territory-, including Boston, Rox- \nbury, and Dorchester, was Chickatabut, who lived on the \n\n. ^^^ Neponset River, \n^ near the Massachu- \nsetts Fields, in what \nisnowQuincy. This \nf= sagamore, who was \nthe greatest in the \n< ountrj-, had, in \n1 ( . U , onl}' fift}' or \nsixty subjects, and \nmany of these, with \nthe sachem himself, \ndied of small- pox \nin 1633. Of him \nThomas Dudle}- wrote, \"This man least favoreth the Eng- \nlish of an}' sagamore we are acquainted with, b}' reason \nof the old quarrel between him and those of Plymouth, \nwhere he lost seven of his best men, yet he lodged one night \nthe last winter at my house in friendly manner.\" Cut- \nsham okin, who is said to have been a brother of Chickata- \nbut, and who had been a humble hanger-on of the English \nfrom their first coming, succeeded for a time to the titular \nhonor of sachem of Massachusetts, and to the right of sign- \ning deeds and conve^'ances of lands once occupied by the \ntribe. Josiah, the son of Chickatabut, a word signifj-ing in \nEnglish \"a house on fire,\" was summaril}' extinguished by \nthe Mohawks, against whom, contrary to the advice of the \napostle Eliot and other English friends, he led, in 1G69, six \nhundred warriors. Gookin says, \"The chiefest general in \nthis expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusetts, \nnamed Josiah, alias Chickatabut, a wise and stout man, of \nmiddle age, but a very vicious person. He had considerable \n\n\nSETTLEMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 5 \n\nknowledge in the Christian religion, and, some time, when he \nwas younger, seemed to profess it ; for he was bred up by \nhis uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first sachem and his peo- \nple to whom Mr. Eliot preached.\" His son, Charles Josiah \n(Wampatuck), the last of the race, in 1686 deeded the native \nright to the territorj' of Roxbury to its agents, Joseph Dud- \nley and William Stoughton, for £10. \n\nFrom the period of Gosnold's visit in 1602 to the year \n1630, the Massachusetts coast had been visited by Pring, \nWej'mouth, Capt. John Smith, Mj'les Standish, and others ; \nsettlements had been made at Pl3'mouth, Salem, aud else- \nwhere, and individuals had \"sat down\" either as fishermen \nor Indian traders at different points, — Blackstone, at Shaw- \nmut, now Boston ; Walford, at Mishawam, now Charlestown ; \nMaverick, at Noddle's Island, now East Boston ; and David \nThompson, at Thompson's Island. As no mention is made \nof any one being previousl}' located at Roxbury, there can be \nlittle doubt that it was original^ settled by some of Win- \nthrop's companj^ as early as the first week in July, 1630; \nJohn, the son of Griffin Craft, according to the first entry \non the Town Book, having been born here on July 10th of \nthat 3'ear. \n\nIn the first compartment of the corridor leading to the \nEnglish House of Lords, at Westminster, is a painting de- \nsigned to represent the departure of the Pilgrims from Delft \nHaven. Governor Bradford's vivid portraiture of this scene \nfaithfully represents many other similar experiences of our \nemigrant ancestors at parting with their families aud friends \nand quitting forever the land of their birth. He savs : — \n\n\" The next clay the wiud being faire, they wente aborde aud their \nft-endes, where truly dolfull was y'' sight of that sade aud mournfull \npartiug; to see what sighs aud sobbs aud praiers did souud amougst \nthem, what tears did gush from every eye aud pithy speeches peirst \neach harte, that suudry of y« Dutch strangers that stood ou the \nKey as spectators could not refrain from teai'S. Yet comfortable \n\n\n() THOMAS Dudley's account. \n\naud sweet was it to see such lively and true expressions of dear and \nunfeigned love. But the tide (which stays for no man) calyng them \naway were thus loathe to depart, their reverend pastor falling down \non his Knees (and they all with him) Avith watrie cheecks com- \nmended them with most fervent praiers to the Lord and his blessing. \nAnd then with mutuall imbraces and many tears they tooke their \nleaves one of another which proved to be the last leave to many \nof them.\" \n\nThe story of the settlement of Massachusetts Bay is told \nwith touching simplicity in Thomas Duclle3^'s letter to the \nCountess of Lincoln, dated Boston, March 12, 1630-1. This, \nwhich is the most interesting document in our earl}^ annals, \nwas composed under difficulties, and, as he himself says, \n\" shortl}', after my usual manner, and rudely, having 3'et no \ntable nor other room to write in than by the fireside upon my \nknee, in this sharp winter, to which my familj' must have \nleave to resort though they break good manners, and make \nme many times forget what I would say, and say what I \nwould not.\" \n\n\" Touching the plantation which we here have begun, it fell out \nthus : About the year 1G27, some friends being together in Lincoln- \nshire, fell into discourse about New England and the planting of \nthe gospel there, and after some deliberation we imparted our rea- \nsons by letters and messages to some in Loudon and the west coun- \ntry, where it was likewise deliberately thought upon, and at length, \nwith often negotiation so ripened that, in 1G28, we procui'ed a patent \nfrom his Majesty for our planting between the Massachusetts Bay \naud Charles River on the south, and the river of IMerrimack on the \nnorth, and three miles on either side of those rivers and bay ; as \nalso for the govei-nment of those who did or should inhabit within \nthat compass. And the same year we sent Mr. John Endecott, and \nsome with him, to begin a plantation and to strengthen such as he \nshould find there which we sent thither from Dorchester and some \nplaces adjoining, from whom, the same year, receiving hopeful news, \nthe next year, 1629, we sent divers ships over, with about three \nhundred people, and some cows, goats, and horses, many of which \narrived safely. \n\n\"These, by their too large commendations of the country and \n\n\nTHOMAS DUDLEY'S ACCOUNT. \n\n\n7 \n\n\nthe commodities thereof, invited us so strongly to go on, that Mr. \nWinthrop, of Suflblli (who was well known in his own country, and \nwell approved here for his piety, liberality, wisdom, and gravity), \ncoming in to us, we came to such resolution that in April, 1630, we \nset sail from old England with four good ships, and in May follow- \ning, eight more followed ; two having gone before in February and \nMarch, and two more following in June and August, besides another \nset out by a private merchant. \n\n\" These seventeen ships arrived all safe in New England for the \nincrease of the plantation here this year, 1630, but made a long, a \ntroublesome, and costly voyage, being all wind-bound long in Eng- \nland, and hindered with contrary winds after they set sail, and so \nscattered with mists and tempests that few of them arrived to- \ngether. Our four ships, which set \nout in April, arrived here in June \nand Julj\"-, where we found the colony \nin a sad and unexpected condition, \nabove eighty of them being dead the \nwinter before, and many of those \nalive being weak and sick; all the \ncorn and bread amongst them all \nhardly sufficient to feed them a fort- \nnight, insomuch that the remainder \nof one hundred and eighty servants \nwe had the two j'^ears before sent \nover, coming to us for victuals to \nsustain them, we found ourselves \nwholly unable to feed them, where- \nupon necessity enforced us to our extreme loss to give them all \nlibertj^ who had cost us about sixteen or twenty pounds a person, \nfurnishing and sending over. \n\n\" But, bearing these things as we might, we began to consult of \nthe place of our sitting down, for Salem, where we landed, pleased \nus not, and to that purpose some were sent to the Bay to search up \nthe rivers for a convenient place, who, upon their return, reported \nto have found a good place upon Mistick; but some other of us \nfound a place liked us better, three leagues up Charles River, and \nthereupon we shipped our goods into other vessels, and with much \ncost and labor brougtit them, in July, to Charlestown; but there \nreceiving advertisements by some of the late arrived ships from \nLondon and Amsterdam of some French preparations against us \n\n\nSHIP OF THE PILGRIMS. \n\n\n8 THOMAS Dudley's account. \n\n(many of our people brought with us being sick of fevers and the \nscurvy, and we thereby unable to carry up our ordnance and bag- \ngage so far), we were forced to change counsel, and for our present \nshelter to plant dispersedly ; some at Charlestown, some at Boston, \nsome of us upon Mistick, which we named Meadford, some of us \nwestward on Charles River, four miles from Charlestown, which \nplace we named Watertown ; others of us two miles from Boston, \nin a place we named Rocksbury; others upon the river of Saugus, \nbetween Salem and Charlestown, and the western men four miles \nsouth of Boston, at a place we named Dorchester. \n\n\"This dispersion troubled some of us, but help it we could not, \nwanting ability to remove to any place fit to build a town upon, and \nthe time too short to deliberate any longer lest the winter should \nsurprise us before we had builded our houses. The best counsel we \ncould find out was, to build a fort to retire to iu some convenient \nplace, if any enemy pressed us thereunto, after we should have for- \ntified ourselves against the injuries of wet and cold. So ceasing \nto consult further at that time, they who had health to labor fell to \nbuilding, wherein many were interrupted with sickness, and many \ndied weekly, yea, almost daily, among whom were Mrs. Pynchou, \nMrs. Coddington, Sirs. Phillips, and Mrs. Alcock, a sister of INfr. \n(Rev. Thomas) Hooker's. Insomuch that the ships being now upon \ntheir return, there was, as I take it, not much less than one hun- \ndred which returned back again, and glad were we so to be rid of \nthem. The ships being gone, victuals wasting, and mortalitj^ in- \ncreasing, we held divers fasts in our several congregations. And of \nthe people who came over with us from the time of their setting \nsail from England in April, 1630, until December following, there \ndied two hundred at the least, so low hath the Lord brought us. \n\n\" Well, yet they who survived were not discouraged, but bearing \nGod's corrections with humility, and trusting iu his mercies, and \nconsidering how after a lower ebb he had raised up our neighbors \nat Plymouth, we began again in December to consult about a fit \nplace to build a town upon, leaving all thoughts of a fort because \nupon any invasion we were necessarily to lose our houses when we \nshould retire thereinto ; so after divers meetings at Boston, Rox- \nbury, and Watertown, on December 28th we grew to the resolution \nto bind all the assistants to build houses at a place a mile east from \nWatertown, near Charles River, the next spring, and to winter there \nthe next year; that so by our examples and by removing the ord- \nnance and munitions thither, all who were able might be drawn \n\n\nROXBURY COLONISTS. 9 \n\nthither, aud such as shall come to us hereafter to their advantage \nbe compelled so to do, and so, if God would, a fortitied town might \nthere grow up, the place fitting reasouabl}'' well thereto. \n\n\"Half of our cows, and almost all our mares and goats, died at \nsea in their passage liither, whicli, together witli the loss of our sis \nmouths' building, occasioned by our intended removal to a town to \nbe fortified, weakened our estates, especially the estates of the \nundertakers, who were £3,000 to £4,000, engaged in the joint stock \nwhich was now not above so many hundreds. . . • \n\n\" If any come hither to plant for worldly ends that can live well \nat home, he commits an error of Avhicli he will soon repent him ; \nbut if for spiritual, and no particular obstacle hinder his removal, \nhe may find here what may well content him, viz., materials to build, \nfewel to burn, ground to plant, seas aud rivers to fish in, a pure air \nto breathe in, good water to drink till wine or beer can be made. \n... If there be any endued with grace and furnished with means \nto feed themselves and theirs for eighteen months, and to build and \nplant, let them come into our Macedonia and help us. \n\n\" Upon the 25th of this March, one of \"Watertown having lost a \ncalf, and about ten of the clock at night hearing the howling of some \nwolves not far off, raised many of his neighbors out of their beds, \nthat by discharging their muskets near about the place where he \nheard the wolves, he might so put tliem to flight aud save his calf. \nThe wind carrying the report of the muskets to Rocksbury, three \nmiles ofi\", at such a time, the inhabitants there took an alarm, beat \nup their drum, armed themselves, and sent in post to us at Boston \nto raise us also. So in the morning, the calf being found safe, \nthe wolves affrighted, and our danger past, we went merrily to \nbreakfast.\" \n\nThe Roxbury colonists were mostly from London and its \nvicinity, a few bein<2 from the West of England. They were \npeople of substance, man}' of them farmers, none being '•' of \nthe poorer 'sort.\" They struck root in the soil immediatel}^ \nand were enterprising, industrious, and frugal. It is the tes- \ntimon}' of an e3'e-witness, that \" one might dwell there from \nyear to 3'ear and not see a drunkard, hear an oath, or meet a \nbeggar.\" Among them are names still borne in Roxbur}- by \ntheir descendants, such as Curtis, Crafts, Dudley, Griggs, \nHeath, Payson, Parker, Seaver, Weld, and Williams. Out- \n\n\n10 \n\n\nKOXBURY COLONISTS. \n\n\nXAZING. \n\n\nside of Boston, no New England town can show such a roll \nof distinguished names as have illustrated her annals, unless \nCambridge be an exception. \n\nNazing, a rural village in Essex County, England, the home \nof man}' of the fathers of Roxburj, around which clustered \nthe affections and remembrances of their youth, comprises \nthe northwest corner of AValtham Half-hundred. It is on the \nriver Lee, and is twenty miles east from London. Its gable- \nfronted cottages, with low, thatched roofs and overhanging \neaves, show that this quiet little village has undergone slight \nchanges during the past three hundred years. The manor \nwas given by Harold II to Waltham Abbey. \n\n\nXAZi;;o PARisu cnur.cH. \n\n\nIts old parish church may be regarded as the parent of the \nFirst Church of Roxbury. It is situated on the side of a hill \noverlooking parts of Hertfordshire and Middlesex, bounded \non the west by the river Lee, and on the east and south by \nWaltham Abbe}' and Epping. Its parish records contain the \nfamiliar names of Eliot, Ruggles, Curtis, Heath,- Pa3-son, \nPeacock, Graves, and others, who, between the 3-ears 1G31 \nand 1G40, left their beloved homes and, for conscience' sake, \nbraved the dangers of a long ocean voyage in the frail vessels \nof that period that they might aid in establishing a Christian \ncommonwealth in the wilderness. The accompanj'ing view \n\n\nFIRST YEARS. PYNCHON. 11 \n\nof the church represents the building as it appeared when the \nemigrant fathers worshipped within its old gra}' walls two \ncenturies and a half ago. \n\nUnder the lead of Pynchon, the first-comers to Roxbury \nsettled chiefl}' in the easterl}- part of the town, next to Boston. \nFrom the town street, now called Roxbury Street, they gradu- \nally extended themselves in various directions towards the \nneighboring towns, notwithstanding the enactment of 1635, \ndesigned as a protection against the Indians, that no person \nshould live beyond half a mile from the meeting-house. \nJamaica Plain and West Roxbury were settled later. The \nfirst mention of the town occurs in the records of the third \nCourt of Assistants, held Sept. 28, 1630, as one of the plan- \ntations on which a part of the general tax of £50 was levied, \nand that da}' has therefore been fixed upon as the oflflcial date \nof its settlement. Roxbury- was the sixth town incorporated \nin Massachusetts. \n\nIn the 3'ear 1631 the ship \" Lyon,\" William Pierce, master, \nleft the shores of England with the first batch of Nazing pil- \ngrims on board. Eliot, the apostle, was there, with William \nCurtis and Sarah, his wife, Eliot's sister and their children, \nin compau}- with the wife of Governor Winthrop. They were \nten weeks on the water. In the summer of 1632 she once \nmore left the Thames for Boston, having among her passen- \ngers William Heath, with his wife and children, and several \nother Nazing worthies. Isaac, his elder brother, did not quit \nNazing until 1635. Early in 1633, John Graves, with his \nwife and five children, left their home for the shores of New \nEngland, and in 1635 the}' were followed by a large number \nof Nazing Christians who came over in the \" Hopewell.\" \nOthers came later, but emigration from Old to New England \nceased about 1640, when the popular cause there began to \nlook hopeful. \n\nThe first A'ear was one of great toil and privation. Fuel \nwas scarce, and the cold intense. Few settlers arrived in the \n\n\n12 \n\n\nFIRST YEARS. \n\n\nPYNCHON. \n\n\nfollowing year, the undertaking was so hazardous, and the \naccounts brought by the large number of returning emigrants \nwere so discouraging. In 1G32 many came, and early in 103,5 \na great movement in England among the friends of religious \nhberty sent three thousand persons to JNew England. Xfter \nIGoo, a season of abundance ensued, and emigrants steadily \npoured in. One of the earlier colonists wrote that \"bread \nwas so very scarce that sometimes I thought the ver}' cruml)s \nof my father's table would be sweet unto me, and when I \ncould have meal and water and salt boiled together, it was \n\n\nAUF.IVAL OF TUE \" WILLIAil AND FitANCIS.\" \n\nso good who could wish better?\" \"It would have been a \nstrange thing,\" said another, \"to see a piece of roast beef \nor mutton or veal.\" \n\nWilliam Pynchon, \" a gentleman of learning and religion,\" \nand one of the assistants or magistrates who came over with \nWinthrop, was, says Prince, the annalist, \"the principal \nfounder of the town of IJocksbury, and the first member who \njoins in forming the Congregational church there.\" In 1G3G \nhe led a party from Eoxbury, among whom were Henry \nSmith, his son-in-law, and Jehu Burr, to the Connecticut, \n\n\nPYNCHON S .MERITORIOUS PRICE. \n\n\n13 \n\n\nand began upon its banks the settlement of Agawam, which \nhe named Springfield, after the town in England, near Chelms- \nford in Essex, where he formerly resided. He was many \nyears a magistrate, and was largely concerned in the beaver \ntrade till, as we are told, \" the merchants increased so many \nthat it became little worth, b}' reason of their ontbnying one \nanother, which cansed them to live on linsl^andry.\" \n\nThis \" gentleman of \nlearning and religion \" \nhad the temerity to dis- \nsent from the dissent- \ners, and the publica- \ntion, in 1G50, of his \n\"• ^leritorions Price of \nOur Redemption,\" in \nopposition to the then \nprevalent C'alvinistic \nview of the atonement, \ncaused his deposition \nfrom the magistracy', \nand the burning of his \nbook in the market- \nplace of Boston, by \norder of the Court, who \ncited him before them \nand placed him under \nheavy bonds. The scene of this auto da fe was the head of \nState Street, where the Old State House stands. In this \nbook Pynchon attempted to prove that \" Christ suffered not \nfor us the unutterable torments of God's wrath, commonly \ncalled 'Hell's torments.'\" Pynchon's heresy has become \nmodern orthodoxy. The General Court condemned his book \nas false, heretical, and erroneous, ordered Rev. John Norton \nto answer it, and declared its purpose •' to proceed with its \nauthor according to his demerits, unless he retract the same. \n\n\n\"\"l/ln.iS^a.t^ /^yui-Oi^vt^ \n\n\n14 CHRONOLOGICAL GLEANINGS. \n\nand give full satisfaction both here and by some second \nwriting, to be printed and dispersed in England.\" \n\nAt the next Court, held in May, 1G51, Pynchon appeared \nand explained or modified the obnoxious opinions. Again \nhe appeared before them, says the record, \"in a hopeful way \nto give good satisfaction,\" and the judgment of the Court was \ndeferred till the next session in May, 1652. Before that \ntime, Pynchon, disgusted with the persecuting and intolerant \nspirit of those in authority, returned to England, where he \npublished a new edition of his book, with additions, in 1655, \nand died there in October, 1661, at the age of sevent3'-two. \nA street in Roxbury perpetuates the name of its principal \nfounder. No other memorial of him exists here save Eliot's \nnotice of him in the Records of the First Parish. \n\nRoxbury may fairty claim pre-eminence in literature of the \ncombustible kind, three of its eminent citizens having had \ntheir books burned or condemned to the flames, — Pynchon, \nRobert Calef, who opposed the witchcraft delusion, and the \napostle Eliot, The latter, indeed, avoided the honor of mar- \nt^'rdora by proxy, by a seasonable recantation. Toleration \nwas not one of the virtues of our Puritan ancestors ; it was \nthen a new doctrine, heralded bv Roger Williams, and was \nyet to undergo a long probation before it could be recognized \neven in theory. An Index Expurqatorius of the orthodox \nfathers of New England would be an interesting addition to \nour bibliographical literature. \n\nFrom various sources, especialh' from the diaries of the \napostle Eliot and Danforth, his colleague, some incidents of \ngeneral or local interest have been gleaned. \n\n1633, Nov. \"A gi-eat mortality amongst the ludians by the \nSmall Pox, whereof Chickatabut, Sacliem of Nepouset ch'ecl.\" \n\n1636. The Roxbury people worked ou the fortification at Cornhill. \n\n1636, Oct. 7. The General Court met at Roxbury, having ad- \njourned from Cambridge on account of the small-pox. \n\n1636-7. The Pequod War. \n\n\nCHRONOLOGICAL GLEANINGS. 15 \n\n1640. Great scarcity of money. The General Court order that \ncorn pass in payment for new debts. \n\n1643. The five New England colonies confederate for mutual \ndefence. \n\n1645, Dec. \"The first week in the lO'^i month. This was the \nmost mortal week that ever Roxbury saw, to have five dy in one \nweek and many more lay sick about town.\" \n\n1646. \"This year, about the end of the 5th mouth, upon a sud- \ndaine, innuuierable armys of caterpillars filled the country, devour- \ning the grasse, oats, corn, wheat and barley. They would crosse \nhighways by thousands. Much prayer was made to God about it \nand fasting iu divers piaces, and the Lord heard and on a suddaiue \ntook them all away iu all parts of the country, to the wonderment \nof all men. It was the Lord for it was done suddaiuely.\" Dan- \nforth says, \"they marched thorow our fields like armed men, and \nspoyled much corn.\" \n\n1646-7. \" This winter was one of the mildest that ever w^e had, \nno snow all winter long, nor sharp weather, but they had long floods \nat Connecticut which was much spoyle to y\" corne in the meadows. \nWe never had a bad day to goe preach to the Indians all this winter \npraised be the Lord.\" \n\n1G47. \"A great sicknesse epidemical did the Lord lay upon us, \nthat the greatest part of the town was sick at once. Few died, but \nof these were the choycest flowers and most gracious saints.\" The \nepidemic prevailed throughout New England, probably from the \nabsen<;e of frost iu the previous winter. \n\n1657. A synod held to ascertain who were proper subjects of \nbaptism. \n\n1660, Feb. 1. \"About 7 o clock there was an earthquake. At \nRoxbury the shaking was most discernible.\" \n\n1661, May 28. \" Judah Browne, and Peter Pierson Quakers, tied \nto a carts tail and whipt through the town with 10 stripes after \nreceiviug 20 at Boston, and again 10 stripes at Dedham.\" \n\n1662, June 10. A synod at Boston. \" It pleased God this spring \nto exercise the country with a severe drought, but some were so \nrash as to impute it to the sitting of the Synod.\" \n\n1663, Jan. 26. An earthquake occurred. \n\n1664, \"A great and dreadful comet seen in New England.\" \n1667, March 25. \" Samuel Ruggles, going up the meeting hill, was \n\nstruck by lightning, his two oxen and horse killed, a chest in the \ncart, with goods iu it, burnt in sundry places, himself coming off \nthe cart, carried twenty feet from it, yet no abiding hurt.\" \n\n\n16 \n\n\nCHRONOLOGICAL GLEANINGS. \n\n\n1G67, llmo. 4th day. \" Thei-e were strauge uoises in the air like \nguns, drums, voUies of great shotte &c.\"' \n\n1GG7, 12mo. 29th. \" Appeared a comet or bhxzing stream which \nextended to a small star in the river Eridamus, but the star was hid \nby reason of its proximity to the sun.\" \n\n1668, 3rd mo. 16th. The shock of an earthquake felt. Prodigies \nwere seen in the heavens the night before the Lord's day. \n\n1670, Oct. \"An Indian was hanged for killing his wife lodging \nat an Englishman's house in Roxbury. He threw her out at a cham- \nber window and brake her neck.\" \n\n1675. \"This winter past,\" says Eliot, \"John Sassamon was \nmurdered by wicked Indians. He was a man of eminent parts and \nwit. He was of late years converted, joined to the church at Natick, \nbaptised, and sent l)y the church to Assawamsic in Plymouth Patent \nto preach the gospel. Soon after the war with the Indians brake \nforth the history whereof I cannot, I may not, relate. The profane \nIndians prove a sharp rod to the English, and the English prove a \nsharp rod to the Praying Indians.\" \n\n1685. Contributions taken up in the church for George Boweu, \nof Roxbury, \"a captive with the Turks.\" \n\n\nSTOKMING OF NAKKAGANSEr FOET. \n\nThe war with the Indians in 1G75-6, \" Philip's War,\" as it \nis called, allusion to which is made by Eliot, was one of the \n\n\nrniLip\"s WAir. — loss of the chaetek. 17 \n\nseverest trials New England was evei* called upon to en- \ncounter. Of Roxbury's share in this contest, so destrnctive \nto the colonists, Eliot elsewhere sa^'s in his diar}-, \"John \nDresser dyed in the warrs and was there bur^^ed. He acquit- \nted himself valiantly. \"We had many slaine in the warr, no \ntowne for bigness lost more if an}' so man}'.\" \n\nOn July 6, 1675, a body of fiftj'-two praj'ing Indians, \nEliot's converts, marched from Boston for Mount Hope under \nthe \" intrepid\" Capt. Isaac Johnson, of Roxbury, who after- \nwards certified that the most of them acquitted themselves \ncourageously and faithfull}'. He, with five other captains, \nwas killed while storming the Narragauset stronghold when \nthat fierce tribe was destroyed at the famous Fort Fight, \nDec. 19, 1G75. The roll of his compan}', which also em- \nbraces men from the adjacent towns, includes these of Rox- \nbury : — \n\nHenry Bowex. Thom. Cheney. \n\nIsaac Moijrice Abiel Lamb. \n\nTho. Baker. Samuel Gardiner. \n\nJohn Watson. John Scot. \nOnesiphorous Stanley. Nathl'l Wilson. \n\nJohn Corbin. John Newell. \n\nWilliam Lincolne. Wm. Danforth. \n\nJoseph Goad. John Hubbard. \n\nSome who escaped from this sanguinary engagement were \nless fortunate in the Sudbury fight in the following April, in \nwhich Thos. Baker, Jr., Samuel Gardiner, John Roberts, Jr., \nNathaniel Seaver, Thos. Hawle}', Sen., William CleaA'es, \nJoseph Pepper, John Sharpe, and Thomas Hopkins, of Rox- \nbury, were slain. \n\nNew England prospered during the struggle between the \n\nParliament and Charles I. and under Cromwell, who favored \n\nher in many ways. AVith the accession of Charles II there \n\ncame a change. Thenceforth there was a constant struggle \n\n2 \n\n\n18 OVERTHROW OF ANDROS. \n\nfor colonial rights under the charter. Tlie General Court; in \nits efforts for their preservation, attempted to remove causes \nof offence, such as Eliot's book favoring a republic, which it \ncondemned to the flames, and by modif3'iug its laws against \nQuakers. The}- succeeded so far as to delay for nearly a \nquarter of a century a catastrophe the}' could not prevent. \nAmong other petitions to the General Court praying it to be \nfirm in its resolution ' ' to adhere to the Patent and the priv- \nileges thereof,\" is one dated Oct. 25, 1664, and signed by \nJohn Eliot, John Bowles, Edward Bridg, Phillip Torrey, \nRobert Pepper, Samuel Williams, Samuel Scarbrow, Joseph \nGriggs, Samuel May. William Lion, Moses Graffs, Samuel \nRuggles, Isaac Curtis, and many other inhabitants of Rox- \nbur}'. They request the honored Court, both magistrates \nand deputies, to '' stand fast in our present libertj-'s,\" and \nassure them they will pray the Lord to ' ' assist them to stere \nright in these shaking times.\" \n\nThe abrogation of its charter in 1685 b}- James II, and the \narbitrar}' government of Audros, stirred Massachusetts to its \nprofoundest depths. The royal governor, with four of his \ncouncil, were empowered to make laws and raise monej's with- \nout an}^ assembly or consent of the people. The laws were \nnot printed. Town meetings were prohibited, excepting on a \ncertain day once a year. Heavy fees were extorted, fifty \nshillings being the cost for the probate of a will. This was \nnot all, for their charter being gone, their title to their lands \nand estates weiat with it, and \" all was the King's, and they \nmust take patents from his new representatives, and give \nwhat they see meet to impose.\" The people saw themselves \ndeprived of the privileges of Englishmen, and that their con- \ndition was little better than slaver}'. They said, \" Oar rulers \nare those that hate us and the churches of Christ and his ser- \nvants in the ministry ; they are their daily scorn, taunt, and \nreproach, and yet are we, our lives and liberties, civil and \necclesiastical, in their hands to do with as they please.\" \n\n\nREVOLUTION OF 1081). 19 \n\nEarly in 1689, upon a rumor that the Prince of Orange had \nlanded in England, the flame ^hich had long been smothered \nburst forth with violence, and on April ISth Gov. Andros, \nEdward Randolph, such of the council as had been most \nactive, and other obnoxious persons, about fifty in all, were \nseized and confined, and the old magistrates reinstated. The \nmen of Roxbury took part with their brethren of Boston in \nthis revolntionar}- proceeding, and assisted them in the \ncapture of Fort Hill and the Castle. On May 9th she \nsent Lieut. Samuel Ruggles and Nathaniel Holmes to meet \ndeputies from the other towns to settle and establish the \ngovernment. 1 ae instructions given at this meeting being \ntoo general, another was called, the record of which fol- \nlows : — \n\n*' At a meeting of the inhabitants of Roxbury, orderly called upon \nthe 20tii day of this instant May, it was signifyed by the sayd inhab- \nitants that it was their desire that the governor, deputy governor, \nand such assistants as were chosen and sworn in the year 168G, \nshould resume the government of the colony according to charter \nliberty. \" JXO GORE Clerk.\" \n\nJoLn Bowles and Lieut. Ruggles represented the town at \nanother meeting, held at the same place June 5th, '' to con- \nsult for the pi'esent emergency'.\" \n\nFor the next three quarters of a century the local annals \nof Roxbury furnish few items of general interest. The cap- \nture of Louisburg in 1745, and the Seven Years' War, ending \nin the conquest of Canada in 1763, necessarily drew upon \nher resources, but with slight disturlmnce to her peaceful \nprogress as an agricultural community. Tanning, leather- \ndressing, and other industrial pursuits flourished, and a fair \nshare of prosperity seems to have been hers. \n\nWith the passage of the Stamp Act, earl}- in 1765, the \nAmerican Revolution may be said to have begun ; for although \nits repeal a year later removed that bone of contention, the \ndiscussions to which it gave rise had aroused an antagonism \n\n\n20 STAMP ACT. \n\nthat was constantly increased by new acts of aggression, and \nthat ceased onl}- with the achievement of American independ- \nence. Boston took the lead in opposition to the acts of \nParliament, and Roxbnr}' nobly sustained and seconded her. \nDr. Warren, \"William Heath, Col. Joseph Williams, and \nothers of her leading men were in constant communication \nwith Samuel Adams and other master spirits of what was \nthen the \" Hub \" of revolution, and co-operated with them in \ncounsel and in action. The town meetings were held in the \nold meeting house of the First Parish. \n\nLooking over her records of this period, one is not surprised \nthat Lord Dartmouth, his Majesty's secretary for the colonies, \nshould have written to Governor Hutchinson that \" The \nresolves of Roxbur}', Marblehead, and Plymouth contained \nvery extraordinary doctrines,\" or that he should express the \nhope that few would follow their example, and that the House \nof Representatives would discountenance them. Many of \nthese papers were written b}' Heath, and are vigorous and \nforcible presentations of the views and feelings of the people \nat large. The bold signature of Deacon Samuel Gridley, the \nveteran town clerk of Roxbur}-, is appended to all these ante- \nrevolutionar}' documents. \n\nIn the first of these, dated Oct. 22, 1765, the town in- \nstructs its representative. Col. Joseph Williams, to urge the \nrepeal of the Stamp Act, and declares its unwillingness to \nsubmit to internal taxes other than those imposed by the \nGeneral Court. This is its brief and expressive language : — \n\n\" That you readily joiu in such dutiful remonstrances and humble \npetitions to the King and parliament, and other decent measures as \nmay have a tendency to obtain a repeal of the Stamp Act, and a \nremoval of the heavy burthens imposed on the American British \nColonies therebj'. And that you do not give your assent to any act \nof assembly that shall imply the willingness of your constituents to \nsubmit to any internal taxes that are imposed, any otherwise than \nby the Great and General Court of the Province according to the \n\n\nNON-IMPORTATION. 21 \n\nConstitution of this government. \"We also recommend a clear, \nexplicit and spirited assertion and vindication of oar rights and \nliberties as inherent in our very natures, and confirmed to us by \ncharter. \"Timothy Stevexs. \n\nEbexezer Newell. \n\nEleazer Weld.\" \n\nOne of the most important results of the agitation, caused \nby the laj-ing of duties upon glass, paper, painters' colors, \nand tea, in 1767, was the resolution to stop importation, and \nat the same time to create and develop domestic manufactures. \nUndoubtedl}' this policy had its rise in the idea of enforcing \na hearing for the protests of America, rather than in that far- \nseeing statesmanship that prescribes such a course upon its \nown merits, and it soon became general throughout the colo- \nnies. At a town meeting held Dec. 7, 1767, of which Joseph \nWilliams was moderator, it was resolved, that — \n\n\" This town will take all proper and Legall measures to encourage \nthe produce and manufactures of this Province, and to lessen the \nuse of superfluities imported from abroad, viz, Loaf sugar, mus- \ntard, starch, malt liquors, cheese, limes, lemons, Tea of all sorts, \nsnufis, Glew, cheney ware, Pewterers Hollow ware, all sorts of mil- \nlinery ware, stays, Hatts, ready made apparell of all sorts. Gloves, \nshoes. Broadcloths, that cost more than ten shillings per yard, Mulls, \nfurs, and tippets. Lace of all sorts, sole leather, jewelers ware, Gold \nand silver Buttons aud Plate, silk Velvets, cambricks, silks, Linseed \noyle, cordage, anchors, coaches and carriages, House furniture, \nnails, clocks and watches, fire engines &c. Provided that Boston \nand the neighboring towns will come into it, And as it is the opin- \nion of this town that divers new manufactures may be set up in \nAmerica to its great advantage, aud some others carried to a greater \nextent, therefore voted that this town will by all prudent ways aud \nmeans, encourage the use and consumption of glass and paper made \nin the Colonies of America, and more especially in this Province, \nand also of Linnen and woolen cloths.\" \n\nThe committee to procure subscriptions to this document \nwere WilUam Bowdoin, Col. Joseph Williams, Capt. Eleazer \nWilliams, Deacon Samuel Gridley, Eleazer Weld, Henry Wil- \n\n\n22 KOXBUKY IXSTEUCTS HER REPRESENTATIVE. \n\nHams, and Capt. Joseph Maj'O. At a subsequent meeting \nfor the purpose of \" strengthening the hands of the merchants \nin their Non-importation Agreement,\" the names of those who \ncontinued to import contrary' to its tenor were read, and \nit was — \n\n*' Voted, That we do with the utmost abhorrence and detestation, \nview the little, mean and sordid conduct of a few traders in this \nProvince who have and still do import British Goods contrary to \nsaid agreement regardless of, and deaf to, the miseries and calami- \nties which threaten this people. \n\n''Voted, That to the end the Generation yet unborn may Know \nwho they were that laughed at the distress and calamities of this \npeople ; and instead of striving to save their country when in immi- \nnent danger, did strive to render ineffectual a virtuous and com- \nmendable plan, the names of these importers shall be annually read \nat March meeting.\" \n\nAgain, under date of May 56, 1769, Roxburj instructs her \nrepresentative, and recommends a correspondence between \nthe House of Representatives in Massachusetts and the assem- \nblies of other provinces. Samuel Gridle}' was chosen mod- \nerator, and the report of the committee on instructions, acted \nupon sentence b}- sentence, was published in the Boston \npapers. These instructions, ten in number, direct their rep- \nresentative. Col. Joseph Williams, to \"proceed in a cool, \ncalm, and stead}' manner,\" omitting no opportunity to express \ntheir loyalty to their \"gracious sovereign,\" and to strive to \nthe utmost of his power ' ' to cultivate and maintain a good \nharmony and union between Great Britain and her colonies\" ; \nto maintain their \"invaluable charter rights\"; to strive to \npreserve the honor and dignit}^ of the assembl}- ; to inquire \n' ' why the King's troops have been quartered in the body of \nthe metropolis of the Province while the barracks provided \nheretofore have remained in a manner useless,\" and not to \ncomply with any requisition for payment therefor ; to inquire \nwhy criminals have not been prosecuted and punished, and \n\n\nTHE BOSTON MASSACRE. 23 \n\ndeclare, with respect to the revenue acts, that instead of \nbeing reconciled to them, \" we daii}' find them more and more \nbnrthensome ; and when we view the trade and commerce of \nthe Province under a very sensible decay and loaded with \nembarrassments, and the little circulating cash we have left \ndaily draining from us, and the revenue officers, like the \nhorse-leech, crying ' give ! give ' ! our groans and complaints \nare increased, you will, therefore, by everj- constitutional \nmethod, strive to obtain a repeal of those acts.\" The remain- \ning instructions relate to the encouragement of arts and man- \nufactures within the Province ; the removal of any unfavorable \nimpressions respecting this Province from the minds of the \nBritish ministr}' caused b}' misrepresentations sent from hence ; \nthe cultivation of harmou}- and correspondence between the \nrepresentative body of this Province and those of the sister \ncolonies ; and, finally, they enjoin frugalit}\" with respect to \ngrants of the public moneys, \"the load of debt remaining \non the Province,\" and the great scarcit}' of cash say they, \n\" is a loud call to this.\" \n\n\"Aarox Davis, \nCapt. Wm. Heath, \nCapt. Joseph Mayo, \nEleazer ^Veld, \nLieut. Nathaniel Ruggles, \n\n'■^Committee.\" \nThree da3-s after the \"Massacre,\" as the affray between \nthe soldiers and the populace in King Street, Boston, was \ncalled, a committee, chosen at a full town meeting, consisting \nof Col. Joseph Wilhams. Eleazer Weld, John Williams, Jr., \nJohn Child, Nathaniel Ruggles, Capt. William Heath, and \nMajor William Thompson, waited on Lieut. -Gov. Hutchinson \nwith a petition of the inhabitants of Roxbuiy,' praying for \nthe removal of all the troops out of the town \" immediately.\" \nThe petitioners say that, — \n\n\"Having often heard, and many of us seen, with pity and con- \ncern, the very great inconveniences and suflerings of our fellow \n\n\n24 \n\n\nTHE BOSTON MASSACRE. \n\n\nsubjects aud couutiymeu, the inhabitants of the town of Boston, \noccasioned by several regiments of the King's troops being quar- \ntered in the bod}' of that town for many months past ; in a peculiar \nmanner we desire to express our astonishment, grief, and indignation \nat the horrid and barljarous action committed there last Monday \nevening by a party of those troops, by firing with small arms in \nthe most wanton, cruel, aud cowardly manner, upon a numl)er of \nunarmed inhabitants of said town, whereby four of his Majesty's \nliege subjects have lost their lives, two others are supposed to be \nmortally wounded, and several besides badly wounded and sulferiug \ngreat pain and distress ; and the town still alarmed and threatened \nwith further aud greater mischief.\" \n\nHutchinson, on the same day, returned the followhig \n\nanswer : — \n\n\" Gentlemen : \n\n\" I have no au- \nthority to order \nthe King's Troops \nfrom any place \nwhere they are \nposted by His Maj- \nestj^'s order, or \nthe order of the \nCommander in \nChief of the forces \nhere. Everything \nthat is in my \npower to do with \nrespect to any al- \nteration of the \nplace of quarter- \ning these troops \nhas already been \ndone by me in \n\npursuance of the unanimous advice of His Majesty's Council. \n\n'T. HUTCHINSON. \n\n\n^ \n\n\n'To THE Inhabitants of the Town of Roxbuky, \nBoston, 8 March, 1770.\" \n\n\nliOXBUKY COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE. 25 \n\nOn the firm demand of Samuel Adams, the troops were \nremoved and quiet was restored, Copley's fine picture of \nthe stern old patriot represents him when confronting Hutch- \ninson with the memorable declaration that ' • Nothing short of \nthe total evacuation of the town, by all the regular troops, \nwill satisfy the public mind and preserve the peace of the \nProvince.\" \n\nThe bells of Roxbury were tolled in honor of the victims, \nwhose funeral took place on the same day the petition was \npresented. \n\nOn Nov. If), 1772, at a meeting held to consider \"the \nlate alarming report that the judges were to receive their \nsalaries direct from the Crown,\" Capt. William Heath was \nchosen moderator, and a committee, consisting of Col. Joseph \nWilliams, Isaac Winslow, Major Joseph Mayo, Major Nathan- \niel Ruggles, and \"William Bowdoin, were desired to report \nthereon, and to draw up instructions for their representative, \nCapt. William Heath. The committee, in their report, pre- \nsented on Nov. 23, insti'uct Representative Heath to propose \nan act appropriating a sufficient fund to support the judges \nand render them independent of the Crown as far as possible, \nprovided their commissions were during good behavior, and \nthat the}\" might be removed on application to the two Houses. \nA letter from the town of Boston, requesting a free commu- \nnication of sentiments '\"on our common danger.\" w'as then \nconsidered, and Isaac Winslow, Major Joseph Ma3'o, William \nBowdoin, Capt. Aaron Davis, Capt. William Heath, David \nWeld, Dea. Samuel Gridley, Noah Perrin, and Nathaniel \nPatten were chosen a committee to consider and report \nthereon. \n\nThe report of this committee to the \" freeholders and other \ninhabitants\" of the town, on Dec. 14, in the language of \nthe record, \" made great uneasiness in the meeting, and \nver}' difficult to understand the true state of the vote, and \nnumbers of the inhabitants withdrew from the meeting, \n\n\n2Q WHIG AND TORY. \n\nafter which said report and letter of correspondence were \nread over again and accepted,\" In this document, which is \nnot upon record, the committee observe that the papers in \nquestion contain nothing new, saving the following, viz., \n' ' The probability- from the best intelligence thej- have been \nable to obtain that the Judges of the Superior Court, the \nKing's attorne}', and the Solicitor General, are to receive their \nsupport from the revenues of America.\" Inasmuch, there- \nfore, as the town of Roxbur}- had already instructed her rep- \nresentative in this particular, they believe that nothing more \nshould be done. Their report, probably' drawn up b}' the \nchairman, Isaac Winslow, Esq., whose conservative views \nfinally led him to cast in his lot with the loyalists, is signed \nb}^ all the committee excepting Capt. William Heath, William \nBowdoin, and Nathaniel Patten. \n\nThe \" Boston Gazette\" gives full particulars of this stormy \nmeeting, at which the conservative element in the town made \na strenuous and wellnigh successful effort to check the popu- \nlar movement. It appears that after several unsuccessful \nattempts to ascertain the vote, the House was divided, and a \nmajority rejected the report of the committee, whereupon \nthose gentlemen and their friends withdrew. Moderator \nHeath then read the minorit}' report, prepared b^' himself, \nwhich was accepted, and which appeared in full in the Boston \npapers of the da}-. In this document the committee declare \nthe rights of the colonists to be fully supported and war- \nranted by the laws of God and nature, the New Testament, \nand the charter of the Province. \"'Our pious forefathers,\" \nsaid they, \"died with the pleasing hope that we, their chil- \ndren, should live free ; let none, as they would answer it an- \nother day, disturb the ashes of those heroes by selling their \nbirthright.\" \n\nAfter a recital of grievances, the}- proceed to declare in \ntheir resolves that they ' ' view these infringements and inno- \nvations as insupportable burdens to which they cannot sub- \n\n\nRESOLUTIONS RESPECTING THE TEA ACT. 27 \n\nmit,\" and express \" a grief of heart\" that the prayer of the \npetition of Boston to the governor to permit the General \nAssembl}' to come together at the time to which it then stood \nprorogued was not granted. They also thank the town of \nBoston for the \" great readiness and care discovered by them \nto do all that in them lies, to preserve the rights, liberties, and \nprivileges of the people inviolate.\" A committee of corre- \nspondence was then chosen, consisting of Capt. William \nHeath, Nathaniel Patten, Nathaniel Felton, Samuel Sumner, \nEbenezer Dorr, David Weld, and Capt. Ebenezer Whiting. \n\nNew occasion was offered to the citizens of Roxbury for \nthe expression of their patriotic sentiments by the scheme of \nthe British ministry to raise a revenue in the American colo- \nnies b}' permitting the East India Company to send their tea \nhither free of duty. It was at once seen that not only was \nthis an odious monopoly of trade, but that it was calculated \nto circumvent the Americans into a compliance with the rev- \nenue law. and to thereby open the door to unlimited taxation. \nSeveral of the young men of Roxbury were members of the \nfamous \" Tea Part\\',\" and lent a hand in making a \" teapot\" \nof Boston Harbor on the evening of Dec. 16, 1773. Com- \nmittees from the towns of Roxbur}', Dorchester, Brookline, \nand Cambridge met with that of Boston, in Faneuil Hall, on \nNov. 22, 1773, and were unanimous in opposition to the sale \nor landing of the obnoxious herb. \n\nAt a meeting held on Dec. 3, 1773, to consider this subject, \nthe town, after voting to pass over in silence the patrolling \nof soldiers '• about the streets of this town, with their arms, \nequipt in a warlike posture,\" chose Capt. AVilliam Heath, Col. \nJoseph Williams, Aaron Davis, Major Nathaniel Ruggles, and \nMajor Mayo a committee to draw up resolutions suitable to \nthe occasion. \n\nIn these the committee find reason to apprehend that the \nTea Act was designed to \" take in the nnwar}',\" and resolve \n\" that the disposal of our own propert}' is the inherent right \n\n\n28 THE NECK FORTIFIED. \n\nof free men ; that there can be no property in that which \nanother can of right take from us without our consent ; that \nthe claim of Parliament to tax America is, in other words, a \nclaim of right to levy contributions on us at pleasure\" ; that \nthe purpose for which the tax is laid, namely, for the support \nof government, the administration of justice, and the defence \nof America, has a direct tendency to render assemblies use- \nless, and to introduce arbitrary government and slaverv ; that \n\" a virtuous and steady opposition to this plan of governing \nAmerica is absolutely necessary to preserve even the shadow \nof libert}', and is a duty ever}' freeman owes to his country \" ; \nthat this plan is a violent attack upon the liberties of America ; \nthat whoever shall aid or abet in unloading, receiving, or \nvending the tea is an enemy to America ; and that those who \nrefuse to resign their appointments to receive and sell said \ntea \"discover a temper inimical to the rights, liberties, and \nprosperity of America, and that in such light they will be \nviewed b}- this town, from whom the}' may not expect the \nleast protection.\" Finally, they declare, — \n\n\"That this towu look upon themselves as in Duty Bouud to \nthemselves and Posterity to Stand fast in that Lil)erty wherewith \nthe Supream Being liatli made them Free, and that they will readily \nJoin with the Towu of Boston, and other Sister Towns, in Such \nConstitutioual Measures, as shall be Judged proper, to preserve \nand hand down to Posterity Inviolate those Inestimable Rights and \nLiberties handed down to us under Providence by our worthy \nAncestors.\" \n\nAs a consequence of the destruction of the tea in her har- \nbor, Boston was singled out for the vengeance of the govern- \nment. Her port was closed on June 1, 1774: ; Gage, the \nroyal governor, fortified the Neck between Boston and Rox- \nbury, and other measures were taken by both parties calcu- \nlated to precipitate a conflict. A Continental Congress had \nbeen called, and a Provincial Congress was to be convened \nat Concord on Oct. 5, 1774. To this body, Roxbury, on \n\n\nMINUTE-MEN ENROLLED. 29 \n\nSept. 28, sent Capt. William Heath and Aaron Davis, giving \nthem for their guidance the instructions voted by the town of \nBoston to its delegates, which, among other things, enjoined \nupon them \"to act upon such matters as may come before \nyou in such a manner as shall appear to 3'ou most conducive \nto the true interests of this town and Province, and most \nlikely to procure the liberties of all America.\" These same \ndelegates were re-elected to the second Provincial Congress, \nheld in February following. \n\nOn Dec. 20, after choosing a committee of fifteen per- \nsons, viz., Moses Davis, Daniel Brown, Major Nathaniel \nRuggles, Lieut. Robert Pierpont, Caleb Hayward, Ebenezer \nDorr, John Williams, Ensign Joshua Felton, Lieut. John \nGreaton, Stephen Williams, tanner, Lieut. Jeremiah Parker, \nMajor Ebenezer Whiting, Deacon David Weld, Col. William \nHeath, and Eleazer Weld, to •' carry into execution the agree- \nment and association of the late Continental Congress,\" the \ntown took the important step of adopting and encouraging \nits minute-men b}' passing the following votes, viz. : — \n\n\"To know if this Town will graut auy Sum of Mouey for the \nEncouragement of one Quarter part of the Militia in this Town in \norder to their Perfecting themselves in Military Discipline, agree- \nable to the Recommendation of the Provintial Congress. \n\n\"To Encourage one quarter part of the Militia Minutemen, so \ncal'd. \n\n\"Then Voted that they hold themselves in Readiness at a Minutes \nWarning, compleat in Arms and Ammunition ; that is to say a good \nand ISullitient Firelock, Baynot, thirty Rounds of Powder and Ball, \nPouch and Napsack. \n\n\"Voted that these Minutemen meet and Exercise twice a week \ntliree Hours Lach time. \n\n\"Then Voted to allow Each Person one Shilling LawfuU Money \nfor every three Hours Duty. \n\n\" Voted that their be a fine laid on them the said Minutemen in \ncase they do not appear at time and place as Prefixt by the Com- \nmanding Officer. \n\n\" Then Voted that the fine be one Shilling Lawful Money for their \n\n\n30 MINUTE-MEN ENROLLED. \n\nnon appearance unless they have an Excuse which shall be Satis- \nfactory to their Commaudiug Officers. \n\n\" Voted to choose a Committee to Draw up the Articles of Inlist- \nraent for the said Company of Minutemen. \n\n\" Then Voted and chose a committee of three Persons, viz — Col. \nWilliam Heath, Capt. Joseph Williams, Liev't Robert Pierpont. \n\n\"Voted that the Commanding Officer of the said Minute Com- \npany order that a fair account be kept of the attendance of those \nPersons, after having lulisted, that the said account may be brought \nbefore the Town when cal'd for.\" \n\nAt the meetings held March 6 and 20, 1775, further action \nwas taken upon this subject. The companies were reorgan- \nized so that there was one in each parish, the pay of the men \nwas increased to sixpence per hour, and the fine for non- \nattendance increased to two shilUngs. One hundred pounds \nwas appropriated for their pay. \n\nIn a letter to Hon. Harrison Gray Otis, dated \" Roxbur}', \nApril 21, 1798,\" General Heath saj's, \"The first company \nof minute-men raised in America in 1775 preparatory to \nthe defence of their invaluable rights and liberties, was \nraised in this town, and that compan}-, with others, dis- \ntinguished itself in the Battle of Lexington on the 19th of \nApril, 1775.\" \n\nThe \"Boston Gazette\" of Nov. 28, 1774, tells us that \n\" At a meeting in Roxburj^ last week for choice of military \nofficers for the first parish, Rev. Mr. Adams opened the meet- \ning with prayer, after which he was chosen mederator. The \noflScers chosen were, — \n\nCapt. Joseph Heath, Captain. \nMr. JoHX Greaton, Lieutenant. \nMr. Joshua Felton, Ensign. \n\nAnd at another meeting since, for another company, there \nwere chosen, — \" \n\nAaron DavIs, Captain. \nRobert Pierpont, Lieutenant. \nNathaniel Felton, Ensign. \nCapt. Joseph Williams, Sergeant. \n\n\nLEXINGTON. — ROLL OF ROXBURY MINUTE-MEN. 31 \n\nAggressive military operations having been begun by \nGen. Gage, in tlie expedition to Salem, for the seizure of \ncannon belonging to the Province, earl}' in March, 1775, \ncouriers were stationed by the Americans at Roxbury, Charles- \ntown, and Cambridge, the three avenues from Boston, to \nalarm the country should the attempt be made to destroy the \nmilitarj' stores that were being collected b}' them at Concord. \nThe wisdom of this step was soon apparent. \n\nThree companies of Roxburj* minute-men, commanded re- \nspectivel}\" b}' Moses Whiting, William Draper, and Lemuel \nChild, responded to their country's call on the 19th of April, \nand did good service ou that memorable occasion. Their \nlieutenants were Jacob Davis, Moses Draper, Thomas Mayo, \nJohn Davis, Lemuel May, and Isaac Williams. Heath, War- \nren, and Gi'eaton were activeh\" occupied during the day in \nassembling the scattered guerilla parties of minute-men, and \nposting them advantageously, the former, on account of his \nrank, exercising command, or so much of it as the impromptu \nnature of the affair would admit of. Moses Whiting's com- \npany afterward made part of Heath's regiment, and then of \nGreaton's, serving throughout the campaigns of 1775 and \n1776. Moses Draper led a company of Gardner's Middlesex \nregiment at Bunker's Hill. Edward Payson Williams, a cor- \nporal in Capt. Child's compam*, afterwards commanded a com- \npany in Greaton's regiment, and died in the service in 1777. \nHis first lieutenant, Samuel Foster, also became a captain in \nGreaton's, with Jonathan Dorr as his second lieutenant. \n\nOther Roxbury men who held commissions in the army \nwere, William Wyman, a captain in Patterson's regiment \nduring the siege, and who died in Roxbury, 3 March, 1820, \naged eighty-one ; Samuel Mellish, lieutenant and quarter- \nmaster in Greaton's regiment, and Robert Williams, lieutenant \nand paymaster of Henry Jackson's regiment, the father of \nMrs. Walter Baker, of Dorchester, and grandfather of Alex- \nander Williams, of the '• Old Corner Bookstore\" of Boston. \n\n\n32 \n\n\nEOLL OF ROXBURY MINUTE-MEN. \n\n\nComplete lists of these minute companies, copied from the \nState archives, are here given : — \n\n\" Muster roll of the company from Roxbury under the command \nof Capt. Moses Whiting, in Col. John Greaton's Minute Regiment \n(Served 28 days from April 10, 1775.) \n\n\nCapt. Moses Whiting. \nIstLt Jacob Davis. \n2d Lt. Moses Draper, \nSergt. James Herring. \n\nJoseph Smith. \n\nSamuel Foster. \n\nJohn Cluly Jones. \nCorpl. Gersham Jackson. \n\nJacob Whitemore. \n\nNoah Parker. \nFifer, Wm. Dorr. \nDrummer, John Gore. \n\nPrivates, \nJoseph Bailej'. \nWm. Bosson, Jr. \nSamuel Bowman. \nJonathan Brintnall. \nJames Burrel, Jr. \nStephen Clapp. \n\n\nEbenezer Corey. \nNehemiah Davis. \nMoses Davis. \nJonathan Dorr. \nJohn DoTvse, Jr. \nJohn Eayres. \nGeorge Geyer. \nJeames Goggen. \nJoseph Gore. \nJames Griggs, Jr. \nJohn Heushaw. \nDavid IIow. \nJoseph Hunt. \nJohn Kneeland. \nBenj. Knower. \nJames Lewis. \nJoshua Lewis. \nJohn ^Mather. \nJeremiah IMasher, Jr. \n\n\nStephen Mills. \nSolomon Muuroe. \nJedidiah Munroe. \nJohn Pai'ker. \nDavid Richards. \nJoseph Richards. \nMoses Richardson \nNathaniel Scott, \n^lichael Smith. \nNathaniel Talbot. \nLemuel Tucker. \nEbenezer Webb. \nJacob Weld. \nThomas Weld. \nBenj. West. \nEbenezer Whitney. \nThomas Williams. \nFrancis Wood.\" \n\n\n\"Roxbury, 7th Dec, 1775. A true and \nCompan,v iu Roxbury, commanded by Capt. \nWm. Heath's Regiment, the 19th day of Apr \nday of May and then dismissed. \n\n\nCapt. Wra. Draper. \nLt. Thomas Mayo. \nLt. John Davis. \nSergt. Noah Davis. \n\nPaul Draper. \n\nDavid Richards. \nCorpl. Daniel Lyon. \n\nDavid Baker. \nDrummer, Wm. Warren. \n\nPrivates, \nJeremiah Bacon. \n\n\nJohn Dinsdell. \nWm. Dinsdell. \nJona. Draper. \nNat. Draper. \nSamuel French. \nSamuel Gay. \nThomas Giles. \nMoses Griggs. \nThaddeus Hyde. \nLewis Jones. \nJosiah Kenny. \n\n\njust roll of the Second \n\nWilliam Draper in Col. \n\nil, when called to the 3d \n\nSamuel Mayo. \nJere. Mcintosh. \nJacob Parker. \nStephen Mcintosh. \nNat. Perry. \nJoshua Pond. \nSamuel Richards. \nWm. Salter. \nEben. Talbot. \nBenj. Weld. \nWm. Weld. \n\n\nHARBOR EXCURSIONS. \n\n\n33 \n\n\nJona. Bird. \nMoses Blackmail. \nRoland Clark. \nBenj. Core}'. \nTimotlij^ Crehore. \nNat. Davis. \n\n\nJno. Kueelaud. \nJames Keith. \nEzi-a Kimball. \nTimothy Lewis. \nSamuel Lewis. \nSamuel Lauchlin. \n\n\nIsaac Whitney. \nJacob Whitney. \nStephen Whtiuey. \nEufus Whiting. \nEphraim Wilson. \nMoses Wilson.\" \n\n\n\" Roxbury, Dec. 16, 1775. A true and just roll of the Third \nCompany in Roxbury, commanded by Capt. Lemuel Child, in Col. \nWm. Heath's Regiment, the 19th day of April, then called to the 3d \nday of May, and then dismissed. \n\n\nCapt. Lemuel Child. - \nLt. Lemuel May. \nLt. Isaac Williams. \nEnsign Samuel White. \nSergt. Eben Weld. \n\nStephen Payson. \n\nEzra Davis. \n\nIsaac Sturtevant. \nCorpl. Payson Williams. \n\nJohn Lowder. \n\nJoseph Weld. \n\nJoseph Brewer. \n\n\nPrivates, \nJohn Adams. \nElijah Child. \nJohn Child. \nAbijah Clarke. \nAaron Draper. \nIchabod Draper. \nPaul Dudley. \nThomas Dudley. \nPeter Everet. \nJohn Foster. \nEben Goodenough. \n\n\nJohn Foster. \nWm Gould. \nAsa Morse. \nThomas Parker. \nEben Pond. \nSamuel Star. \nPeter Walker. \nElijah Weld. \nJob Weld. \nDavid White. \nWm. Wood. \nJason Winch.\" \n\n\nAs the principal events of the ensuing siege are elsewhere \nrelated, onl}' such matters will be here introduced as are un- \nconnected with Roxbury localities. \n\nBoston was so closel}' invested that the British army could \nsupply- itself with fresh meat, straw, or fodder only from the \nislands in the harbor. This brought on several skirmishes, \nin which the Americans, besides being initiated in warfare, \nwere generally successful. The first one occurred on the \nmorning of May 21, at Grape Island, where the British at- \ntempted to carry off a quantity of hay, but were driven off \nb}' the people of Weymouth and the adjacent towns, aided b}' \nthree companies detached from Roxbury by Gen. Thomas. \nWarren was present on this occasion, and the hay, the object \nof the expedition, was burned by the Americans. He was \n\n\n34 TROOPS IN EOXBURr. \n\nagain present at a similar affair on the 27tli, at Noddle's \nIsland (East Boston) , where the British were again defeated \nwith loss. On Ma}' 31 it was ordered that the stock taken \nfrom Noddle's Island belonging to Henry Howell Williams, \nbe delivered to his father, Col. Joseph Williams, of Roxbury, \nfor the use of his son. \n\nOn the night of June 2, Col. Greaton commanded a part}- \nwhich took off about eight hundred sheep and lambs from \nDeer Island, together with a number of cattle, also a barge \nbelonging to one of the men-of-war, with some prisoners. \nThese successes so encouraged the people that they stripped \nevery island between Chelsea and Point Alderton of forage \nand cattle, and the lighthouse at the entrance of the harbor \nwas burnt down. \n\nThe forces under Gen. Thomas at Roxbury, early in June, \nconsisted of the regiments of Thomas, Learned, Fellows, Cot- \nton, Walker, Read, Danielson, Brewer, and Robinson, of \nMassachusetts, numbering four thousand ; Gen. Spencer's \nConnecticut troops, containing the regiments of Spencer, Par- \nsons, and Huntington ; those of Rhode Island, under Gen. \nGreene, stationed at Jamaica Plain (Varnum's, Hitchcock's, \nand Miller's regiments) , and three or four artillery companies \nwith field pieces and a few heavy cannon. On the 13th of \nJune authentic advice was given to the American commanders \nthat the night of June 18 had been fixed upon by Gen. Gage \nto take possession of Dorchester Heights. To counteract \nthis move of the enemy, the Americans, on the night of the \n16th, fortified Breed's Hill and brought on the battle of \nthe 17th of June. The success of the British on this occa- \nsion was so dearly purchased as to prevent the accomplish- \nment of their original object. Greene declared that the \nAmericans would like to sell them another hill at the same \nprice. But glorious as was the result to America, it was pur- \nchased at the sacrifice of one of her noblest sons, the saga- \ncious, fearless patriot, Joseph Warren. \n\n\nTORY ESTATES. ABATEMENT OF PROVINCE TAX. 35 \n\nAt the expiration of the siege, a portion of the army was \nsent to Canada, and the remainder to New York, the scene \nof operations of the following campaign. The citizens of \nRoxbur}\" returned to the homes the}' had abandoned to the \narm}', and the town resumed its wonted peaceful appearance. \nSome of the barracks were subsequently occupied as the \nrendezvous of recruits for the regiments of Colonels Greaton, \nBailey, and others. \n\nOn May 23, 1775, the town instructed the selectmen to \n\" take care of the estates of those gentlemen that have left \nthem and gone into Boston.\" The loyalists of Eoxbury were, \nwithout exception, men of high character and influence, most \nof whom abandoned valuable estates for the sake of principle. \nTheir houses and lands were leased by the selectmen until the \npassage of the Confiscation Act of 1779 made them the prop- \nerty of the State, for whose benefit they were eventually sold. \n\nOppressed as it was by the presence of large numbers of \nill-disciplined militiamen, who occupied its houses for bar- \nracks, trampled its growing crops, cut down its fruit trees, \nand inflicted much greater injury than the enemy's cannon, no \nwonder the town, in August, petitioned the General Court for \nan abatement of its Province tax. The petitioners say : — \n\n\"In 1774 the real aud personal estates were estimated at £19,572, \nout of which sum, upon a careful examination, £4,417 is totally lost, \naud the possessors, eighty-niue in number, are driven off from their \nrespective habitations aud employment, and whose estates now lie \ncommon and unimproved. In addition to which, the profits of about \nthu'ty of the real estates in said town, calculated at £2,378, have \nshrunk in value not less than three fourths. Of many others, the \nprofits have necessarily diminished on account of the encampment \nin their fields and orchards. The improvement of upwards of four \nhundred acres of salt marsh are also entirely lost. A great number \nof polls in the town (exclusive of those in the army) less than the \nyear past. That the town poor are removed from the workhouse, \nwhere their earnings went far towards their support, but in the \npresent distressed situation of the town they can't be employed. \n\n\n36 INDEPENDENCE. \n\nA. uumber of poor people who have heretofore lived without assist- \nance from the town, having fled from their habitations and business, \nare now calling upon the town for help, and many others, with their \nfamilies, it is expected will in the course of the next winter be throw- \ning themselves upon the town for suppoi't, and of consequence the \ntown tax will be much enlarged. This petition is not because they \nwant to shirk their duty to pay all they can, but because they feel \nthat their abilities will not admit of their paying more than one \nthird of their old tax. \n\n\"Eleazer Weld, \nNathaniel Euggles, \nJoseph Mayo, \nDavid Weld, \nIncrease Sumner, \n\n^^ Committee.\" \n\nIn consequence of this petition an abatement of two ninths \nof its tax was allowed. \n\nOn May 22, 1776, the town instructed her representatives, \nDr. Jonathan Davies, Aaron Davis, and Increase Sumner, that \n\"'if the Honorable Congress should, for the safety of the said \ncolonies, declare them independent of the Kingdom of Great \nBritain, the}^ the said inhabitants, will solemnly engage with \ntheir lives and fortunes to support them in the measure.\" A \nyear later, Roxbuiy instructs her representatives to favor the \nadoption of a constitution for the State, but it was not until \nIMa}-, 1780, that the instrument was accepted by the town. \n\nToryism, which had been so effectually repressed two j'ears \nbefore, again began to show itself. Pierce's diaiy, under dace \nof April 19, 1777, sa3's, \"There were five tories carted out of \nBoston, and tip't up in Roxbuiy. They were ordered never \nto return to Boston upon pain of death.\" Soon afterwards \nthe town chose Samuel Williams, \" agreable to an act of the \nGeneral Court, to procure evidence of the inimical dispositions \nof any persons in the town, and to lay such evidence before \na court appointed for the tryal of such persons.\" \n\nThe Articles of Confederation of the Thirteen United Col- \nonies were adopted by the town on Jan. 30, 1778. \n\n\nINSTRUCTIONS TO REPRESENTATIVE CLARKE. 37 \n\nAmong the evils experienced by the country during its \nstruggle for libert}', none was more keenl}' felt than the con- \nstant depreciation of the currenc}', bringing in its train fore- \nstalling and enhanced prices for almost everything. In one \nday, Samuel Williams, of Roxbury, cleared two hundred dol- \nlars, on sales of four hundred and fifty, the proceeds of his mar- \nketing in Boston. On July 12, 1779, a committee of twenty- \none from all parts of the town were directed to draw up \nresolves for appreciating the currenc}', and reducing the ex- \norbitant prices of the necessaries of life. They were to \ndetermine what proportion the prices of foreign and internal \nproduce ought, in justice, to bear to each other, and to post \nin the public places in the town the prices of articles specified. \n' ' disregarders \" thereof to receive ' ' that severest of all tem- \nporal punishments, the displeasure and contempt of the peo- \nple.\" \"For a second ofience,\" the}' say, \"his name shall \nbe published, in the several Boston newspapers as a pest of \nsociet}', and unworthy the confidence and esteem of all man- \nkind.\" \n\nOne of the ablest of the State papers of Roxbury is that \ncontaining its instructions to its representative, Thomas \nClarke, dated May 19, 1783. It was probabl}' drawn up by \nDr. William Gordon, chairman of the committee. Such \ninstructions it esteems to be a dut}' and a right, \" at this \ncritical and important period, when we are just emerging \nfrom a long and expensive war.\" It enjoins upon him to \nkeep in view the end proposed by entering into society, viz., \nthe preservation of life, lil^erty, and property, which are to \nbe enjo3'ed equally by all ; an observance of the letter and \nspirit of the Constitution ; a watch over the executive and \njudicial departments, that any malpractices ma}^ be discov- \nered and immediately stopped ; to secure the faithful and \neconomical expenditure of the public moneys ; a jealous \nsupervision of the public propert}' ; economy in the pulilic \nbusiness, and in the management of the public domain ; the \n\n\n38 SHAYS'S INSUKRECTIOX. \n\nnecessit}' of permanent salaries for the judges ; the mainte- \nnance of \"the financial honor of the State, and the establish- \nment of the militia on the most respectable foundation. \" In \nimposing duties, j'ou will remember that small excises pro- \nduce the greatest revenue by excluding temptations to smug- \ngle, and rendering needless a swarm of officers, who, besides \nthe enormous expense they occasion, prove obnoxious to the \ncommunity, and, generally, serve as tools to government. We \nheartily bless God that the war has terminated so honorably \nand advantageous!}', and take this opportunity of testifying \nour gratitude to our American negotiators for the probit}', \nwisdom, and firmness with which the}' have conducted.\" \n\nOf the fifth article of the treat}'-, recommending the revisal \nof the confiscation acts and the admission of the refugees, \nthey say, \"We conceive these acts to have been just and \npolitic, nor do we perceive, by any events that have yet taken, \nor probably will take place, the necessity or convenience of \ntheir repeal, and you are therefore to use your influence that \nthe absentees do not return.\" \n\nShays's Insurrection broke out in the fall of 1786. Rox- \nbury, as usual, performed her part in its suppression, sending \nher artillery company under Capt. John Jones Spooner, and \nalso an infantry company under Capt. Moses Draper, whom \nwe have already seen a lieutenant at Lexington, and a captain \nat Bunker's Hill. The artillery company, before marching, \nlistened to an address from Mr. Samuel Quincy, at the old \nmeeting-house, on the importance and necessity of a well- \nregulated militia. On Nov. 30, Roxbury sent some mounted \nvolunteers on a secret expedition, but they returned without \neffecting their object. A company of veterans belonging to \nthe First Parish, organized for the protection of the Supreme \nCourt to be held at Cambridge, with Major-Gen. Heath for its \ncaptain, and Capt. Joseph Williams and Hon. John Read, \nlieutenants. In the answer of the town to the address of \nthe town of Boston, the committee say : — \n\n\nSHATS'S IXSURRECTIOISr. 39 \n\n\"We are persuaded that there are grievances that ought to be \nredressed, and have instructed our representatives to endeavor to \nobtain redress. This town has borne a large share in the burdens, \nthe losses and expenses of the late war; many of us have lost a \nconsiderable part of our property ; many of our respectable fellow- \ncitizens have fallen sacrifices. We are, therefore, unwilling to part \nwith our freedom, purchased at so great expense of blood and treas- \nure. You may, therefore, be assured we will join you in a redress \nof grievances, in supporting with firmness the constitution of our \ncountry, and assist you in handing down to posterity, sacred and \nunimpaired, the freedom we have dearly purchased.\" \n\nIn the instructions to Representative Clarke, urging him \nto endeavor to obtain a redress of grievances, and to bring \nabout the re-establishment of public faith, public credit, and \npublic confidence, they also say : — \n\n\"With abhorrence and detestation do the inhabitants of this \ntown view and consider the late riotous proceedings. A community \ncan no more exist without government, than a body without a soul, \nand an attempt illegally and wantonly to burst the bands of civil \nsociety can be considered in no other light than the most consum- \nmate political suicide or rankest treason.\" \n\nAt the public celebration in Boston, on Feb. 8, 1788, of \nthe ratification of the Constitution of the United States, the \nfarmers of Roxbur}', with a plough and other implements of \nhusbandr}', led the procession. All the industrial arts were \nrepresented, and the occasion was one of extraordinary in- \nterest. One of its most attractive features was a ship ou a \nsledge, drawn by thirteen horses, and manned by a number \nof sailors, called the \"New Constitution.\" An old boat, \nirreparably leak^-, also drawn on a sledge, represented the \nOld Confederation. \n\nIn September, 1814, while the second war with England was \nin progress, the town, by vote, unanimously engage \" that \nthe inhabitants of the town of Roxbury will, by manual \nlabor, pecuniaiT contributions, and military services, do what- \never the executive of the Commonwealth shall require to put \n\n\n40 EOXBURY THE MOTHER OF TOWNS. \n\nthe State of Massachusetts in a proper posture of defence.\" \nThe veteran soldier, Gen. Henry Dearborn, was a member \nof the town's committee to take measures for defence ' ' in the \npresent alarming condition of the countr}'.\" \n\nNo sketch of the histor}' of Roxbury would be complete \nthat failed to speak of the numerous towns that owe their \norigin to her. A feeling somewhat akin to that of the West- \nern pioneer, who, when he heard of a settler within ten miles \nof him, felt that it was time for him to leave, \"population \nwas becoming so dense,\" must have influenced the early \ninhabitants of this town, judging from their migratory pro- \npensities ; and there are to-day more of their descendants \ninhabiting the Connecticut valle}' than are to be found in \nRoxbury herself. Her citizens were among the original \nfounders of Dedham, in 1635 ; of Springfield, in 1636 ; New \nRoxbury, now Woodstock, Conn., in 1683 ; Pomfret, Conn., \nin 1687 ; Lambstown, now Hardwick, in 1686 ; Dudlo}', in \n1731 ; Bedford, N. H., in 1732 ; Warwick, in 1744 ; Worces- \nter, Cole rain, and Oxford, besides others chiefly settled by \nher, as Scituate, Braiutree, Newbury, etc. \n\nIn answer to a petition of Roxbur}', the General Court, on \nNov. 7, 1683, granted a tract of land seven miles square in \nwhat was called the \" Nipmuck Country,\" for a village to be \nlaid out about Quatessit, afterwards called ••' New Roxbury,\" \nnow Woodstock, Conn. \"I gave New Roxbury the name \nof Woodstock in 1690,\" sa3-s Judge Sewall, \" because of its \nnearness to Oxford, for the sake of Queen Elizabeth and the \nnotable meetings that have been held at the place bearing that \nname in England.\" Oct. 27, 1684, the committee of the town \nreported a place \"comodiose\" for a township in the Nip- \nmuck Countr}' at \" Seneksuk and Wapagusset and the lands \najasiant.\" \n\nThither, in Jul}', 1686, some thirty families of Roxbury \npioneers, denominated \" goers,\" wended their wa}', bivouack- \ning by stream and grove, passing at JMedway the last outpost \n\n\nANNIVERSARIES. MAYORS OF ROXBURY. 41 \n\nof civilization, and tlience toiling onward over the old \" Con- \nnecticut Path,\" through thirty- miles of savage wilderness, to \ntheir destined home, traversing a distance of eighty miles. \nAmong them were Morris, Bowen, Bugbee, Craft, Chandler, \nDavis, Griggs, Gary, Johnson, Leavens, May, Lyon, Scar- \nl)orough, and others of the best families of the town. A \nlarge number were young men with growing families. Ed- \nward Morris, Samuel Scarborough, Samuel. Craft, John \nChandler, William Lyon, Jonathan Peake, and Henry Bowen \nwere men advanced in A'ears, going out with grown-up sons \nto the new settlement, leaving estates behind them. \n\nThe two hundredth anniversary of the settlement of Eox- \nburj' was celebrated Oct. 8, 1830, with great eclat. Upon \nthe square near the Norfolk House a procession was formed, \nconsisting of military, naval, and civic associations, together \nwith a large bod}' of citizens, who, under escort of the Norfolk \nGuards, marched through the principal streets of the town. \nAn historical address was delivered by Gen. H. A. S. Dear- \nborn, and a centennial poem by Dr. Thomas Gra}', of \nJamaica Plain. A dinner at the Norfolk House followed, \nand in the evening the town was illuminated b}' fire-works \nfrom the Old Fort, and a quantity of blazing tar-barrels on \nTommy's Rocks. \n\nOn Nov. 22 of the centennial year 1S7G, another cele- \nbration of the historic old town took place under the aus- \npices of the Roxbury City Guard. Gen. Horace Binney \nSargent was the orator, and the reunion proved an occasion \nof unusual interest, especially to the older citizens. \n\nFrom the period of her incorporation as a citj', on ^larcb \n12, 1846, to the date of her annexation to Boston, on Jan. 6, \n1868, the following citizens occupied the mayor's chair : — \n\nJOHN JONES CLAEKE 184G. \n\nH. A. S. DEARBORN 1847-51. \n\nSAMUEL WALKER 1851-3. \n\nLINUS BACON COMINS 1854. \n\n\n42 ANNEXATION. \n\nJAMES RITCHIE 1855. \n\nJOHN SHEEBURNE SLEEPER . . . 1856-8. \n\nTHEODORE OTIS 1859-60. \n\nWILLIAM GASTON 1861-2. \n\nGEORGE LEWIS 1863-7. \n\nIn closing this brief historical summary, there remains only \nto add that, after a ten years' experience, annexation has \nnot proved an unmixed blessing. The large real-estate own- \ners in the easterl}' part of the town, the prime movers in the \nproject, have been materiallj' benefited ; a more liberal scale \nof expenditure has been applied to public works ; and the \ncommercial importance of Boston has been increased to the \nextent of the added population and teriitory resulting from \nit. Roxbury has Cochituate water, to be sure, a matter of \ngrave importance to her, but on the other hand, she has lost \nthe control of her own affairs, being completel}' swallowed \nup in a large municipalit}' in which her influence is necessarily \nsmall, even her name, interwoven as it is with history, having \nfallen into disuse. A careful supervision of its own interests is \nessential to the well-being of every communit}', and this can \nnever be so easily and effectually done in a large as in a small \nbody politic. Let other towns heed the lesson. \n\n\nGENERAL APPEARANCE. 43 \n\n\nCHAPTER II. \n\nPhysical Characteristics. — Pudding-stone. — Early Descriptions of Eox* \nbury. — Localities. — Boundaries. — Titles to Land. — Persons and Es- \ntates, lG3(;-40. — Streets and Highways. — Street Lamps. — Conveyances. \n\n— Occupations. — Population. — Dress. — Fashions. — Food. — Houses. — \nFurnitiire. — Domestic Life. — Slaves. — Social Distinctions. — Sunday. \n\n— Currency and Prices. — Social Usages. — Apprentices. \n\nFIFTY years ago Eoxbury was a suburban village, with a \nsingle narrow street, and clotted with farms, many of \nwhich still remained in the hands of the descendants of their \noriginal proprietors. The town was concentrated in Roxbury \nStreet, all the rest was country. The territorial exigencies \nof the neighboring cit}' of Boston, with whose interests hers \nhave always been closely identified, have changed all this, \nand in its stead we now see broad avenues, spacious and well- \nbuilt streets, numerous church, school, and other public \nedifices, well-filled stores, extensive manufacturing establish- \nments, and a busy population of more than fort}' thousand \nsouls. \n\nThe prospect, from the peculiar configuration of the town, \nis constanth' changing with the point of view, and an air of \naffluence and comfort pervades the place. Upon its annexa- \ntion to Boston in 1867, a remarkable rise in real estate ensued, \nand a great impetus was given to its growth and improve- \nment. The most marked change in this respect took place, \nhowever, in the decade between 1840 and 1850, when the \npopulation increased from nine thousand to eighteen thousand, \na city charter having been granted in 1846. \n\nThe natural surface of Roxbury is uneven and rocky, hence \nits name, which in the earl}' records is usually spelled Rocks- \nbury, or borough. To this cause also it owes much of its \n\n\n44 SOIL. PUDDING-STONE. \n\nvaried and picturesque beauty, heightened as it has been by \nthe taste and skill displayed in its horticultural and architec- \ntural embellishment. \n\nThe soil is rich and productive. One of its principal fea- \ntures is the conglomerate or pudding-stone with which it \nabounds, much used in church building, its brownish hue \nimparting an air of antiquity' to the newest structure. \n\nGeologists tell us this stone was laid down by glacial action. \nIn manj' places this is \\evy apparent. One of the most \nnoticeable is on a wooded hill to the left of Washington and \nbeyond Townsend Street, where the once famous cave was \nlocated. On the southern slope, among the trees, are several \nmasses of conglomerate, the large, projecting round stones \nof which have been smoothed down uearh' to the surface of \nthe main rock. A chemical agency is observable in this \nstructure in the veins of quartz by which it is frequently \ntraversed. As this coarse conglomerate contains more cal- \ncareous matter than the slatj' varieties, and decomposes more \nreadil}', the best soil is found over this formation, which \noccurs in Eastern Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and it \nfurnishes the finest examples of exuberant farms and gardens \nin this State. The predominant direction of its strata is \nnearly- east and west, and the dip northerlv, approaching to \nforty-five degrees. The rounded nodules or plums show the \naction of water, and that the earliest of the deluges bj' which \nthe materials of the Roxbur}- conglomerate were accumulated \nmust have been of great power. \n\nIn view of the fact that this stone is so abundant in Rox- \nbury, and that the islands in the harbor are evidently the \nremnants of a once continuous similar formation, it seems \nextraordinar}' that not a ledge of rock, no building-stone \nwhatever, has been found in original Boston. \n\n\"For the country itself,\" writes Winthrop, soon after his \narrival, \"I can discern little difference between it and our \nown. AVe have had onh' two daj-s which I have observed \n\n\nEARLY DESCRIPTIONS. — WOOD. 45 \n\nmore hot than in England. Here is as good land as I have \nseen there, but none so bad as there. Here is sweet air, fair \nrivers, and plenty of springs, and the water better than in \nEngland. Here can be no want of am^thing to those who \nbring means to raise out of the earth and sea.\" \n\n\" If fresh meat be wanting to fill up our dish, \nWe have carrots and turnips as much as we wish ; \nAnd is there a mind for a delicate dish, \nWe repair to the clam banks and there we catch fish.\" \n\nFrom \"Wood's \" New England's Prospect,\" the earliest \ntopographical account of the Massachusetts colony, published \nin 1634, I take this first printed description of Roxbury : — \n\n\" A mile from this town (Dorchester) lieth Roxberr}' which is a \nfaire and handsome countrey town, the inhabitants of it being all \nvery rich. This town lieth upon the maine so that it is well wooded \nand watered, having a cleare and fresh Brooke running through the \ntowne; up which, although there come no alewives, j'et there is \ngreat store of smelts, and therefore it is called Smelt Brooke. A \nquarter of a mile to the north side of the towne is another river, \ncalled Stony river, upon which is built a water milne. Here is good \nground for corne, and meadow for cattle : Up westward from the \ntowne it is something rocky, whence it hath the name of Roxberry ; \nthe inhabitants have faire houses, store of cattle, impaled corne \nfields and fruitful gardens. Here is no harbor for ships because the \ntowne is seated in the bottom of a shallow bay, which is made by \nthe necke of land on which Boston is built, so that they can trans- \nport all their goods from the ships in boats from Boston which is \nthe nearest harbor.\" \n\nNext in the order of time is Edward Johnson's descrip- \ntion, written in 1652. He sa3's : — \n\n\"Roxbury is situated between Boston and Dorchester, being \nwell watered with coole and pleasant springs issuing forth the rocky \nhills, and with small freshets watering the vallies, of this fertill \ntowne whose forme is somewhat like a wedge double pointed \nentering between the two fore named towns and filled with a very \nlaborious people whose labors the Lord hath blessed that in the \nroom of dismall swampes and tearing bushes, they have very goodly \nfruit trees, fruitful fields and gardens, their heard of cows, oxen, \n\n\n46 EARLY DESCRIPTIONS. — EDWARD JOHNSON. \n\nand other young cattell of that kind about 350, and dwelling houses \nneere upon 120. Their streets are large and some fayre houses, yet \nthey have built their house for church assembly destitute and \nuubeautifled with other buildings. The church of Christ here is \nincreased to about 120 persons.\" \n\nOne more descriptiou of the old town tells us how it \nappeared just at the close of the Revolutionarj' war : — \n\n\"It (Roxbury) is about seven and three fourths miles in length, \nnot more than two in breadth in the widest part, and contains \nupwards of 7,100 acres. The soil, where tilled, produces good hay \nand all kinds of vegetables and fruit common to the country, but \nthe surface of the ground is in general rough, hilly, and rocky ; at \nthe lowest computation there are 400 acres of land unimprovable \nin the town ; the wood belonging to it was very considerably less- \nened in consequence of the extraordinary demand for the use of the \nAmerican army encamped in and near the town in the winter of \n1775 ; there now remains about 550 acres of woodland. It has sev- \neral high hills which afford an agreeable prospect of the town and \nharbor of BostoQ, and one large pond covering about 120 acres, \nnear which is a plain of a mile in length known by the name of \nJamaica Plain, remarkable for the pleasantness of its situation and \nthe number of gentlemen's houses upon it ; but only one river called \nMuddy Eiver from a pond of that name which is the source of it, and \nlies six miles from its mouth where it empties into the bay between \nCambridge and Boston. There is little trade here, though several \nbranches are carried on to advantage, particularly in skins and \nhides, but the chief dependence of the inhabitants is upon hus- \nbandry. It has 213 dwelling-houses mostly of wood, which lie \nscattered, not contiguous except at the entrance of the town from \nBoston; 18 tan-houses and slaughter-houses, one chocolate mill, \ntwo grist-mills, 167 barns, 160 corn-houses and smaller buildings, \nthree meeting-houses of the Congregational denomination, one \ngrammar school, and four other schools.\" \n\nOriginally well wooded, the town suffered from the cause \njust mentioned, which left little that could be used for fuel, \nsparing not even the orchards. \"Water was plent}' . Besides \nMuddy River, Ston}-, Smelt, and Dorchester Brooks, Jamaica, \nMudd}', and other smaller ponds, there were numerous springs, \n\n\nSTREAMS AND PONDS. — GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS. 47 \n\nof oue of wliich, in Roxbury Street, John Dane says, '• I \nnever drank wine in my life that more refresht me.\" Smelt \nBrook, one of the original features of Roxbury, is now \nannihilated. Stonj' Brook, which has its rise in Muddy Pond, \nwas once a favorite resort for anglers. It now serves vari- \nous manufacturing establishments. \n\nThe principal geographical divisions of the town were, the \nFirst Parish, Jamaica Plain, and Spring Street, correspond- \ning with its easterlv, central, and western portions. The latter \nreceived its name as early as 1690, and became the Second \nParish in 1712. A line in prolongation of Walk Hill Street \nto Brookline would nearly coincide with its eastei'u limit. \nThe central was named before 16G7, and became the Third \nParish in 1770. The two more recently constituted West \nRoxbury. These parochial divisions had all disappeared be- \nfore 1820. Punch Bowl Village was at Muddj' River, now \nBrookline ; Roxbur}- Precinct included the westerly side of \nParker Hill and vicinity ; Pierpont's Village clustered around \nthe mill, where now the Roxbury station of the Boston and \nProvidence Railroad is located ; and Canterbury, whose no- \nmenclature is a puzzle to the antiquary, was that rather quiet \nand obscure portion of the town, yet unvisited by Chaucer's \nPilgrims, lying between Forest Hills and Dorchester. \n\nFor a period of two hundred and twenty yeciva the limits \nof Roxbury remained essentially the same. It extended eight \nmiles from east to west, and two from north to south, and \ncontained an area of ten thousand six hundred and eightv-sis \nacres. On the east was Boston, parti}' separated from her \nb}' a shallow bay ; Brookline and Xewtou made her northern \nboundary' ; Dedham lay on the west, and Dorchester on the \nsouth. \n\nThe boundary line between Roxbury and Boston was es- \ntablished by the General Court in 1636. when it was also \nordered ' ' that all the rest of the ground between Dorchester \nbounds and Boston bounds shall belong to the town of \n\n\n48 BOUNDAEIES. — TITLE TO LANDS. \n\nRoxbuiy, easterh' of Charles Eiver, except the property' of \nthe aforesaid towns which the}- have purchased of particular \npersons. Eoxbury not to extend above eight miles in length \nfrom their meeting-house.\" Respecting the Dedham boun- \ndar}- there was much controversy, and it was not finally set- \ntled till 1697. Alterations were made in the Boston line by \nthe legislative acts of IGth March, 1836; 23d April, 1838; \nand 6th April, 1859. In 1838 one thousand eight hundred \nacres of Newton, at the extreme southerl}- part of the town, \nbounding southwesterly about two hundred and ninety rods \nupon Charles River, were set off to Roxbur}'. West Roxbury \nw^as set off and incorporated 24th Ma}', 1851. That part of \nRoxbury lying between Muddy River and the brook, its origi- \nnal boundar}-, was annexed to Brookline in 1844. In 1852 \na portion of Dedham was annexed to West Eoxbury. When \nits annexation to Boston took place, Jan. 6, 1868, Roxbury, \nwhich since June ^0, 1793, had constituted a portion of \nNorfolk County, again became a part of the county of Suffolk \nLands were originally apportioned as follows : eacn person \nwho came over at his own cost was entitled to fifty acres , \neach adventurer of £50 in the common stock of the company \nreceived two hundred acres, or in that proportion, and those \nwho brought over servants were allowed fift}- acres for each. \nWhen, in 1686, the old charter was annulled, and new patents \nfor their lands were required of the owners by Governor \nAndros, they purchased the Indian title in order to \nstrengthen their own, but the governor, intent upon the \nexaction of his fees, assured them that \" the signatures of \nIndians to title deeds were of no more worth than the scratch \nof a bear's paw.\" Each settler had a piece of marsh land for \nthe salt ha}-, one acre of salt marsh being equal in value to \nten of woodland or two of corn or pasture land. From the \nrecord book of \" Houses and Lands in Roxbury,\" dated \n1654, we find that the number of homesteads at that time \nwas between seventy and eighty, the possessors of lands \n\n\nPEKSONS AND ESTATES 1636-40. \n\n\n49 \n\n\nnumbering ninety. Scarce an}' of these homesteads remain \nin the hands of the descendants of their original proprietors. \nWhat appears to be a fl3--leaf from the original book of \ntown records, preserved in a torn and fragmentary state, \nsn4oplies us with the earliest list we have of the inhabitants of \nthe town. Its date is somewhere between 1636 and 1640. \nThe figures on the right of the names, sometimes erroneously \nsupposed to indicate the number of persons in the respective \nhouseholds, have an evident correspondence with the number \nof acres given in the column on the left, and are perhaps \na valuation in pounds and shillings. Some of the figures \nhave been torn oflT. \n\n\nA Xotc of ?/« Estates and Persons of the Inhabitants of Rockshury. \n\n\nACKES. PEESOMS \n\nAND ESTATES. \n\nACKES. PERSONS AND ESTATES. \n\n3 \n\nEdward Pason \n\n1 00 \n\n00 00 \n\n19 \n\nWilliam Webb \n\n4 02 \n\n00 00 \n\n6 \n\nMartin Stebbin \n\n2 00 \n\n00 00 \n\n20 \n\nThomas Pigge \n\n6 17 \n\n00 00 \n\n6i \n\nJohn Totman \n\n2 06 \n\n00 00 \n\n21 \n\nJohn Perry \n\n7 \n\n6i \n\nLaurence Wittamore \n\n2 02 \n\n06 08 \n\n21 \n\nFfrancis Smith \n\n7 \n\n7 \n\nJohn Stonnard \n\n2 00 \n\n09 00 \n\n214 \n\nRobert Gamlin \n\n7 03 \n\nn \n\nGiles Payson \n\n2 10 \n\n03 04 \n\n22 \n\nWilliam Chandler \n\n- -7 06 \n\n9i \n\nGawin Anderson \n\n3 01 \n\n00 00 \n\n22 \n\nWidow Iggulden \n\n7 06 \n\n10 \n\nRichard Pcacocke \n\n3 08 \n\non 00* \n\n22 \n\nAbraham H'ewell \n\n7 07 \n\n101 \n\nJohn Ruggles \n\n3 04 \n\n13 00 \n\n24 \n\nSamuel Chapin \n\n8 \n\n11 \n\nJohn Levins \n\n3 17 \n\n00 00 \n\n244 \n\n^Villiam Cheiny — \n\n8 \n\n11 \n\nEdward Bugbie \n\n3 17 \n\n00 00 \n\n24i \n\nJohn Pettit \n\n8 \n\n12 \n\nEdward Rigges \n\n4 00 \n\n00 00 \n\n25 \n\nRobert Williams \n\n8^-^ \n\n■^ \n\n12 \n\nEdward Bridge \n\n4 02 \n\n00 00 \n\n25.1 \n\nWilliam Perkins \n\n8 \n\n12 \n\nThomas Ruggles \n\n4 01 \n\n15 00 \n\n26 \n\nJohn Graues \n\n8 \n\n12 \n\nThomas Griggs \n\n4 00 \n\n00 00 \n\n27 \n\nEdward Porter \n\n9 \n\n12 \n\nJohn Hall \n\n4 00 \n\n00 00 \n\n27 \n\nJohn Roberts \n\n9 \n\n12 \n\nJohn Trumble \n\n4 00 \n\n00 00 \n\n-\"i \n\nDaniel Brewer \n\n9 \n\nVl\\ \n\nRichard Peper \n\n4 03 \n\n00 00 \n\n28 \n\nJames Astwood \n\n9 \n\nU \n\nRobert Seauer \n\n4 17 \n\n06 00 \n\n28.4 \n\nJohn Miller \n\n9 \n\n15 \n\nJohn Corteis \n\n5 00 \n\n00 00 \n\nSO \n\nGriffin Craft \n\n10 00 \n\n15 \n\nJohn Mathew \n\n5 01 \n\n00 00 \n\n37 \n\nThomas Lamb \n\n12 07 \n\n15 \n\nAbraham Howe \n\n5 01 \n\n00 00 \n\n37 \n\nJohn Watson \n\n12 \n\n15 \n\nArthur Gary \n\n5 02 \n\n00 00 \n\n39 \n\nMr John Eliot \n\n13 00 \n\nVok \n\nJohn Bowles \n\n5 07 \n\n10 00 \n\nThomas Bell \n\n13 IS \n\n02 00 \n\nloi \n\nIsaac Johnson \n\n5 02 \n\n00 00 \n\nSamuel Hagborne \n\n14 17 \n\n00 00 \n\nK.i \n\nRalph Hemminway \n\n5 09 \n\n14 OS \n\nJohn Johnson \n\n15 12 \n\n06 08 \n\nITi \n\nJohn Buzwell \n\n5 17 \n\n10 00 \n\n40 \n\nWilliam Curteis \n\n13 8 \n\n13 \n\nThomas W'aterman \n\n6 01 \n\n16 08 \n\nGeorge Holmes \n\n13 10 \n\n10 00 \n\nSamuel Ffinch, \n\n6 14 \n\n05 00 \n\nWilliam Parke » \n\n15 01 \n\n10 00 \n\n50 \n\n\nHIGHWAYS. \n\n\nPERSONS AND ESTATES. \n\n\n188 \n204 \n242 \n253 \n256 \n267 \n\n\nJohn Gore \nIsaac Morrill \nGeorge Alcock \nJohn Stow \nElder Heath \nWm. Denison \n\n\n15 16 \n17 00 \n\n20 03 \n\n21 02 \n21 18 \n24 07 \n\n\n00 00 \n00 00 \n00 00 \n17 04 \n03 04 \n06 03 \n\n\nACRES. PERSONS AND ESTATES. \n\n278 John Weld 23 03 15 00 \n\n288 Joshua Hewes 24 00 00 00 \n\n305 Philip Eliot 25 07 13 04 \n\n333 Mr Thomas Weld 26 01 13 00 \n\n356 Mr Thomas Dudley 10 00 00 00 \n\n\nMr Elliot \nJohn Johnson \nIsaac Morrill \nMr Sheafe \nEdward Bugbie \n'I homas Ffreeman \nRichard Peacock \nDorothy \n\n\n5 Kidds \n\n4 \" \n\n3 \" \n\n10 \" \n\n1 \" \n\n1 \" \n\n1 '• \n\n\nElder Heath \nWm. Denison \nJohn Stow \nThos Waterman \nJohn Burckly \nEdward Sheffield \n\"William Chandler \n\n\n12 goats \n2 \n20 \n\n7 \n2 \n\n\ndda \n\n\nIn 1652 the selectmen with three others were appointed to \nstake out highwaj-s, with full powers to settle all matters \nrespecting tliem. Twenty highways were laid out b}' Edward \nDenison, Isaac Johnson, Griffin Craft, and Peleg Heath, in \n1663, and their report, which covers nine foolscap pages, \npointing out numerous infringements on the part of the \nabutters, enables us to locate man}' of the old homesteads. \nOne of the first acts of the town prescribes penalties for \ntaking rocks out of the highwa3-s and leaving holes in the \nroad. In the early days these highwaj's were let bj' the j'ear, \nfor pasturage, and were generallj' fenced across with a pair \nof bars to keep out cattle. In 1663 it was agreed at a public \ntown meeting \" according to an ancient town order, that \nevery man should have a highway to his division of land in \nthe town where it may be most convenient for him, and so as \nmay be least damage to his neighbor, through whose laud he \nis to have his way.\" \n\nIn 1816 the old sj'stem of repairing highway's by working \nout the tax was abolished, and the amount necessary' for the \npurpose raised in the same manner as for other items of ex- \npenditure. In 1825 the streets, fort}- in number, received \nnames, some of which have been since changed, in conse- \n\n\nSTREET LAMPS. — COACHES. — OCCUPATIONS. 51 \n\nquence of annexation. In 1824, Roxbury Street was paved \nand sidewalks laid. The streets were first lighted in May, \n182G, lamps being provided l>y the inhabitants. Oil, wicks, \nand lighting were at the charge of the town. Gas was first \nintroduced on Nov. 24, 1850, sixteen years later than in \nBoston, but there were only ten street gas-lamps at the close \nof 1852, in which year the Roxbury Gas-Light Company was \nincorporated. A Board of Health was first established here \nin 1829. \n\nHourly coaches began to run between Roxbur^' and Boston \nin 1826. Before this the only public convej-ance between \nthe two places was a two-horse stage-coach leaving once in \ntwo hours. Prior to the establishment of hourlies, all who \nkept no carriages or horses walked into Boston, — a prac- \ntice much in vogue long afterwards. Even the ladies walked \nin and out of town over the Neck, and carried home the \nbundles containing their purchases. The \"Citizens' Line\" \nof Providence stages, Timothy Gay, proprietor, made daily \niTips through Roxbury, as man}^ as seven or eight coaches \nsometimes running over the Neck at five o'clock in the morn- \ning, this being the onh' existing route to New York until \nin 1834 the Providence Railroad was opened with a single \ntrack. \n\nOmnibuses, which first came in use in London in 1830, \nwere superseded here in 1856 b}- horse railroads. \n\nHusbandrj' was the chief occupation of the people, but the \nbusiness of tanning, introduced early in the last century, \nsoon assumed extensive proportions, and Roxbury became a \n\" great tannery for the country.\" This branch of industry \nceased here many years ago. Her two landing-places, one \non either side of the Neck, gave her for a time a commercial \nimportance which disappeared with the building of the mill- \ndam and the bridges. Since that period her manufactures \nand other industries have been varied and extensive, none \nnow having especial predominance, unless it be her breweries. \n\n\n52 POPULATION. \n\nAu estimate of the population of Roxbury in 1652 may be \nmade from Johnson's statement that there were then ' ' neere \nupon\" one hundred and twenty dwellings in the town. These \nwould accommodate about seven hundred souls. The slow \ngrowth of the town in the next hundred years is seen in the \nfact that the colonial census of 1765 gives her a population \nof one thousand four hundred and sixty-seven, or one hundred \nand sixteen to the square mile. During the siege the east- \nerly part of the town was almost depopulated, and ten 3'ears \nlater her numbers had not perceptibly increased. In 1811 \nRoxbury had one thousand twenty-six polls, four hundred \nand twent^'-eight dwelling houses, seveutj'-nine shops, twelve \ntan-houses, fortj'-two slaughter-houses, two grist-mills, one \ncarding machine, one cotton and woollen mill, one other mill, \nthree bakehouses, six hundred and ninety-four tillage acres, \nand one thousand six hundred and fifteen of English hay and \nupland. According to the United States Census, her popula- \ntion at different periods has been as follows : — \n\n\n1790 . , \n\n. . 2,226. \n\n1850 . . \n\n, . 18,373. \n\n1810 . , \n\n, . 3,669. \n\n1860 . , \n\n, . 25,137. \n\n1830 . . \n\n, . 5,247. \n\n1870 . . \n\n. . 34,772. \n\n1840 . . \n\n, . 9,089. \n\n\"j^thew Withington's map of November, 1794, the earliest \n\n- istifg map of Roxbury, gives the boundaries and county \nv^ad^' Jamaica and Muddy Ponds, the three meeting-houses, \n\n^civ'WO grist-mills, Pieipont's and Ralph Smith's. The first \neng»'aved map, made in 1832 by order of the selectmen from \nt^e survey of John G. Hales, presents all the topographical \nleatures of the town, gives the names of the streets, and also \nlocates every building then standing, naming a few of the \nmost prominent. A reduced copy of this accurate and inter- \nesting map faces the present chapter. \n\nClothing in the earlj' da3's, excepting that of the wealthy \nand professional classes, consisted of home-made fabrics of \n\n\nDRESS. 53 \n\n\\vool. Men wore jerkins, smallclothes, ruffs around the \nneck, and when out of doors short cloaks and steeple-crowned \nhats. Silk stockings were worn b}- the gentry, some of whom \nwore the stiff-plaited linen ruff, while others dressed in the \nbroad, falling collar. For the first half-century red stock- \nings, of yarn, worsted, or silk, were much worn in New Eng- \nland. Those of wash-leather were also used. The band, \nsometimes prepared with wire and starch so as to stand out \n\" horizontally and squarely,\" like the ruff, appears on most \nof the portraits of the Pilgrim fathers. In their day it not \nonl}- hung down before, but extended round so as to lay on \nthe shoulders and back. The}' were held generally by the \ncord and tassel at the neck. \n\nTheir Sunday' suits were elaborate, ornamental, and expen- \nsive, and lasted a lifetime. They wore broad -brimmed hats, \nturned up into three corners, with loops at the side, showing \nfull bush-wigs beneath them ; long coats, having large pocket \nfolds and cuffs, and without collars, the buttons either plated \nor of silver, and of the size of a half-dollar ; vests also with- \nout collars, but very long, having graceful, pendulous lappet \npockets ; shirts with bosoms and wrist-ruffles, and with gold \nor silver buckles at the wrist united In' a link ; the neckcloth \nor scarf of fine linen or figured stuff or embroidered, the \nends hanging loosely. The smallclothes reached below the \nknees, where the}' were ornamented with silver buckles of \nliberal size ; the legs were covered with gray stockings, and \nthe feet with shoes ornamented with straps and silver buckles. \n\nSquare-toed shoes kept their footing from 1689 to 1737, \nwhen the round or peaked toe, originally worn by our emi- \ngrant ancestors, came again into fashion. A stricture on the \ndress of the ladies in 1732 speaks of \" shoe-toes pointed to \nthe heavens, in imitation of the Laplanders, with buckles of \nft harness size.\" As early as 1G89 ladies wore dress shoes \nof silk and satin, richly embroidered. In 171(3 laced shoes \nfor women and children are advertised in a Boston paper. \n\n\n54 \n\n\nDRESS OF WOMEN. \n\n\nA CAVALIEP.. \n\n\nUntil 1714 the heels were worn ver}- high. Soon after the \nsettlement, the fashionables of both sexes had large knots or \nroses of ribbon, generally- green, on the \ninstep of their shoes. Boots were sel- \ndom worn except b}' military men. In \n1651 an}' person not worth £200, wear- \ning great boots, was snbject to a fine. \nThe}- were as large at the top as the \nbrim of a hat, and onr thrifty sires very \nproperly objected to snch a waste of \nleather. Buskins, a kind of half-boot, \nworn two centuries ago, are mentioned \nin the inventory of Thomas Lamb, of \nEoxbnry. \n\nThe usual mode of wearing the hair \nwas in the close-cropped fashion of the \nRoundheads ; but there were always \nthose who wore their hair long as a matter of taste, in \ndefiance of the straitlaced brethren. A law against this \n'' feminine protexity\" was passed as early as 1649, and was \nstrenuously advocated by the apostle Eliot. \n\nThe simple costume of our Puritan mothers was a cheap \nstraw bonnet, with only one bow without, and \" no ornament \nbut the face within \" ; a calico dress of sober colors, high up \nin the neck, with a simple white muslin collar just peeping \nover the top ; a neat little shawl, and a stout pair of shoes. \nThe young women also wore plain and homespun clothing \nordinarily, but on Sunday appeared in silk hoods, lace neck- \nerchiefs, slashed sleeves, and embroidered caps. The pro- \npriety of wearing veils in public was a matter of sharp con- \ntroversy. The law required all to dress within their means, \nand Mistress Alice Flynt, when accused of wearing a silk \nhood, was obliged to prove that she was worth £200 in money \nin order to exonerate herself. The use of calico by the \nwomen became general after the Revolution, but home-made \n\n\nDRESS . — FASHIONS . 55 \n\nlinens, especially a pattern of blue check, were then much \nworn. The ladies had their silk robes, which, however, were \nnot for daily wear. \n\nIn 1639 a law was passed against the \"excessive wearing \nof lace and other superfluities tending to the nourishing of \npride and exhausting of men's estates,\" and that \" hereafter, \nno garment shall be made with short sleeves whereby the \nnakedness of the arme may be discovered ; and such as have \ngarments already made with short sleeves shell not hereafter \nwear the same unless the}- cover their arms to the wrist with \nlinen or otherwise ; and no person shall make an}' garment \nfor women or any of their sex with sleeves more than half an \nell wide ; present reformation of immoderate great breeches, \nknots of ribbon, broad shoulder bands and vayles, silk roses, \ndouble ruffs and cuffes &c.\" was also enjoined. \n\nPicturesqueness of costume went out with chivahy, and \nfew things could be uglier than an Englishman of James II \nor William and Mary's days, except an Englishman of the \nmodern tight and buttoned period. About the middle of \nthe last century cocked hats, wigs, and cloaks of every variety \nof color, not excepting red, were worn. Sometimes the cape \nand collar were of velvet, and of a different color from the \ncoat. In winter, round coats, made stiff with buckram and \ncoming down to the knees in front, were worn. Boj's wore \nwigs and cocked hats until about 1790. Powder was in use \namong gentlemen even later. Ebenezer Fox thus describes \nthe dress of Obadiah Curtis, of Iloxbur\\-, in 1776 : \" He \nwas habited according to the fashion of gentlemen of those \ndays, in a three-cornered hat, a club wig, a long coat of \nample dimensions, that appeared to have been made with \nreference to his future growth ; breeches with huge knee \nbuckles, and shoes fastened in the same manner.\" \n\nAt this period dress was much attended to bj' both sexes. \nThe toilet of the ladies was elaborate, especially the hair, \nwhich was arranged on crape cushions so as to stand up high. \n\n\n56 FOOD. \n\nSometimes ladies were dressed tlie day before a party, and \nslept in eas3'-cliairs to keep their hair in condition. Hoops \n\" of monstrous size\" were indispensable in full dress. \n\nNear the close of the last centur}' the fashions, as well as \nthe forms of soeiet}', underwent considerable changes in con- \nsequence of the French ^ie volution. Wigs began to disap- \npear in France when Franklin appeared* at the Court of \nLouis XVI in his own hair. Powder for the hair became \nunfashionable, wearing the hair tied was given up, and short \nhair became common. The round hat came in ; resented at \nfirst bj' wearers of the old cocked hat, it notwithstanding \nsoon gained headwa}-. A loose dress for the lower limbs was \nadopted ; colored garments went out of use, and dark or \nblack were substituted ; buckles disappeared. \n\nTheir poverty made simplicit}' of living a necessity, and \nan}' cooking which required sugar was too expensive for our \nearly ancestors. For a century and a half the morning and \nevening repast consisted of boiled Indian meal and milk, or \nof porridge or broth made of pease and beans, dealt out in \nsmall wooden bowls, and flavored b}' being boiled with salted \nbeef or pork. Hasty pudding and succotash were common \narticles of diet. Home-brewed beer was accounted a neces- \nsary' of life, and the orchards soon yielded a bountiful supply \nof cider. Bread was made of \"rye and Indian,\" instead of \nflour. \n\nThe noonda}' meal, despatched in fifteen minutes, began \nwith Indian pudding, relished with a little molasses. Next \ncame a piece of broiled salt pork with cabbage, or black \nbroth, fried eggs, brown bread and cider. The dinner of \n\" boiled victuals\" was served in wooden trenchers. In their \nseason the}' had melons, and for extra occasions a little \neheriy wine. The meat of the shagbark was dried and \npounded and then put into their porridge to thicken it. The \nbarley fire cake was served at breakfast. They parched corn \nand pounded it, and made it into a nocake. Baked pumpkins \n\n\nEARLY HOUSES. 57 \n\nwere common. The extra dish for company was a cake made \nof strawberries and parched corn. There was in the begin- \nning little butcher's meat, a want supplied to a considerable \nextent b}- game and fish. Baked beans, baked Indian pud- \nding, and newly baked rye and Indian bread on Wednesday, \nand salt-fish regularl}- on Saturdays, are historical dishes, \nthough graduall}- losing their hold. \n\nAlthough potatoes were sent here as early as 1628 or 1629 \nfor seed, they were not made an article of daih' food until \nabout the year 1800, when the}- took the place of turnips, \nwhich had previously been in common use. A writer in a \nBoston paper, more than a century ago, said, \"In 1761 we \nbegan to plant the Spanish potato ; corn, etc., being so scarce. \n1762 and 1763 were years of scarcit}', they would have been \nyears of famine, had not this despised root been providentially \nbrought among us.\" Indian corn, squashes, pumpkins, and \nsceva beans were indigenous. Tobacco, which was easil}' \ncultivated, was considered essential to health and comfort, \nand many can yet remember when every farmer had his \ntobacco-3'ard, as well as his cornfield. It was to him physic \nin sickness, and a comfort at all times. Most dishes were of \npewter. Forks were hardly known in England before 1650, \nand silver forks first appeared in Boston after the war of \n1812. \n\nThe first houses were of one story, with very steep roofs, \nmostl}\" built either of clav and mud, or hewn logs, covered \nwith poles and thatch. The chimue3's, which were usually in \nthe centre of the building, were commonly of rough stone and \nclay, or of pieces of wood placed crosswise, the interstices \nand outside covered with clay. The fireplaces, made of rough \nstone, were broad and deep, and were large enough for burn- \ning logs four feet long. They had huge fireplaces on either \nside of the entrance, and in the back kitchen. The hearths \nwere large, with capacious ingles for a seat, from which \ngleamed the sky overhead. These houses usually contained \n\n\n58 \n\n\nFURNITURE. \n\n\nbut one room, about twent}- feet square. The roof may have \n\nbeen of shingles and boards, thatch having been prohibited \nin consequence of frequent conflagrations. \n\nNot long after came frame buildings of two stories in front, \nsloping down to one in the rear. They almost without ex- \nception faced south. Frames, and \noften the planking and boards, \n-^^ were of heavy oak. The general \n^^-^ room of the family was long and \n^ spacious, lighted on two sides, the \nothers opening into the lean-to or \n•-lied. The windows, which were \nA cry small and opened on hinges, \nT\\ere sometimes of oiled paper or \nmica, but generally of diamond panes of glass, \n' thiec or four inches broad, set in lead. \n\nHouses of the period of Philip's war, when \nof wood, had their second floors project a foot or \ntwo, that their occupants might, if molested, \nthrough openings for the purpose, fire or pour \nhot water upon their assailants. The houses of Col. Joseph \nWilliams and of John Pierpont, of Roxbur}-, were of this \ndescription. Very few houses were painted, even at the close \nof the seventeenth centuiy. The tliird period of New Eng- \nland architecture saw the advent of the gambrel roof, with \ndormer-windows similar to the mansard style. This prevailed \nuntil the period of the Revolution, after which came the \nGrecian, with columns in front, seen everywhere in our older \nvillages. \n\nThe furnishing of even the more stateh' residences was usu- \nally plain and unpretending. The parlor contained a richly \ncarved mahogau}' sideboard, perhaps, with sofa and chairs to \nmatch ; a massive dining-table, and card-tables of quaint \npattern ; a fine large mirror, a tall Dutch or English clock \nwith its works of brass ; some pieces of silver plate, a set of \n\n\nEAKLY HOUSE. \n\n\nDOMESTIC LIFE. 59 \n\ngenuine cbina ware, and the ever-present punchbowl with its \nattendant decanter and goblets. Panelled wainscoting and \nornamental cornices adorned the walls, which were also hung \nwith imported paper. Painted Dutch tiles decorated the \nhuge fireplaces, whose furniture was resplendent with shining \nbrass. Silver or plated candlesticks adorned the mantel. \nThe high four-post bedstead, with its lofty canop}', and the \nlace window-curtains that hung in folds, gave an air of splen- \ndor rather than of comfort to the chamber. With all their \nluxur3-, however, they lacked many of the comforts and con- \nveniences that the poorest can now afford. Carpets were un- \nknown. \n\nIn the ordinar}- farm-house the parlor was at once kitchen, \nbedroom, and hall ; the \"settle\" or wooden settee took the \nplace of the sofa ; clean white sand served for a carpet ; the \nsideboard, mirror, chairs, tables, and kitchen utensils were \nof a smaller or inferior sort, while the wooden clock did dutj' \nfor the imported article. Candles of tallow dip afforded the \nonly light, and candlesticks were more frequently of brass \nthan even of plated ware. Domestic life in a New England \nagricultural communit}' of the last century was simple, labori- \nous, and economical. \n\nAppliances to lessen household toil were few. From the ex- \ncellent ' ' History of Pittsfield \" I quote as follows : ' ' The cook \nmust lift the huge iron pot which hung on the crane outswung \nbefore the blazing fire, and deposit and withdraw the baking \nin tlie deep brick oven with the long wrought-iron shovel. \nThe laundress performetl her task In' pounding the soiled \nclothes in a barrel of water with a heavy pestle, even the \nfluted washing-board having not 3'et been invented. Water \nwas to be drawn from the cistern or well by the most unaided \nprocess, the long well-sweep being the best mechanical assist- \nance to be had. There were the unpainted floors to be \nscrubbed, and an excessively broad surface of wainscoting \nand other joiner work to be kept clean. And when all this \n\n\n60 SOCIAL DISTINCTIONS. \n\nwas done, came the spinning, the weaving, the brewing, the \ncandle and soap making, and other toils now unknown to the \nhousewife. \"With all this, and the large families of children \nwhich were almost alwaj's the rule, it is no wonder that the \npercentage of mortality among women was large, and that \nthose who sustained themselves were accounted marvels of \ncapability.\" \n\nSome wealth}' families had colored servants who were \nslaves ; most households, however, had hired \" help,\" Amer- \nican girls or men who lived on terms of equality with the \nfamily. The signatures of the principal slave-owners in \nRoxbur}' are attached to the following petition : — \n\n\"Eoxbury, Feb. 28, 1739. \"Whereas it hath been too much the \nunhappy practise of the negro servants of this town to be abroad in \nthe night at unseasonable hours to y« great prejudice of many per- \nsons or familys as well as their respective masters, the petitioners \npray that it may be prevented or punished. \n\n\" Edward Euggles. John \"Willliams. \n\nJohn Holbrook. Ebexezer Weld. \n\nJames Jarvis. Ebexezer Gore. \n\nNoah Perix, Jr. Thomas Baker. \n\nEbexezer Dorr. Joxathax Seaver. \n\nNathaxiel Brewer. Joseph Williams.\" \n\nTitles were formerly matters of grave importance. A verj' \nfew of the best condition, including ministers and their wives, \nhad the Mr. or Mrs. prefixed to their names. All militia \nofficers, from generals to corporals, received their appropriate \ntitles. Goodman and goodwife were applied to the middle \nclass above the condition of servants and below that of \ngentilit}'. \n\nUp to the period of the French Revolution there were dis- \ntinctions in society now unknown. Persons in office, the \nrich, and those who had connections in England of which \nthey were proud, were the geutr}\" of the country. Modes \nof life, manners, and personal decoration were the outward \n\n\n\"exorbitancy of the tongue.\" 61 \n\nindications of this superiorit}'. The commencement of hos- \ntilities in 1775 drove a large portion of these gentry from the \ncountrj', but these indications continued among some who \nremained and adhered to the patriot side. Those who held \nconsiderable landed estates, and who were the gentry of the \ninterior, were the great men in their respective counties, \nheld civil and military office, and were members of the Gen- \neral Court. This sort of personal dignit}' disappeared before \nthe end of the last centur}-. \n\nTo secure universal attendance upon public meetings and \neven to the week-da}' lectures, innkeepers and victualers \nwithin one mile of the meeting-house to which they belonged \nhad to clear their houses of all persons able to go to meeting \nduring the time of the exercises except for some extraordi- \nnar}- cause. Violations of the Sabbath were made penal ; \nchildren playing in the streets, j'ouths, maids, and other per- \nsons \" uncivilly\" walking in the streets and fields, travelling \nfrom town to town, going on shipboard, frequenting common \nhouses and other places to drink, sport, or otherwise to mis- \nspend their time, travelling out of one's own town upon the \nLord's day, either on horseback, on foot, or by boat to any \nunlawful assembly or meeting, were all strictly forbidden. \nAs late as 1772, Nathaniel Seaver, of Roxbury, was fined for \nnon-attendance at church. His fine was, however, remitted \nupon his promise to attend public worship in future. \n\nFor ' ' the evil practices of sundr}^ persons bj' exorbitancy \nof the tongue in railing and scolding,\" the offender was to be \ngagged, or set in a ducking-stool and \" dipped over head and \nears three times in some convenient place of fresh or salt \nwater as the court or magistrate should judge meet.\" All \npersons were forbidden even to possess cards, dice, or other \ngambling utensils. One prevalent form of gambling, the \nlottery, though prohibited by statute, was yet sanctioned by \nthe practice of both church and state. Dancing was also \nprohibited. \n\n\n62 \n\n\nCUEREKCY \n\n\nPRICES. \n\n\nPINE-TREE SIXPENCE. \n\n\nAs there was little coin in the country, most of that brought \nover speedih' returning to England in pa^-ment for necessar}' \nsupplies, Indian corn and beaver-skins were in primitive use \nas money ; corn and other products, at fixed rates, be'ing \nreceived in pa^'ment of taxes and \nin ordinary pecuniary transactions. \nThe prices at which various kinds \nof grain should pass current re- \nquired constant revision at town- \nmeeting. In 1667, the town voted, \n\"That corn, amongst ourselves, shall pass current and be \npaid and received from man to man, — corn, 3s. ; pease, 2s. \n8d. ; barley and malt, 4s. 6d. ; rye, 4s.\" The first traffic \nwith the Indians was ])}' barter, to which succeeded the use \nof wampum. Want of silver for a circulating medium led \nthe colony in 1652 \nto usurp a right be- \nlonging onl}' to sov- \nereign states, — that \nof coining money. \nIn that year it au- \nthorized John Hull to \nestablish a mint, in \nwhich were coined silver pieces, the largest of which is known \nb}' its device as the \"Pine-Tree\" shilling. It is said that \nHannah Hull's dowr}- consisted of as many of these coins as \nwould outweigh the fair damsel in the scales. \n\nA comparison of the present prices for the ordinary arti- \ncles of domestic consumption, such as food and fuel, with \nthose in a schedule of 1698, shows that an ounce of silver \ncoin would at that time purchase twice and a half or three \ntimes as much as it will at present. Articles of clothing were \nthen much dearer than they now are, 3'et, when we take into \nconsideration the difference in the habits of society, we shall \nfind that the expenses of dress were then much less than they \n\n\nPIXK-TREB SHILLING. \n\n\nSOCIAL USAGES. APPRENTICES. G3 \n\nnow are. This is seen in the bequests of deceased persons, \na lad3''s dress in those days frequenth' adorning more than \none generation. \n\nThe social usages and manners of to-daj' are in marked \ncontrast with those that prevailed a centur}' ago. The moral \nand intellectual condition of society is greatl}* improved. \nThere is a greater variet}' of occupation. One change of \nincalculable value is the freer and more friendly intercourse \nof parents with their children. With increased means the \nstvle of living has acquired more of elegance and refinement. \nSocial intercourse is, however, less interesting\" and loss cor- \ndial than heretofore. One cannot avoid asking why this is, \nand what has been gained by the change. Marriages and \nfunerals were occurrences of much more ceremony than at \npresent. The bride was visited daily for four successive \nweeks. Public notice was given of funerals, and private \ninvitations also. Attendance was expected, and there was \na long train of followers, and all the carriages and cliaises \nthat could be had. Drinking punch in the forenoon in public \nhouses was the common practice. \"Wine was little used, \nconvivial parties drinking punch or toddy. Young men at \ntheir entertainments sat long and drank deep, compared with \nthe present custom. The punch-bowl, generall}' of china, \nwas for a long time, and until the j-ear 1800, common in \nfamilies of means. It usually held a gallon, and the beverage \nit contained was a customary treat for company and a prolific \nsource of the gout. The use of ardent spirits was almost \nuniversal, their abuse ver}' common. The}' were offered upon \nall occasions, ceremonial or social, — a call, a trade, a wedding, \nl)irth or funeral, a church dedication, — and to refuse was \nconsidered an aff'rout. \n\nA further illustration of the customs of our fathers two \ncenturies ago is seen in the following extract from the indent- \nure of an apprentice whom Samuel \"Williams, of TJoxbuiT, \nand his wife, Theoda, engage to teach the \" art, trade, mis- \n\n\n64 APPRENTICES. \n\nteiy, and scieuce\" of a shoemaker, agreeing also to teach \nhim to ' ' Wright \" : — \n\n\"The said Joseph shall truly and faithfully serue, his Counsels \nlawful and honest obay, his seacretts shall keep, hurt to his master \nhe shall not doe nor consent to be done, at unlawful games he shall \nnot play, nor from his masters buisnes absent himselfe by night or \nday, his masters goods he shall not wast nor imbezzell, nor them \nlend without his masters Consent. Taverns and ale Howses he shall \nnot frequent, except about his masters business there to be done \nbut as a true and faithful seruant ought to behave himselfe in word \nand deed during the said terme .... and at the end of six years \nto give their said apprentice doubell apparell, one suit for the Lord's \nday and one suit for the working days meet an comely for one of \nhis degree and calling.\" \n\n\nTHE NECK. 65 \n\n\nCHAPTER III. \n\nTHE NECK TO THE BUKYING-GROUND. \n\nThe Neck. — Dangers. — Paving. — Executions. — Salt-Works. — Gen. \nPalmer. — Fortifications. — Cannon secreted. — Siege begun. — Fugi- \ntives from Boston. — Roxbury Lines. — Rufus Putnam. — Brown's \nHouse burnt. — John Crane. — Roxbury Street. — Boston evacuated. — \nLosses.— French troops in Roxbury. — George Tavern.— \"Washington's \nVisit. \n\nA NARROW strip of land, a mile in length, originally \nconnected the peninsula of Boston with the mainland, \nand was the onl^' avenue of communication between town and \ncountry for more than a century and a half. From the site \nof the old fortification at Dover Street, its narrowest point, \nit graduall}' expanded, until at the line of Roxbury it attained \na width of about half a mile. \n\nLaid out as a street in 1794, the Neck from Dover Street \nto the line measured one mile and thirty-nine ^ards. The \nname, Washington Street, given it after the President's visit \nin 1789, and applied only to that part of the high wa}--, was \nin 183-4 extended over Orange, Newbury, Marlborough, and \nCornhill, the streets north of it, and over Roxbury Street to \nthe Worcester turnpike on the south. Washington Street, \nwhich now includes Shawmut Avenue, formerly the Dedham \nturnpike, is perhaps the longest in the world, as it bears that \nname over a continuous line of road as far as the city of \nProvidence, a distance of fort3'-four miles. In 1855 it was \nwidened from the bur3ing-ground to Warren Street. \n\nThe Neck, as it has always been called, was once covered \nwith trees, as various entries in the old records show. Those \nof Boston, under date of March 23, 1G35, say : — \n5 \n\n\n66 THE NECK. DANGERS. \n\n\" Brother Wileboare to see to t« gate aud style next ULto Rox- \nburie ; aud whereas y« wood upon ye Neck of laud towards Roxburie \nhath this last winter been disorderly cutt up aud wasted, whereby \nmany of j^e poor inhabitants are disappointed of reliefe, they might \nhave had there in after aud ueedfiiU tymes therefore ic is agreed j\" \ntreasurer, Mr. Belliugham, aud Mr. Wm. Hutchinson with the 3 \ndeacons shall consider who have been faultie herein, and sett down \nwhat restitution of wood unto the poor such shall make.\" \n\nIll the sea-on of full tides portions of the Neck were cov- \nered with water, rendering it almost impassable in the spring, \nespeciallj' before its centre was paved, and when from neces- \nsity this was ultimately done, the stones were so large that \nthe pavement was shunned by vehicles as long as the outer \nmargin of the road was practicable. For its protection a dike \nwas built on the exposed eastern side, following in its general \ndirection the extension of Harrison Avenue, and a sea wall \nwas at the same time built on the west side, from Dover \nnearl}' to Waltham Street. \n\nThe appearance of this avenue sixty 3'ears ago was desolate \nand forbidding enough. It is not eas}' for those who now \ntraverse this broad, well-paved thoroughfare, with its hand- \nsome parks, its elegant and substantial buildings, its street \ncars, omnibuses, private equipages, and thronged sidewalks, \nto realize that travellers frequentl}' lost their way over the \nnarrow pass and adjacent marshes, and that it was the scene \nof frequent robberies. So dangerous had it become that, \nin 1723, it was fenced in by order of the General Court. \n\nWinthrop tells us in his \"Journal\" that \"in 1639 one of \nIloxbur}' sending to Boston his servant maid for a barber \nchirurgeon to draw his tooth, they lost their way in their pas- \nsage between, during a violent snowstorm, and were not \nfound until man}' days after, and then the maid was found in \none place, and the man in another, both frozen to death.\" \nLess than a century ago a countryman, with his team, per- \nished here in a similar manner. \n\n\nPAVING. — GUNNING. — HOUSES. 67 \n\nIn 1641 the town of Roxbuiy was \"enjoyned\" to make \na sufficient wa}' between the buiTing-place and the gate. \nBoston, in March, 1650, agreed with Peter Oliver, for £15 \nper annum for seven j^ears, \" To maintaine the High Waj-es \nfrom Jacob Eliots Barne to the fardest gate b3-e Roxsherj- \nTowns end to be sufficient for Carte and horse, to tlie satis- \nfaction of the Countrye.\" In 1757 the General Court author- \nized the town to raise £2,000 b}' a lotter}\"- towards paving \nand repairing the Neck, and next 3'ear another w'as authorized \nto raise funds for paving the highway from Boston line to \nMeeting-House Hill in Roxbiiry. Notwithstanding the act of \n1719 for their suppression as common and public nuisances, \nlotteries continued for a long time to be resorted to as a \nmeans of raising mone}' for public works. The whole of the \nNeck was paved under the mayoralty of Josiah Quincy, the \nRoxbury portion of it in 1824. In the old times the sidewalk \nin Roxbur}- Street was paved with cobble-stones, a narrow \nbrick walk occupying the centre of it. \n\nThe marshes bordering the Neck were covered at high tide, \nand being a favorite resort for birds, were much frequented \nby sportsmen. As early as 1713 the town of Roxbury pro- \nhibited gunning on the Neck, and in 1785 was obliged to \nplace sentinels there to prevent this desecration of the Sab- \nbath. The practice continued until a much later period. \nSir Charles and Lady Frankland narrowly escaped being shot \nwhile journeying along this highway. \n\nUpon the Neck proper only three small houses and two \nbarns survived the siege. Between Dover Street and Rox- \nbury line there were but eighteen buildings in 1794. In 1800 \nthere were but one or two houses from the site of the new \nCatholic Cathedral to Roxbury. \n\nThe custom, formerly so much in vogue here, of building \nhouses end to the street, recalls a description of Albany and \nof one of the peculiarities of its inhabitants from an old \nGazetteer, that may well provoke a smile. Saj's Dr. Morse : \n\n\n68 EXECUTIONS. \n\n\" This city in 1797 contained 863 dwelling-houses and 6021 inhab- \nitants. Many of them are in the Gothic style with the gable end to \nthe street, which custom the first settlers brought from Holland.\" \n\nA gallows that once stood near the old fortifications, and \nsubsequently upon the site now occupied by the St. James \nHotel, was the first object that met the eye of the stranger \njourneying by land to Boston. This fact reminds one of the \nexclamation of the shipwrecked sailor, who on beholding this \nrelic of barbarism, thanked God that he had been cast ashore \nin a civilized country ! After all, it must be admitted that for \nthis particular mode of capital punishment the ' ' Neck \" was \na peculiarly appropriate place. \n\nSome pirates were executed here in 1819. When the Stamp \nAct went into operation on Nov. 1, 1765, eflSgies of Grenville \nand Huske, promoters of the obnoxious measure, were taken \nfrom the liberty tree and suspended here. Apropos of the \nStamp Act, about which the people were greatly excited, a \nstory is told of a gentleman who after dark sent his servant \nto the barn. Returning without having done his errand, on \nbeing questioned he replied that he was afraid. \" Afraid of \nwhat?\" said the gentleman. \"I was afraid of the Stamp \nAct,\" was the repl}*. \n\nAs Dr. Warren was one day passing this spot he met \nsome British oflScers, one of whom remarked, \" Go on, War- \nren, you will soon come to the gallows.\" Warren immedi- \natel}' turned back and demanded to know which of them had \nthus addressed him, but neither of these heroes had the cour- \nage to avow the insult. \n\nThe manufacture of bricks and of salt was formerly carried \non upon the marshes and upland along the causeway. In \nDecember, 1644, libert}' was \" graunted to Jasper Rawlines \nto make use of a rood of upland for the making of brickes at \nthe easterne end of Sargeant Hues his corne field neere \nRocksbur}- gate.\" Many of the poor people of Boston pur- \nsued this occupation here while the Port Bill was in force. \n\n\nGEN. JOSEPH TALMER. — FORTIFICATIONS. G9 \n\nSalt, another of the industries of this localit}', was also \nmade near the ''Town Landing,\" though the \"Salt Pans,\" \nestablished at a very earl}- day, were nearer Dorchester. \nAfter the close of the Revolution, Gen. Joseph Palmer \nsettled in Roxbur}-, and established salt-works on Boston \nNeck. He had just completed extensive works for this pur- \npose, for which he had built a dam on the east side of the \nNeck, when he discovered that the frost had strengthened the \nbrine, and that the ice formed upon it was perfectl}' fresh. \nElated by his discovery, he walked into Boston on one of the \ncoldest days of the winter to make known his success to Gov. \nBowdoin, an intimate friend and a subscriber to the project, \nand returning to Roxbmy that night after sunset, incau- \ntiouslv sat down by a warm fire. It was soon perceived that \nhe could neither speak nor move. He was struck with palsy, \nand died at his residence in Roxbury. on Dec. 25, 1788, at \nthe age of seventy, leaving as a visible memorial only the \ndam on Boston Neck. \n\nGen. Palmer, who was a native of England, came to \nAmerica in 1746 with Richard Cranch, and settled in that \npart of Braintree called Germantown, where he became a \nleading and influential citizen, and acquired a considerable \nestate. His is one of the most prominent names in the \nRevolutionary annals of the State, outside of Boston. He \nwas conspicuous among the patriotic members of the Provin- \ncial Congresses of 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of \nSafety, and as a brigadier-general of the State forces, took \npart in the expedition to Rhode Island in 1778. He lost all \nhis property during the war. \n\nOne of the first cares of the colonists was to take precau- \ntions against Indian attacks. Gov. Winthrop and other influ- \nential men in December, 1630, projected the building of a for- \ntified town upon the Neck, between Roxbury and Boston. \nAfter surveying the ground, however, they decided to change \ntheir plan, and fixed upon Newtown, now Cambridge, as the \n\n\n70 GAGE STRENGTHENS THE FORTIFICATIONS. \n\nsite of the proposed town. Their reasons for so doing are \nthus stated by Winthrop : — \n\n\"Because men would be forced to keep two families. \n\n\" There was no running water, and if there were any springs \nthey would not suffice the town. \n\n\"The most part of the people had built already, and would not \nbe able to build again.\" \n\nThese considerations did not, however, prevent their taking \nadvantage of a place naturally so eligible for a defensive \nwork. \n\n\" \"We began a Court of Guard,\" says Winthrop. under date \nof April 14, 1631, \"upon tlie Neck between Roxbury and \nBoston, whereupon should be always resident an officer and \nsix men.\" The gates of this primitive barrier, erected at the \nnarrowest part of the Neck, and which had disappeared by \nthe end of the century, were constantly guarded, and were \nshut by a certain hour in the evening, after which none were \nallowed to pass in or out. In 1710 fortifications were con- \nstructed, with foundations of brick and stone, upon the site \nof the old ones, having a parapet of earth, with embrasures \nfor cannon upon the front and flank, and a deep ditch on the \nside towards Roxbur}'. There were two gates, one for car- \nriages and one for foot-passengers. \n\n_ In September, 1774, affairs began to look serious, and Gage, \nthe ro3'al governor, proceeded to strengthen the old and to \nerect new works in advance of them, digging a deep fosse \ninto which the tide flowed at high water in front of the for- \nmer, severing Boston for the time from the mainland. While \nthis work was going on, the people, whose curiosity led them \nto watch its progress, would speak slighting^- of it, and sa}', \n\" Gage's mud walls are nothing to old Louisburg, and, if \nnecessary-, would be no more regarded than a beaver's dam.\" \nThe recollection of that remarkable achievement caused them \nto depreciate this comparatively slight barrier ; but the skill of \nMontresor, Gage's engineer, soon made it formidable enough \n\n\nGAGE STRENGTHENS THE FORTIFICATIONS. \n\n\n71 \n\n\nto deter the Americans from attem[)ting' an assault, which \ncould hardly have ended otherwise than in failure. \n\nThe Dover Street work was called the \" Green Store Bat- \ntery,\" the warehouse then standing on the site of the Williams \nMarket being of that color. Excavations just south of the \nmarket, in 1860, re- \nvealed what appeared \nto be the remains of \nthis old fort. The \nposition of the ad- \nA'anced work, which \nwas much the strong- \ner, was between Ded- \nham and Canton \nStreets, a point from \nwhich the first unob- \nstructed view in front \nis obtained as far as \nIvoxbury. It mounted \ntwenty guns of heavy \ncalibre, besides six \nhowitzers and a mor- \ntar batter}-. The re- \n\n1 il 1 T T. GEN. GAGE. \n\ndan was flanked by a \n\nbastion on each side of the highway, from which the lines \nwere continued across to the marshes. The road passed \nthrough the centre of both lines, the first having a gate and \ndrawbridge. A third and smaller work, lying between the \nothers, on the eastern sea-margin, bore on Dorchester Neck \n(South Boston), and took the left curtain and bastion of the \nmain work in reverse. After the siege the works were de- \nmolished, in order that they might not be availal)lc to the \nenem}^ should he again obtain possession of the town. Ves- \ntiges of them were visible as late as 1822, particularly on the \nwest side. \n\n\n72 NEW DEFENSIVE WORKS. \n\nJust one month before the siege began, a committee of the \nProvincial Congress on \"the present state of the operations \nof the British arm}- \" reported : — \n\n\"That two mud breastworks have been erected by them ou Bos- \nton Neck at the distance of about 90 or 100 rods in frout of the old \nfortifications, the works well constructed aud well executed. The \nthickness of the merlons or parapet about 9 feet, the height about \n8 feet, the width of the ditch at the top about 12 feet, at the bottom \n5 feet, the depth 10 feet. These works are already completed and \nat present mounted with 10 brass aud 2 iron cauuou. A barrack \nis erectiug behind the breastwork on the N. side of the Neck.\" \n\n\" The old fortification at the entrance of the town of Boston is \nrepairing aud greatly strengthened by the addition of timber and \nearth to the walls of the thickuess of about 12 feet. These works \nare in considerable forwardness, and at present 10 pieces of iron \ncannon are mounted on the old platforms. A blockhouse brought \nfrom Governor's Island is erecting ou the S. side of the Neck at the \ndistance of about 40 or 50 rods from the old fortification. This work \nis but just begun.\" \n\nUnder date of May 1, jnst after the siege opened, a British \nofficer wrote in his diary, \" Great additions are made to the \nNeck ; on the right flank of the right bastion are mounted \nfour guns, and on the left of the left bastion, two mortars ; \nat the lines the curtain is closed up to the road, where there \nis a traverse with two guns which can play right up the town \nof Roxbur^'.\" \n\nA plan of these works being desired at headquarters, John \nTrumbull, adjutant of Spencer's Connecticut regiment, after- \nwards celebrated as an historical painter, undertook to obtain \none. He saj's : — \n\n\"I began the attempt by creeping (under the concealment of high \ngrass) so nigh that I could ascertain that the work consisted of a \ncurtain crossing the entrance to the town, flanked by two bastions, \nand I had ascertained the number of guns mounted on the eastern \nbastion, when my farther progress was rendered unnecessary by a \ndeserter, who brought with him a rude plan of the entire work. My \ndrawing was also shown to the General, aud their correspondence \nproved that as far as I had gone I was correct.\" \n\n\nCANNON SECRETED IN ROXBURY. 73 \n\nTrumbull was soon after placed upon Washington's staff as \nan aide-de-camp. \n\nVarious were the devices b}' which, as the day of conflict \napproached, the country people supplied themselves with \narms and ammunition from Boston, spite of the vigilance of \nits garrison. Through the British lines there came one day, \nit is said, a funeral cortege. In the hearse was borne, not \none of the victims of the grim conqueror, Death, but one of \nhis terrible engines, — a cannon. George Minot, a Dorches- \nter farmer, who from his frequent visits was well known to \nthe guard, was allowed to pass without examination, his \npanniers well filled with powder. \n\nThe cannon belonging to Paddock's company of artillery, \nwhich b}' a clever stratagem had been taken from the gun- \nhouse and secreted, were safely brought through the British \nlines, two of them b3' Minot, who hid them under a compost \nheap at Col. Lemuel Robinson's tavern, near the Lower Mills, \nin Dorchester, and the other two by Jonathan Parker, of \nRoxbury, who deposited them in INludd}' Pond Woods. The \nnext day a companj' of redcoats were at Jamaica Plain, \nsearching for the missing cannon. This company was part \nof a battalion of five hundred men who were scattered in \nvarious directions for the same purpose with no better suc- \ncess. Of these four historic guns, two were taken at Bunker's \nHill b}' the enemy, the other two, the \" Hancock\" and the \n\" Adams,\" did good service at the Roxbmy lines and else- \nwhere, and are now in the chamber at the top of Bunker's Hill \nMonument, and are appropriatel}' inscribed. \n\nThe diary of John Andrews, a merchant of Boston, after- \nwards a resident of Jamaica Plain, furnishes some interest- \ning items : — \n\n\"Sept. 8, 1774. Yesterday the General, with a large party of \natteudauts, took a survey of the skirt:? of the town, more particu- \nlarly that part opposite the country shore. 'T is supposed he iuteuds \nto erect batteries there to preveut incursions of the country people \n\n\n74 3IUTTERINGS OF THE STORM. — SIEGE BEGUX. \n\nfrom that quarter, having effectually secured the Neck by the dis- \nposition of the field-pieces, and their caution extends so far as to \nhave a guard patrol Roxbury streets at all hours of the night.\" \n\n\" Sept. 29. In the course of a day or two past the Roxbury peo- \nple have burnt several loads of straw that were being brought here, \nwhich has enraged the soldiers to such a degree that I am in con- \ntinual apprehension we shall soon experience another 5th of March, \nwhich God forbid ! \n\n\"April 11, 1775. We are all in confusion at present; the streets \nand Neck lined with wagons carrying off the effects of the inhabit- \nants, who are either afraid, mad, crazy, or infatuated, imagining to \nthemselves that they shall be liable to every evil that can be enu- \nmerated if they tarry in town.\" \n\nXo wonder the more prudent or timid among the towns- \npeople should, upon the eve of the breaking out of a seven \nyears' war, have taken the alarm and quitted a place where \nthe first blow was so soon to be struck. \n\nIntelligence of the intended expedition to Lexington on \nthe 19th of April was conveyed over the Neck to Roxbury \non the previous evening b}' William Dawes, who was \nmounted on a slow-jogging horse, with saddle-bags behind \nhim, and a large flapped hat upon his head to resemble a \ncountrvman on a journey. Col. Josiah Waters, of Boston, \na stanch Whig, and who afterwards, as engineer, assisted in \nbuilding the forts at Roxbury, followed on foot on the side- \nwalk at a short distance from him until he saw him safely \npast all the sentinels. \n\nCommunication between town and countrj' was entirely \nstopped two da3's after the affair at Lexington, no one b^ng \nallowed to go in or out without a pass. \"• The provincials,\" \nsays a letter-writer in Boston, under date of April 24, \" are \nentrenching themselves at Roxbury within gunshot of the \nworks on the Neck, and erecting batteries to play on the \nlines.\" \n\nOne of the sad sights of the early days of the siege was the \nspectacle of the poor people of Boston quitting the town, as \n\n\nFUGITIVES FROM BOSTON. 75 \n\nmany of them did, under an agreement with Gen. Gage, after \ndepositing their arms in Faneuil Hall, and promising not to \njoin in an attack on his troops. For the brief period during \n■which this agreement was in force, especially during the last \nweek in April, the road to Roxbury was thronged with wagons \nand trains of wretched exiles. Parents wandered forth '' with \nbundles in one hand and a string of children in the other.\" \nThe}' were not allowed to take with them an}' provisions, and \nnothing could be more affecting than to see these helpless \nfamilies come out without anything to eat. The sentinels on \nthe Xeck even took awa}' the gingerbread from the little chil- \ndren. \"It's a distressing thing,\" wrote a British officer in \nhis diar}', '• to see them: for half of 'em don't know where to \ngo, and in all probability must starve.\" The Provincial Con- \ngress took measures for distributing five thousand of them \namong the villages in the interior, where the}' were hospitably \nreceived. An old-fashioned bureau, a memento of this hegira, \nis in the possession of Mrs. Edwin Lemist, of Roxbury, a \ndescendant of Edward Dorr, an early resident of the town. \n\nThe grandmother of the Rev. Frederick T. Gray, Mrs. \nMary Turell, whose maiden name was Morey, a native of \nRoxbury and one of the fugitives from Boston, gave her per- \nsonal experience as follows : — \n\n\"When the towu was shut up there were no passes given but to \nparticular people, and they were to be searched upon leaving town. \nI requested a pass from Major Pitcairn for mj'self and eight in fam- \nily, with my horse and chaise, Avhicli was readily granted by having \nmy trunks looked into in my own house by one of his officers by the \nname of Blackwood. By this means I carried out Deacon Jefl'ries, \nwho was town treasurer, and who had all the donation money for \nthe support of the poor, which I carried in my chaise-box with Mrs. \nJeflries and myself. Mrs. Eckley and Miss Caty Jeffries also went \nwith me in my chaise. Pitcairn and Mr. Turell went to the outside \nguards with us, where we were received by Generals Heath and \nSpencer, who were quite rejoiced to see Deacon Jeffries with the \ndonation money, and rewarded me handsomely by sending my letters \nand allowing me every indulgence I could expect.\" \n\n\n76 AMERICAN ADVANCED WORKS. \n\nThe final advanced line of the American works crossed the \nhighway a little south of Northampton Street, about one \nhundred and fifty yards in front of those first constructed, \nnear the George Tavern. The latter crowned the rising \nground near Clifton Place, just north of the old boundary \nline between Boston and Roxbury, a little south of the \nGeorge Tavern, and were erected immediately after the \nBunker's Hill battle. The former, which were connected by \nearthworks and abatis with the Lamb's Dam redoubt, near \nthe present lead- works on the east, and similarly round the \ncurved shore line to some elevated ground at the corner of \nwhat is now Sumner Place and Cabot Street, where there was \na batter}\" on the west side of the liighwa}-, was completed \nearly in September, The trees in Edward Sumner's orchard \ncovering the latter, and of Dr. Thomas Williams, occupying \nthe former locality, were cut down and pointed, and so placed \nas to protect those points exposed to attack. Five hundred \nmen and officers constituted the main and picket guard for \nthis line. \n\nOf the importance attached to this last work, the letters \nand diaries of the time afford ample proof. Col. Huntington \nwrites as follows to Gov. Trumbull: '•' Roxhury Camp, Sept. \n6, 1775. — We are this night making approaches towards our \nenemies on the Neck, and expect the}' will show their resent- \nment. Thursday morning . — Three separate entrenchments \nwere thrown up last night, which will cover our out sentries \nand advanced right parties, — no opposition made.\" Another, \nunder date of Sept. 10, writes, \"What is more amazing, \nthough nevertheless true, is, they [the enem_y] have suffered \nour men to throw up an entrenchment below the George \nTavern, and within musket-shot of their last entrenchment, \nand have scarce honored us with a cannon.\" \n\nFor the two months succeeding the Lexington engagement, \nlittle intrenching was done by the Americans, who were \nsadly deficient in competent engineers. Bunker's Hill demon- \n\n\nROXBURY LINES. — RUFUS PUTNAM. <7 \n\nstrated the value of defensive works, and under the direction \nof Col. Rufus Putnam, aided b}- Henry Knox and .Tosiah \nWaters, the Roxbur}' lines, considered marvels of strength \nin those days, grew rapidly, until at length a complete series \nof redoubts and batteries protected ever\\' exposed point from \nDorchester to Brookline. The American militia-man mani- \nfested a degree of skill and activity in constructing fieldworks \nthat was a constant surprise to the veteran European soldiers \nof former wars. \n\nRufus Putnam, the constructor of these works, was by \ntrade a millwright, whose only experience in militar}' engi- \nneering had been acquired in the campaigns of 1757-60 in \nCanada, which resulted in its becoming a province of the Brit- \nish Empire. The fortifying of Dorchester Heights in a single \nwinter's night, imder his direction, compelled the British fleet \nand army to hurriedly evacuate Boston, and successfully \nterminated its siege. Washington afterwards wrote to Con- \ngress that the Yankee millwright was altogether a more \ncompetent officer than the educated foreigners to whom it had \ngiven appointments in that line. He attained the grade of \nbrigadier-general, and after the war was over founded Ma- \nrietta, Ohio, the first permanent settlement of the eastern part \nof the Northwest Territorv. \n\nWashington was of the opinion that in case of an attack \nthere was an insuflScient number of men to man the entire \nworks, which it must be borne in mind were eight or nine \nmiles in extent. At the first council of war, held at head- \nquarters on the 9th of July, it was, however, unanimoush' \ndetermined to defend the posts. It was further agreed that \nif the troops should be attacked and routed by the enemy, \nthe place of rendezvous should be Weld's Hill, in the rear of \nthe Roxbury lines. This hill, erroneoush' called Wales's Hill, \nb}' Mr. Sparks and others, is the high eminence on what was \nthe Bussey farm. This point covered the road to Dedhara, \nwhere the army supplies were stored. \n\n\n78 brown's house burnt. \n\nThe space between the American and British works, a dis- \ntance of about eight hundred yards, was frequentl}- the arena \nof conflict between the artillerists of the opposing forces, and \nat times cannon-balls flew thick and fast over it. This inter- \nchange of compliments was somewhat one-sided, the scarcity \nof powder in the American camp placing it in the condition \nof a man with little mone}- in his pocket, who will do twenty \nmean things to avoid breaking in upon his little stock. The \nhostile pickets, covered by slight intrenchments, were only \nabout two hundi-ed and fifty yards apart, quite near enough \nto converse freely with each other, and to count the reliefs \non both sides as they marched clown from their respective \ncamps, the limited space between being nearh' coincident \nwith that from the site of the Commonwealth Hotel to the \nsquares. \n\nEnoch Brown's house and shop, on the west side of the \nhighway, between Blackstone Square and Rutland Street, \ndeserves mention as the scene of the only hostile encounter \nthat has ever taken place within the original limits of Boston. \nIt was here that Burgoyne proposed to meet his old companion \nin arms, Charles Lee, to discuss the issues of the day. The \nmeeting did not take place. Lee was willing, but Congress \nquietly interposed its veto. Until their destruction, these \nbuildings served the British as an outpost whence the Ameri- \ncan camp could be overlooked and its pickets greatly annoyed. \nTheir chimney's were left standing, and continued to serve \nthem as a cover. \n\nA letter from camp informs us that — \n\n\" On July 8, 1775, two Iniudred volunteers from the Ehode Isl- \nand aud Massachusetts forces, under Majors Tupper and Crane, \nattacked the British advanced guard at Brown's house on the \nNeck, within three hundred yards of their principal works. They \ndetached six meu about ten o'clock in the evening, with orders to \ncross on a marsh up to the rear of the guard-house aud there to \nwatch an opportunity to fire it. The remainder secreted themselves \nin the marsh on each side of the Neck, about two hundred yards \n\n\nARTILLERr PRACTICE. — JOHN CRANE. 79 \n\nfrom the house. Two brass pieces were drawn softly ou the marsh \nwithiu three hundred yards, aud upon a signal from the advanced \nparty of six, two rounds of cannon shot were fired through the \nguard-house. Immediately the regulars, who formed a guard of \nforty-flve or fifty men, quitted the house and were then fired ou by \nthe musketry, who drove them with precipitation into their lines. \nThe six men posted near the house set fire to it and burned it to the \nground. After this, they burnt another house nearer the lines, and \nwithdrew without losing a man.\" \n\n'\"A brave action this, and well performed,\" wrote young \nHenr}' Knox to his wife from the American camp. \n\nThe, artiller}- of this ke}' to the Roxbury lines was com- \nmanded by John Crane, who afterwards succeeded Knox as \ncolonel of the Massachusetts regiment of artillery-, and served \nwith distinction throughout the entire contest A Boston \nmechanic aud one of those who threw the tea overboard, \na chest of tea, that fell upon his head, welluigh ended his \ncareer. His comrades bore his bod}\" to a neighboring build- \ning, where, covering him with shavings, they left him for dead, \nbut he speedily recovered. The Port Bill drove him with \nmany others from the town, and when the struggle for libert}* \nbegan- he was pursuing his business of a housewright at \nProvidence, in company with Ebenezer Stevens, another \nBostonian, also celebrated as an artiller}' officer in the Revo- \nlutionary war. \n\nEducated in the school that furnished so many excellent \nofficers of artillery to the army. Paddock's company of the \n\" train,\" as it was called, and full of zeal for the liberties of \nhis countr}\", he imraediateh' raised a company with the aid \nof Stevens, and with the commission of major of the Rhode \nIsland \" Train,\" joined Thomas's forces at Roxbury-, in Ma}', \n1775, with a well-equipped and efficient battery. \n\nCrane was in his element whenever the state of the powder \nsupply would admit of a little artillery practice. So wonder- \nfully keen was his vision, that from the instant the ball left \nthe cannon, and until it reached its destination, his eve fol- \n\n\n80 KOXBURY STREET TN THE SIEGE. \n\nlowed it, and his skill as a marksman was felt and acknowl- \nedged b}- the enem}'. Crane with his cannon, and Morgan \nwith his rifles, made it advisable for the redcoats to keep well \nunder cover. The fire of the British, on the other hand, was \ncomparativeh' harmless. A distinguished officer in Boston, \nwriting to a friend in England, saj-s, \" The rebel army is not \nbrave, I believe, but it is agreed on all hands that their artil- \nler}' oflBcers are at least equal to ours.\" \n\nA graphic picture of the appearance of the lines when \nvisited on Oct. 20, 1775, is given b}- the historian Belknap in \nhis diar}-. He saj-s : — \n\n\"Nothing struck me with more horror than the present condition \nof Roxbury. Tliat once busy, crowded street is now occupied only \nby a picket-guard. Tlie liouses are deserted, the windows taken \nout, and many slaot-holes visible. Some have been burnt, and others \npulled down to make room for the fortifications. A wall of earth \nis carried across the street to Williams's old house, where there is a \nformidable fort mounted with cannon. The lower line is just below \nwhere the George Tavern stood; a row of trees, root and branch, \nlie across the road there, and the breastwork extends to Lamb's \nDam, wliich makes a part thereof. I went round the whole, and \nwas so. near the enemy as to see them, though it was foggy and \nrainy, relieve their sentinels, which they do every hour. The out- \nmost sentries are posted at the chimneys of Brown's house.\" \n\nIt may be supposed that the British officers, cooped up \nwithin the narrow limits of the town of Boston, would find \ntheir situation exceedingly irksome, and ardently long for a \nchange. Accordingl}', when Major Benjamin Tupper, of Fel- \nlows's regiment, had an interview with some of them in the \nmonth of August within their lines, liquor was sent for, and \never}' toast given b}' Major Urquhart and the other oflicers \npresent expressed the wish that an end might be put to the \nquarrel. At the same time they informed him that they were \nsoon coming out. In reply, the major assured them that we \nwere read}', and that if they would only give us notice, we \nwould meet them with an equal number of men. Capt. Judah \n\n\nAMERICANS ENTER BOSTON. \n\n\n11 \n\n\nAklen, -who accompanied Col. Learned to the British outposts \nwith a flag some time afterwards, inquired of the oflicer in \ncommand wh}' the}' did not come out and make the troops at \nEoxbury a visit. \"Ah,\" replied lie, ''we should have to \nthinlc of that some time first.\" \n\nKot the least interesting of the events connected with this \nlocality occurred on the afternoon of March \n17, 1776. The occupation of Dorchester \nHeights, a movement as skilfully executed as \nit was carefull}^ planned, having compelled the \nimmediate evacuation of the town, a detach- \nment of Americans under Col. Ebenezer Lear- \nned, who commanded at the outposts during \nnearly the whole of the siege, picked its Avay \nthrough the crows' feet and other obstacles \nthickly strewn in its path, and unbarring the \ngates of the deserted stronghold, displaj-ed for \nthe first time in the streets of Boston the grand \nunion flag of the thirteen United Colonies. \nThe flag was borne b}' Ensign Richards, and \nthe troops were accompanied by Gen. Ward. \n\nWith what emotions of pride and satisfaction \nmust these patriotic citizens, albeit clad in \nhomespun and unattended by ' ' the pomp and \ncircumstance of glorious war,\" have marched into the town \nas conquerors ! It was a proud day for them, and never since \nthen has its soil been pressed by a hostile foot. \n\n\" I took a ride last week and ventured as far as the stump \nof Liberty Tree,\" wrote Mrs. John Adams to her husband a \nmonth later. \" Roxbury,\" she continues, \"looks more in- \njured than Boston, that is, the houses look more torn to \npieces. I was astonished at the extent of our lines and their \nstrength.\" \n\nAn estimate of the losses sustained by the people of Rox- \nbury in 1775, made by the selectmen and Committee of Cor- \n6 \n\n\nUNION FLAG. \n\n\n82 \n\n\nEOXBURY SUFFERERS. \n\n\nrespondence, foots up £24,412 9.s. 4f?., quite a sum in those \ndaj'S. It was shared among some two hundred individuals, \nabout forty of whom were damaged to the extent of £300 and \nupward. The principal sufferers were the heirs of Capt. Aaron \n\nDavis, Dr. Thomas \"Wil- \nliams, heirs of Major Jo- \nseph Dudley, Dr. Jonathan \nDavies, Increase Sumner, \nCol. Aaron Davis, Joshua \nLamh \"Woodbridge, heirs \nof Joseph AVeld, Stephen \nWilliams, tanner, William \nBowman, Ebenezer Dorr, \nNathaniel Felton, William \nDudle}', and Robert Pier- \npont, Esq. Most of the in- \njuries were inflicted by the \nbesiegers ; houses, fences, \norchards, and wood-lots, \nas well as growing crops, \nhaving been destroyed. \nAnother militar}' display of a more attractive character \nenlivened the scene a few years later, when, in December, \n1782, the army of Eochambeau marched into Boston, wliere \nit was to embark for France. Before entering the town the \ntroops changed their dress in the open air, and appeared in \nsuch excellent attire that it seemed incredible that this army, \ncoming from Yorktown, Virginia, could have travelled so \nmany hundred leagues, exposed to the inclemency of a rainy \nautumn and of a premature winter. \n\nThough it was late in December the skies were propitious, \nas these gallant Frenchmen, accompanied by a full band, \nmarched through Roxbury and over the Neck. At their head \nwas the brave Viomenil, who ten years later sacrificed his life \nin defence of his king, in the attack on the Tuileries. With \n\n\nLIBKKTY TREK. \n\n\nFRENCH TROOPS IN ROXBURY. 83 \n\niiim came Berthier, afterwards Napoleon's adjutant-general, \nand cue of bis marshals ; Matthieu Dumas, a distinguished \nsoldier, and a general of division at \"Waterloo ; Isidore de \nLynch, an intrepid Irishman, afterwards a general ; Montes- \nquieu, grandson of the author of \" L'Esprit des Lois\"; \nCarra St. Cyr, Des Prez de Grassier, Alexander de Lameth, \nLangeron, Anselme, and others who attained distinction iu \nthe wars of the French Revolution. The officers wore \nohapeaux with a white cockade, a uniform of white broadcloth \nfaced with red, green, or blue, according to the corps to \nwhich they belonged, and high military boots ; the general \nhad on a blue overdress faced with red. All were splendidly \nmounted and wore elegant and costly- equipments. \n\nFirst marched the regiment Royal Deuxponts, dressed in \nwhite, led b^' Count Christian de Deuxponts, the same who \nafterward commanded the Bavarians at Hohenlinden. The \ncolonel 2>roprietaire of this, the largest of the French regiments, \nwas Maximilian de Deuxponts, afterwards Maximilian I, \nKing of Bavaria, who, though he had been with his regiment \niu America, had already returned to Europe. \n\nNext came the Soissonnais, under its second colonel, Count \nSegur, son of the Minister of AVar. Its colonel, Felix de St. \nMaime, had preceded it to Boston. The brave Vicomte \nde Noailles had commanded the regiment at Yorktown. \nSaintonge, in white and green, follows, with Count Custine \nand Prince de Broglie, first and second in command, both \nvictims of the guillotine. Custine in 1792 commanded the \nArmy of the North. \n\nLast came the Bourbonnais, in black and red, under De \nLaval Montmorenci, and the infantry of Lauzun. The \nartillery, though not with the column, were attired in blue \nwith red facings, white spatterdashes, and red pompons. The \nmen wore short Roman swords, and carried their firelocks b}' \ntheir slings. Among them might have been seen a young \nsei-geant named Charles Pichegru, whose subsequent career ia \n\n\n84 DISTINGUISHED VISITORS. GEORGE TAVERN. \n\nmatter of bistoiy. The infantiy wore cocked hats with pom- \npons, woollen epaulets, white crossbelts from which were sus- \npended a short hanger and cartouche-box, and spatterdashes ; \nthe hair was worn en queue. \n\n\" No review or parade,\"' says Segnr in his Memoirs, \" ever \ndisplaj-ed troops in better order, offering an appearance at \nonce more neat and brilliant. A great part of the population \nof the town came out to meet us. The ladies stood at their \nwindows and welcomed us with evident applause, and our \nstay was marked by continual rejoicings, b}^ feasts and balls, \nwhich succeeded each other day after da3%\" \n\nPresident Monroe, accompanied by Com. Bainbridge, Gen. \nMiller, Mr. Mason, his secretary, and his suite, and followed \nby Gen. Crane and the officers of the First Division, and a \nnumber of citizens of Norfolk County, on horseback, was \nescorted from Dedham to Roxbury, on Jul}' 1, 1817. After \nreviewing the infantry regiment of Col. Dudlej', and Maj. \nGale's batter}' of artiller}', he proceeded to the Boston line. \nSince then Presidents Jackson, Tyler, and Fillmore, Lafay- \nette, and Louis Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot, have been \nformally received here by the town or city authorities. Pres- \nident John Adams, while on a visit to Quincy, in August, \n1797, was escorted through the town b}' a military and civic \nprocession, stopping on his way at Gov. Sumner's residence, \nthe occasion being a splendid entertainment given him by \ncitizens of Boston. \n\nThe George, or as it was sometimes called the St. George \nTavern, the first American advanced post, was part of an \nestate of twenty acres, extending to Roxbury line on the \nsouth and across the marshes to the great creek which formed \nits western boundary. It had orchards, gardens, and a site \ncommanding a view of Boston and its harbor on one side, \nand Cambridge Bay with the shore of the mainland on the \nother. This tavern was in 1721 the place of meeting of the \nGeneral Court, probably on account of the prevalence of \n\n\nWASHINGTON. 85 \n\nemall-pox iu Boston. In 1730, while it was kept b}' Simon \nEogers, the Probate Court was held there. Samuel Mears, \nwhose daughter Catharine became the wife of the Rev. Sam- \nuel Dexter, was at one time its landlord. Their grandson, \nSamuel Dexter, one of the ablest lawj'ers of his time, and a \nmember of President Adams's Cabinet, was some time a resi- \ndent of Roxbmy. Gen. John Thomas stopped at Mears's on \nhis way from Marshfield, to join \"Winslow's expedition against \nAnnapolis Ro3'al, in April, 17.55. Edward Bardin, who kept \nthe ''George\" in 1769, changed its name to the \"King's \nArms,\" a title soon dropped. \n\nThis tavern was burned by the enem}' on the night of \nSunda}-, July 30, 1775, in retaliation for the destruction of \nBrown's House a few weeks before. A public house on or \nnear its site was in 1788 opened by Sally Barton, but was not \nof long continuance. In its yard bullbaits were a common \nspectacle. \n\nHither Washington often came to inspect the outposts, \naccompanied b}' his staff, composed of men afterward famous : \nMifflin, subsequently governor of Penns3-lvania and president \nof Congress ; Joseph Reed, his secretar}-, a true patriot, and \nwho also became the chief magistrate of that great State ; \nand Horatio Gates, whose military experience fitted him \nadmirably for his post of adjutant-general, and rendered him \nhighl}' serviceable in organizing the patriot forces. It was \nhis singular fortune to achieve at Saratoga the most memora- \nble victory, as it was at Camden to sustain the most crushing \ndefeat, of the war. \n\nIt was at this point that on Oct. 24, 1789, the General, \nthen become President, and attended by his secretaries. Col. \nLear and Major Jackson, made his last entry into Boston to \nrevisit the scene of his first memorable achievement, dressed \niu his old Continental uniform. He was saluted b}' a dis- \ncharge of cannon from the Roxbury artillery', under Capt. \nJonathan Warner, Col. Tyler's troop of horse escorting him \n\n\n86 SLEIGHING. \n\nto the entrance of the town. He did not bow to the throng \nthat crowded around him, but rode his famous white charger, \na present from Charles IV of Spain, with a cahn, dignified \nair, inclining his body first on one side and then on the other, \nand with his head uncovered. From some mismanagement \nWashington was detained at the Roxbur}* line nearly two \nhours, and exposed to a raw northeast wind, by which \nexposure he took a severe cold. Many others were similarly \naflfected, and so general was the distemper that it was called \nthe \"Washington Influenza.\" \n\nDr. Thacher, surgeon of Col. Henry Jackson's regiment, \nrelates this amusing incident attending a forced march of the \nregiment from Providence, R. I., to Boston : — \n\n\"A severe rain all night did not much impede our march, but the \ntroops were broken down with fatigue. We reached Boston at sun- \nrising, and near the entrance of the Neck was a tavern, having for \nits sign a representation of a globe with a man in the act of strug- \ngling to get through it ; his head and shoulders were out, his arms \nextended, and the rest of his body enclosed in the globe. On a label \nfrom his mouth was written, ' Oh, how shall I get through this world?' \nThis was read by the soldiers, and one of them exclaimed, ' 'List, \nd — n you, 'list, and you '11 soon get through this world ; our regiment \nwill be through it in an hour or two if we don't halt by the way.' \" \n\nThe Washington Market, standing a little south of the site \nof the George Tavern, covers that of the Washington House, in \nwhich Mrs. Susanna Rowson once kept a 3'oung ladies' school \nof high repute. While under the management of the Coole3's, \nfather and son, it was, in the season, quite a noted resort for \nsleighing parties. Before the street railroad was built the \nNeck was the fashionable course for this exciting and exhil- \narating amusement, and every afternoon while the sleighing \nwas good it was sure to be thronged with ever}- variety of \nvehicle upon runners, from the modest pung to the magnifi- \ncent barge, while the sidewalks were lined Avith spectators, \nwatching the sport with eager interest and highl}- enjoj'ing the \ngav and animated scene. \n\n\nNORFOLK GAZETTE. CAPT. DOGGETT. 87 \n\nXext south of the market, the three-story brick building, \nknown first as Washington Hall, and afterwards as the Wash- \nington Hotel, was a tavern as earh* as 1820. In 1837, and \nlater, it was kept by Amherst Eaton, of Concert Hall. \n\nTurning our backs upon the building on the opposite side \nof the street, belonging to the Metropolitan Railroad Com- \npan}-, and whose unsavor}' odors it is to be hoped are stable \nrather than permanent, we encounter on the edge of the side- \nwalk the upright stone placed here in 1822, that marks the \nold boundary between Roxbur}- and Boston. The outer gate, \nwhich in the early days of the settlement barred free ingress \nand egress over the narrow roadway, stood here. \" Near this \ngate,\" says Sewall's Diary, \" Marj*, Indian James's squaw, \nwas froze to death Nov. 27, 1685, being fudled.\" In 1G68 \nthe inhabitants of Roxbury were prohibited digging clay here. \nThe inner gate was at Dover Street. \n\nDeacon George Alcock was the original proprietor of the \ntwenty acres of upland and marsh on the east side of the \nNeck, extending from the line near the \"Bull Pasture\" to \nthe burying-ground. Passing b}' inheritance to Col. Joshua \nLamb, and afterwards to Joshua Lamb Woodbridge, it was \npurchj.sed of the latter b}' Aaron Blaney. The wooden building \nadjoining the stable was the residence of Major Ben Weld, \nthe painter, who was also a prominent military man. \n\nIn a building that once stood just south of Huuneman \nStreet, the ''Norfolk Gazette,\" the first newspaper in Rox- \nbury, was published. It was issued weekl}' by Allen and \nWatts, from Dec. 15, 1824, to Feb. 6, 1827, when its press \nsuccumbed to the press of creditors. \n\nUpon the same side, near the burying-ground, is an old \nhouse, formerly a tavern, with the sign of the \" Ball and Pin,\" \nkept b}' Capt. Jesse Doggett. \n\n\" A trainband captain eke Tvas he,\" \nwho often marshalled his men along this dust}^ highwa}', and \nafter a hot daj-'s exercise doubtless threw wide his hospitable \n\n\n88 JOHN JOHNSON. \n\ndoors and regaled the thirst}- heroes with cool and refreshing \nbeverages. The fact is worth noting that from Johnson to \nDoggett, the Roxbur}^ innkeepers have generally been mil- \nitary men. Elizabeth Sumner Doggett, his daughter, became \nthe wife of Elijah Lewis, and the mother of George Lewis, \nafterwards maj'or of Roxbur}-. \n\nUpon the westerly side of the street, beginning at the \nboundary' line, was John Johnson's estate of eight acres, in- \ncluding the \" house, barn, and house-lot on the back side of \nhis orchard, and buildings lying together, with liberty to \ninclose the swamp and brook before the same, not annoying \nany highwa3\\\" \n\nJohn Johnson, \" survej'or-general of all y^ armyes,\" was \nchosen constable of Roxbury, Oct. 19, 1630 ; was made free- \nman in 1631 ; was for fourteen years a representative in the \nGeneral Court, and died Sept. 29, 1659. He probabh' came \nover with Winthrop, was a \" verj' industrious and faithful \nman in his place,\" and kept a tavern in Roxburj' Street, where \nmany public meetings were held. When Anne Hutchinson \nwas taken into custody the General Court ordered that the \narms of her Roxbury adherents be delivered to \"goodman\" \nJohnson, the town of Roxbury being required to take order \nfor their custod}', and \"if any charge arise, to be defra3-ed \nby her husband.\" \n\nUnder date of Feb. 6, 1645, Winthrop records that \" John \nJohnson having built a fair house in the midst of the town, \nwith divers barns and other out-houses, it fell on fire in the \nday time (no man knowing b}' Avhat occasion), and there \nbeing in it seventeen barrels of the countrj^'s powder and \nmany arms, all was suddenlv burnt and blown up to the value \nof four or five hundred pounds, wherein a special providence \nof God appeared, for he being from home the people came \ntogether to help and man}- were in the house, no man think- \ning of the powder till one of the company put them in mind \nof it, whereupon they all withdrew, and soon after the powder \n\n\nCOL. AAEON DAVIS. 89 \n\ntook fire and blew up all about it, aud shook the houses in \nBoston and Cambridge so as men thought it had been an \nearthquake, and carried great pieces of timber a good way \noff, and some rags and such light things be3'ond Boston meet- \ning-house. There being then a stiff gale from the south, it \ndrove the fire from the houses in the town (for this was the \nmost northerh-), otherwise it had endangered the greatest \npart of the town.\" Eliot, who had an eye for special prov- \nidences, says: \" Y^ wind at first stood to carry y*^ fire to \nother howscs, but suddenl}' turned it from all other howses \nonly carrying it to y\" outhouses and barns thereb}', and it \nwas a fierce wind & thereby' drave y'^ element back from y® \nneighbors howses which in a calm time would by y^ great \nheate have been set on fire.\" At this fire the first book of \nTown Records and the School Charter were destroyed ; the \nformer was an irreparable loss. \n\nThe old house standing at the corner of Ball Street was \nIjuilt b}' Aaron Davis, on the site of that occupied by his \nfather, Capt. Aaron Davis, and taken down during the siege \non account of its exposed situation. This estate of between \nten and eleven acres, formerh' John Johnson's, lav between \nBoston line, Smelt Brook, and Denisou's house, having a \nfrontage of three hundred and fift}' feet on the west side of \nWashington Street. It included an extensive garden and \norchard, now partially occupied by the green-house on the \nsouth side of Ball Street. After Mr. Davis built the house \nin Mall Street, his two unmarried sisters continued to reside \nin the old mansion. The order for the removal of the houses \nfrom Roxbur}' Street came from Gen. Washington through \nAdjt.-Gen. Gates on July 12, 1775, only a few days after \nthe commander-in-chief's arrival in camp, and was a military \nnecessity. \n\nCol. Aaron Davis, grandson of William, an earh' inhabi- \ntant of the town and the father of Capt. Aaron, was early in \nlife a blacksmith, and afterwards can-ied on the farm in West \n\n\n90 DEACON MOSES DAVIS. THE DENISON FAMILY. \n\nRoxbury, formerly Col. William Dudley's, now occupied by \nMrs. S. D. Bradford. An active patriot, his name is prom- \ninent in the annals of the town as a member of the Commit- \ntee of Correspondence of Suffolk County, and also as a \nmember of the Provincial Congresses of 1774 and 1775. He \ndied. July 29, 1777, at the age of sixty-eight. \n\nHis son, a merchant, who died in 1773 at the early age of \nforty-eight, was, sa^^s an obituar}' notice, \"A worthy, honest, \nuseful man, and a great public loss.\" He, like his father, was \ncaptain of a militar}- compan}', and his death is said to have \nbeen caused by a cold caught while drilling it. Moses, the \nbrother of Capt. Aaron, kept a store where Mrs. Duffy now \nkeeps. During the siege he kept a store at Hog Bridge, and \nsupplied the troops at the forts and in the vicinity. After the \nwar he rebuilt his house, taken down at the same time as his \nbrother's, where, with his nephew Aaron for a partner, he did \na large and lucrative business until overtaken by re^'erses \nduring the war of 1812. His three-story dwelling-house, \nwhich was very old, was a little back from the street and west \nof the store. Tall and stout, of gentlemaul}' address, and \nmuch respected, his well-known piet}^ occasioned his being \nalwa3\"S called \"Deacon Moses,\" though he never held that \noffice. He died in 1823. Mrs. David Dudle}', who is still \nliving at a ripe old age, is a daughter of Deacon Moses. \n\nNext south of John Johnson was the Denison estate of nine \nacres \" as you goe towards Boston,\" extending from a point \nopposite the bur^'ing-ground to Vernon Street, and including \na dwelling-house, bake-house, orchard, and home lot. \n\nThe famil}' of Denison was one of distinction in our colonial \nannals, though like those of Ruggles, Eliot, Bowles, Scarbor- \nough, and so mam' others of the early settlers of the town, \nthe name has long been extinct here. William Denison, with \nhis wife Margaret, and his sons Daniel, Edward, and George, \nprobably came over in the \"Lion\" with Eliot, in 1G31, as \nhis name stands third in the record of the First Church. \n\n\nGEORGE DENISON. 91 \n\nMade a constable and a deput}- to the General Court in 1G34, \nhe was a man of mark, possessed considerable property, and \nwas one of the founders of the \"Free School.\" \"With his \nson Edward and other Roxbur}' men he was disarmed in \n1637, for \" subscribing the seditious libel,\" or in other words, \nfor being a follower of Anne Hutchinson, a woman who had \nopinions of her own upon religious subjects, and worse tlian \nall, in the e3'es of the Puritan leaders in the colony, drew the \nmore liberal and intelligent over to her way of thinking. He \ndied in lGo3. \n\nHis eldest son, Daniel, who married Patience, daughter of \nGov. Thomas Dudle}', removed to Ipswich, attained the rank \nof major-general, and was highly distinguished both in civil \nand militar}' aifairs. Edward, who was in 1665 the first \ntown clerk of Roxbur^', and a representative in 1652 and \n1655, married Ehza, daughter of Capt. Joseph Weld, and \ndied in April, 1668. His son William, a graduate of Har- \nvard College in 1681, also town clerk for man}' j-ears, died \non March 22, 1718, when the name became extinct in \nRoxbury. \n\nOf George, the j-oungest son, a romantic stor}' is told. He \nwas trained to arms, and while serving in Ireland was severely \nwounded. Borne b}\" his men to the mansion of a gentleman \nnamed Borodaile, he was attended with great kindness and \nassiduit}' by Anne Borodaile, his onh' daughter, to whom, on \nreturning to England, Denison engaged himself. Revisiting \nIreland, he unfolded his intention of emigrating to America, at \nthe same time urging her to accompau}- him as his wife. She \ndeclined encountering the perils of the sea and of the wilder- \nness, and they parted. In 1640 he married Bridget Thomp- \nson, of Roxbur}', who died three j'ears later. Leaving his \ntwo infant daughters with their grandparents, he sailed for \nEngland in 1643, and under Cromwell resumed the military \ncareer as an oflicer of cavahy in the civil war then raging. \nAgain visiting Ireland, he this time succeeded in persuading \n\n\n92 JAMES HOWE. — JOHN DOGGETT. \n\nthe lady to accompany him to America. Thej' remained a \nfew years in Eoxbury, wliere in 1G46 we find that the young \nmen of the town chose George Denison, \" a j'oung soldier \nlately come out of the wars,\" to be their captain, a choice \nthat was negati^-ed, however, by the elders. They afterwards \nsettled in Stonington, Conn., where he distinguished himself \nin Philip's war as an energetic and capable commander. In \n1676, with sixtj'-six volunteers and one hundred Christian \nIndians, he slew seventy-six of th^e enemj' without losing a \nman, and took prisoner Canouchet, son of Miantonomoh, the \nNarraganset chief. Capt. George Denisou died in 1694, at \nthe age of seventj'-six. Some of his wife's curious needle- \nwork is 3'et in the possession of her descendants. She sur- \nvived her husband eighteen j'ears, dying in 1712, at the great \nage of ninety-seven. \n\nJames Howe's bakery stood on the vacant lot north of Mr. \nJ. H. Hunneman's house. At the time of his death, in 1796, \nhe occupied the old house adjoining, in which his widow \nafterward lived. Mrs. D. L. Gibbeus, a daughter of James \nHowe, is 3'et living, at the age of eighty-one. His son, John \nHowe, is still remembered for his wit. The artist, J. W. \nChampney (\" Champ\"), is a descendant of James Howe. \n\nNext come the residences of Messrs. Hunneman and Pat- \nten, both prominent citizens in their da}', built about the \nbeginning of the century, and in front of which are soave \nfine horse-chestnut trees. Two of these, set out by Mr. \nThomas Rumrill, were the first horse-chestnut trees ever seen \nin New England, and were raised from seed of the Ohio \n\"Buckeye.\" Opposite the burying-ground is the old house, \nonce quite an ornament to the street, but now, alas ! fallen \nfrom its high estate and put to baser uses, such as a barber's \nshop, fish-market, etc. Aaron Davis, and after him John \nDoggett, resided here. \n\nBefore Williams Street was named, it was a narrow lane, \nleading to the marshes and upland belonging to Thomas \n\n\nBURYING-GKOUND llEDOUET. 93 \n\n\"Williams. On its southerh' corner stood until quite recently \nan old house in which \"Lawyer Tom\" \"Williams lived and \nkept an office until his removal to the homestead, made vacant \nby the death of his father, Dr. Thomas \"Williams. It then \nbecame the shop of John Doggett, carver and gilder, who \nunder the style of John Doggett & Co. was long at the head \nof the looking-glass and carpet business in Eoxbury and \nBoston. Their manufactory, which stood on the opposite \ncorner, where the carriage building now stands, had a bal- \ncou}' in front, reached bj' steps from the street. Among \nDoggett's apprentices were Samuel Sprague \"Williams, Samuel \nDoggett, afterwards admitted to the firm, and E. G. Scott, \nW. C. Moore, John Hastings, and Dudley \"Williams, The \nfounder of the house, John Doggett, was the first to carrj^ on \nhis trade in this vicinity, and was an ingenious and skilful \nworkman. A knowledge of weaving having been obtained \nbv him from a travelling English artisan, the foundation was \nsubsequently laid for an extensive carpet business. \n\nThe first defensive work constructed by the Americans w^as \na redoubt hastily thrown up inmiediatel3' after the battle of \nLexington across the highway leading to Boston, where the \nroad to Dorchester (Eustis Street) begins. Its front was \nnearly on the southerlj' line of this road and the lane now \n\"Williams Street. This work, which at once defended the \nroad to Dorchester and the entrance to the town of Roxbury, \nwas called the \" Burying-Ground Redoubt,\" and was subse- \nquently enlarged and strengthened. \n\n\"About noon of the memorable 17th of June,\" says a \nsoldier in Col. Learned's regiment, \"we fired an alarm and \nrang the bells in Roxburj', and every man was ordered to \narms, as an attack was expected. Col. Learned marched his \nregiment up to the meeting-house and then to the burying- \nground, which was the alarm-post, where we laid in ambush, \nwith two field-pieces placed to give it to them unawares should \nthe regulars come. About six o'clock the enemy drew in \n\n\n94 BUEYING-GROUND REDOUBT. \n\ntheir sentries, and immediately a heavj' fire was opened from \ntlie fortification. Tlie balls whistled over our heads and \nthrough the houses, making the clapboards and shingles fl}- \nin all directions. Before the firing had begun, the general \n(Thomas) ordered some men down the street to fell some \napple-trees across the street to hinder the approach of their \nartillery. Bombshells were thrown hourly* into Roxbury \nduring the night.\" \n\n\nEUSTIS STREET. — OLD BURIAL-GROUND. 95 \n\n\nCHAPTER IV. \n\nOLD BURIAL-GROUND TO DORCHESTER. \n\nEiistis Street. — Old Burial-Ground. —Burial Customs.— Dudley Tomb. \n\n— Ministers' Tomb.— John Grosveuor. — Old luscriptious. — The Caiiul. \n\n— Training-Field. — Military History. — Roxbury Artillery. — Lamb's \nDam. — Dudley Street Baptist Church. — Deacon Parke. — \"Weld. — \nMount Pleasant. — Robert Williams.- Dr. Thomas Williams. — Enoch \nBartlett. — Gov. Shirley. — Gov. Eustis. — Lafayette. — John Read. \n\n— Dennis Street. —Col. James Swan. \n\nTHE way or lane leading into the Dorchester road by \nDr. Thomas Williams's, and which formerly took Mall \nStreet in its course, was shortened and straightened in 1802 \n\" as far as the top of tlie hill.\" It received its present name \nin 1825, in honor of Gov. Eustis, whose residence it passed, \nand was so called as far as the brook, which made that part \nof the boundary line between Roxbuiy and Dorchester. Its \nentrance, formerly very narrow, was enlarged in 1854 bv \nremoving the greater part of the store of Aaron and Charles \nDavis on its southerh' corner. \n\nAccording to the Record of Houses and Lands in Roxbury \nin 1654, the dwellers in this quarter were, at that time, Wil- \nliam Cheney, William Parke, Edward and Giles Payson, Rob- \nert and Samuel Williams, Francis Smith, and Edward Riggs. \n\nAt the corner of Washington and Eustis Streets is one of \nthe oldest burial-places in New England, the first interment \nhaving been made in it in 1633. Here, since the earliest days \nof the settlement, \n\n\" The rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep,\" \nand we cannot traverse it without seeing names alike ven- \nerable and memorable in New England's annals. Here, side \n\n\n96 THE OLD BUEIAL-GEOtnSTD. \n\nby side with the apostle Ehot and Robert Calef, were laid the \nDudle^-s, the Warrens, and man}' others of lesser note. \nNames that elsewhere would strike us with a sense of their \nincongruity seem in this place altogether appropriate. Here \nLyon and Lamb lie down together in fraternal harmony, \npeaceful!}- commingling their ashes with those of Pigge and \nPeacock, while near them reposes the dust of Pepper and \nOnion, — savor}- conjunction! — inseparable in life, even in \ndeath they are not divided. We seem here to be brought into \nthe immediate presence of the past. The old homestead and \nplace of worship has disappeared, old landmarks have van- \nished or are so changed as to be almost unrecognizable : all \nthat time, decay, and change have left of the past is here, — \nthe old gravestone, the quaint inscription, the rude verse, and \nthe dust sleeping quietly beneath. \n\nWhile the old places of sepulture are usually unattrac- \ntive save to the antiquary and those curious in old epitaphs, \nnothing is more characteristic of New England. Their mon- \numents, epitaphs, and decorations show at once the prevalence \nof religion, the backwardness of taste, and the poverty of the \ntimes. The mourned and the mourners are now alike forgot- \nten. Of their descendants, many have left forever the seats \nof their fathers, and such as still dwell here are too remote to \ncherish peculiar veneration for those who died so long ago. \n\"Our fathers find their graves in our short memories, and \neadly tell us how we may be buried in our survivors'.\" \n\nThis, like most of the early graveyards of our fathers, was \nchosen neither for its picturesque surroundings nor for its \nnatural beauty, but simply for its convenient situation. One \nof the most marked differences between their day and our \nown is seen in the contrast of the old graveyards, with their \nsterile plainness, and the modern cemeteries, with their \ncharming and varied scenery, their beautiful grounds and \nflowers, and their choice sculptures. The resting-place of \nthe departed is now — \n\n\nTHE OLD BLTIIAL-GROUND. 97 \n\n\" A place of beauty and of flowers, \n\"With fragrant wreaths and summer boughs arrayed, \nAnd lovely sculpture gleaming through the shade.\" \n\nThe town records say : — \n\n\"Feb. this 23d, 1G48. It is agreed with John Woody, Constabell \nThe sayd John is to Fenc in the buring plas with a Fesy (?) stou \nwall seflghattly (sufficiently) don for strenk and workmanshipe, as \nalso to mak a doball gatt of 6 or 8 fote wid and to liing(e) it and to \ntind all stuf and stons and workmanshipe, and he is to Finesh ed by \nthe first of Jvne next, and in considerashan of this work he is to \nhave sis pounds and he is to paye himself out of the town Ratt \n(tax), in witness we have hereto sett to our hands the day above \nKitten. \"John Wooddey \n\nJoshua Hewes \nJohn Johnson.\" \n\nIn 1725, Col. Joshua Lamb gave a quarter of an acre to \nenlarge the grounds upon the northwest, \" reserving to him- \nself the herbage thereof.\" From its exposed situation, the \nplace was greatl}' injured during the siege. The first barrier \nerected to prevent the British troops from coming out of Bos- \nton crossed the highway at this point. After many years of \nneglect and decay, during which it had become overgrown with \nnoxious weeds and unsighth' bushes, its condition becoming \nunbearable, the cit}' government of Roxbiny, in 1857, redeemed \nthe sepulchre of their ancestors. The}' graded the grounds, \nrebuilt the external walls with a handsome gatewa}', laid out \nand gravelled footpaths in various directions, and planted a \nvariety of forest trees, including many evergreens, around \nthe borders and among the old graves. Many of the old \nstones, which had been nearly or quite buried in the earth, \nwere raised and reset, and the broken monuments repaired. \nThe two large wooden gates that afibrded entrance, one where \nthe present iron one stands, the other near the engine-house, \nwere taken away. Interments ceased to be made here in \n1854, excepting those made in family tombs. \n7 \n\n\n98 BURIAL CUSTOMS. \n\nCremation, abstractly considered, may be a good tiling, \nbut what ought we to think of the individual who could set fire \nto a graveyard ? Such an event actually occurred here one Sun- \nday evening in March, 1826, when the whole town was alarmed \nby the crj- of fire. Flames and smoke were discovered issu- \ning from one of the tombs in which some miscreant had \nplaced combustibles and afterwards ignited them, in conse- \nquence of some paltr}' dispute about its ownership. \n\nAn early writer tells us that ' ' at burials nothing is read \nnor any funeral sermon made, but all the neighborhood or a \ngood company' of them come together b}' the tolling of a bell, \nand carry the dead solemnly\" to the grave and then stand by \nhim while he is buried. The ministers are most commonly \npresent.\" As far as is known, the first instance of prayer at \na funeral in Massachusetts was at the burial of Rev. \"William \nAdams, of Roxbury, on Aug. 19, 1685, when, as Judge \nSewall noted in his Diary, \"Mr. \"Wilson, minister of Medfield, \npraj'ed with the company before the}' went to the grave.\" \n\nAmong the funeral charges at the interment of Rev. \nThomas Walter, who was, as a testimonial of aflFection and \nrespect, buried at the public cost, are these items : — \n\n\"5 doz aud 3 payres of gloves @ 45/ \n3 Payres Womeus Mourning gloves \n6 Rings \n\n1 Barril of Wiue \nPipes and tobacco \nBox to put the bones of old Mr Eliot and others in \n\n\"Wine flowed freely upon these, as upon all public occa- \nsions. So great an evil had this become that, in 1742, the \nGeneral Court prohibited its use at funerals. That body had \nas early as in 1 724 passed an act recommending a retrench- \nment in funeral expenses. \n\nThe extravagances and cost of funerals grew so burden- \nsome that in 1764 the custom of giving gloves was discon- \ntinued except to the bearers. The custom of distributing \n\n\n£12. \n\n0. \n\n0 \n\n1. \n\n16. \n\n0 \n\n6. \n\n12. \n\n0 \n\n9. \n\n1. \n\n6 \n\n3. \n\n0 \n\ns in \n\n6. \n\n0\" \n\nDUDLEY TOMB. \n\n\n99 \n\n\ngloves at funerals, it has been wittilj^ suggested, was origi- \nnall}', perhaps, a challenge from the doctor, def3-ing all who \nshall dare say that he had committed murder contrary- to the \nrules of art. \n\nAt the death of Capt. Samuel Stevens's wife, the expense \nof mourning apparel was avoided, \" according to the new \nmethod of the town of Boston, which,\" sa3-s the Roxburj- cor- \nrespondent of the \"Boston Gazette,\" \"meets with general \napproval among us.\" In this measure economy and patriotism \nwent hand in hand, the non-importation of all articles not of \nprime necessity having been generally agreed to by the col- \nonists. \n\nOn entering the cemetery from Eustis Street, the first tomb \nthat meets the e3'e, \n\nand the one upon the ; .^^■^^^-'-w--^ V^_. ^ \n\nhighest ground, is \ncovered with an oval \nslab of white marble \nbearing the name of \n\"Dudley.\" In it re- \nposes the dust of the \ntwo governors, \nThomas and Joseph \nDudlc}', Chief-Jus- \ntice Paul Dudlc}', and \nCol.William Dudley, \na prominent political leader a century and a half ago. The \noriginal inscription plate is said to have been of pewter, and to \nhave been taken out b}' some of the patriots during the siege \nand run into bullets, lead being a scarce article in their camp. \n\nOf the epitaphs on Thomas Dudley, that by Rev. Ezekiel \nRogers is b}' far the best : — \n\n\" In books a prodigal they say, \nA living cyclopaedia. \nA table talker, rich in sense \nAnd witty without wit's pretence. \n\n\nDUDLEY TOMB — OLD TABLET. \n\n\n100 ministers' tomb. \n\nAn able champion in debate, \n\n\"Whose ■words lacked numbers but not weight, \n\nBoth Catholic and Christian too, \n\nA soldier trusty, tried and true ; \n\nCondemned to share the common doom. \n\nReposes here in Dudley's tomb.\" \n\nBy way of contrast, this, from Broome Church^-ard, Eng- \nland, on another Dudley, will do : — \n\n\"God be praised! \nHere is Mr. Dudley senior \n\nAnd Jane his wife also, \nWho, whilst living was his superior \n\nBut see what death can do. \nTwo of his sons also lie here, \n\nOne \"Walter, t'other Joe; \nThey all of them went in the year \n\n1510, below.\" \n\nNear the centre of the ground is the ministers' tomb, in \nwhich are the remains of the pastors of the First Church, \nincluding the apostle Eliot. The tomb that formerly occu- \npied this spot was erected about the 3'ear 1686, b}^ the friends \nof William Bowen, of Roxburj^ who had been a captive in \nthe hands of the Turks. Hearing of his pitiable condition, \nthey raised a sum of money for his ransom. He died before \nthis could be effected, and the money was appropriated to \nthe building of a tomb for their deceased ministers. \" Good \nold Mrs. EHot,\" the apostle's wife, became its first occupant. \nThe old tomb was about three feet in height, built of brick, \nand covered bj- a large slab of sandstone, without inscription, \nand was in a ruinous condition when the parish committee \ncaused the brick portion of the structure to be replaced by \nsubstantial blocks of sandstone. On one side is inscribed in \nlarge letters, \n\nTHE PARISH TOMB. \n\nA white marble slab was placed upon the sandstone base \nin 1858, with the following inscription : — \n\n\nministers' tomb. 101 \n\nHere lie the Remains \n\nof \n\nJohn Eliot, \n\nThe Apostle to the Indians, \n\nOrdained over the Fiist Church Nov. 5, 1632. Died May 20, 1690. \n\nAged LXXXVI. \n\nAlso of \n\nThomas \"Walter, \n\nOrdained Oct. 19, 1718. Died Jan. 10, 1725. \n\nAged XXIX. \n\nNEHEjnAH \"Walter, \n\nOrdained Oct. 17, 1GS8. Died Sept. 17, 1750. \n\nAged LXXXVII. \n\nOliver Peabody, \n\nOrdained Nov. 7, 1750. Died May 29, 1752. \n\nAged XXXII. \n\nAmos Adams, \n\nOrdained Sept. 12, 1753. Died Oct. 5, 1775. \n\nAged XLVII. \n\nEliphalet Porter, \n\nOrdained Oct. 2, 1782. Died Dec. 7, 1833. \n\nAged LXXV. \n\nThe oldest gravestone now to be found here is that of the \nfirst child of Rev. Samuel Danforth, the colleague of Eliot : — \n\nSamuel Danforth, \n\nAged 6 months. \n\nDyed 22 D: 3M: 1653. \n\nA curious epitaph is this of one of the early teachers of the \nRoxbury School and a graduate of Harvard College : — \n\n\" Sub spe immortali, ye \n\nHerse of Mr. Benj. Thomson \n\nLearned Schoolmaster, \n\n& Physician & y« \n\nReuouned poet of N. Engl. \n\nObiit Aprilis 13, Anno Dom. \n\n1714 & .^tatis suae 74 \n\nMortuus Sed Immortalia. \n\nHe that would try \n\n\"What is true happiness indeed, must die.\" \n\n\n102 \n\n\nJOHN GROSVENOR. — OLD INSCRIPTIONS. \n\n\nGROSVEXOR. \n\n\nAmong the old stones is one thus inscribed : — \n\n\" Here lyetli bui-ied ye Body of Mr. John GrosTenor, who Deed. Sept. \nye 2Tth in ye 40th year of his age. 1691.\" \n\nUpon it is the coat-of-arms of Gros- \nveuor, the family name of the Marquis \nof Westminster, who is accounted the \nwealthiest of English noblemen. This \nis the only coat-of-arms in this old \n-| cemetery, although the Dudley's, the \nDenisons, and many other of the early \nfamilies here were no doubt entitled to \nthe distinction. The scion of the illus- \ntrious house of Grosvenor, who^once \nresided in Roxbuiy, was by trade a \ntanner, and held the responsible office of town constable, \nthen of great dignity and importance. \n\nSome of the early inscriptions remaining are, — \n\nJohn Alcocke, May o, 1690, in ye 35th year of his age. \n\nRobert Calef, April 13, 1719, aged 71. \n\nIsaac Curtis, May 31, 1695, aged 55. \n\nJohn Davis, March 16, 1704-5, aged about 62. \n\nJohn Mayo, April 28, 1688, aged 58. Hannah, his wife, Oct. 5, 1699, aged 63. \n\nDeacon ^Ym. Park, JNIay 10, 1683, aged 79. \n\nJohn Pierpont, Dec. 7, 1682, aged 65. \n\nDeacon Samuel Scarboroiigh, March 18, 1714, aged 69 years and 2 mos. \n\nShubal Sever, Jan. 18, 1729-30, aged 92. Hannah, his wife, Feb. 13, \n1721-2, aged 75. \n\nJohn Watson, Dec. 2, 1671, aged 77. \n\nThomas Weld, Jan. 17, 1682-3, aged' 56. Dorothy, his Avidow, July 31, \n1694, aged G6. \n\nElisabeth Williams, aged 80 years, died the last of June, 1674. \n\nTheoda, widow of Stephen Peck, Aug. 26, 1718, aged 81. (Her first \nhusband was Deacon Samuel Williams.) \n\nJohn Stebbins, aged 70 years, died Dec. 4, 1681. \"An (Anne Munke), \nwho was his first wife lieth by him aged 50 years, died April 3d, 1680.\" \n\n\" Here lyes interred ye body of William Denisox, Master of Arts & \nrepresentative for ye town of Roxbury about 20 years, who departed this \nlife March 22a 1717-I8 jetatis 54. \n\n\" Intec/cr atqne Probus Dens Patria que fidelis, \nUixit mine placide dormet in hoc tumulo.\" \n\n\nTHE CANAL. 103 \n\nCrude and inharmonious as are the verses upon these \n\nstones, they exhibit no such glaring violation of good taste \n\nas does this couplet in Westminster Abbey, over the remains \n\nof the poet Mathew Prior : — \n\n\" Life is a jest, and all things shew it, \nI thought so once, and now I know it.\" \n\nFor all its wealth of costly tombs, monumental marble, \nand storied urn, Westminster Abbey contains no more pre- \ncious dust than that of the good old apostle Eliot, who sleeps \nin this hallowed ground. \n\nOn the north side of the yard are the gravestones of some \nof tlie Warren family, including Joseph, the father of Gen. \nWarren. Most of their remains have been transferred to \nForest HilTs. \n\nA canal fifty feet in width, extending from the wharf at \nLamb's Dam Creek nearl}- to Eustis Street, just east of the \nburying-ground, was built about the year 1795. Its enter- \nprising projectors, among whom were Ralph Smith, Dr. \nThomas Williams, and Aaron and Charles Davis, proposed by \nthis means to save two and a half miles of land carriage from \nthe centre of Boston, in their supplies of fuel, lumber, bark \nfor tanning, flour, salt, etc., and in conveying to the shipping \nin the harbor and stores on the whai'ves, as well as exporting \nabroad, the salted provisions and country produce which con- \nstituted a large proportion of the trade and commerce of the \ntown at that time. The line between Roxbury and Boston \npassed through the centre of this canal. Gen. Heath's man- \nuscript journal, under date of March 9, 1796, notes the fact \nthat a large topsail schooner that day came up into the basin \nof the new canal in \" Lamb's Meadow.\" \n\nWhen Northampton Street was built in 1832, the terminus \nof navigation was made where Morse & Co. now have their \ncoal wharf. North of this street and east of Harrison \nAvenue was a dike to keep out the sea ; all else was marsh \nflats save where the channel afibrded sufficient depth to float \n\n\n104 SAMUEL TRASK. ■ — TRAINING-FIELD. \n\nsmall vessels laden with merchandise to Roxbury. The \ncanal, nevei- a pa3'ing investment, long ago ceased to be of \ncommercial importance, 'and is soon to be filled up by the \ncity. \n\nA Httle to the east, in the direction of the old magazine, \nran a wide creek, in which the rite of baptism was frequently \nperformed. At one of these ceremonies of unusual interest, \nthe pressure of the spectators against a fence upon its border \nwas so great that it gave way, and a number of sinners were \nimmersed nolens volen-;, — a circumstance which greatly inter- \nfered with the solemnity of the occasion. \n\nThe old canal-house, where the lumber-3'ard of Wm. Curtis \nnow is, was the storehouse of Aaron and Charles Davis, pork \nand beef dealers and slaughterers. This was at the head of \nthe canal. Near the pier was a little beach or landing-place \nwhere fishermen disposed of their piscatorj' wares. Among \nthem was Capt. Samuel Trask, a soldier of the Revolution, \nj-et remembered by those who as bo^'s frequented the beach \nand enjoyed its boating and other privileges as onl}' boys can. \nThe captain, who late in life kept a fishing vessel here, built \nin 1812, near the head of the canal, a schooner of about \nsevent}' tons. This vessel, laden with provisions b}' Aaron \nand Charles Davis, on sailing out of the harbor fell an easy \nprey to the British fleet then cruising at its entrance. \n\nTrask had been an artilleryman at Monmouth, and one of \nhis stories of that hot engagement was worth}- of Munchausen. \nThe bullets fell so thickly in his immediate vicinity, so he \nsaid, that after the battle was over he found his outside \npockets filled with those firqd from the enemy, thej' having \nfallen there, somewhat flattened, after first striking his person. \nTo the occupation of fishing, Trask added that of roofing. \n\nThe old training-field, devoted to this purpose from the \nearliest days, contained seven acres, and was situated \nbetween Dudle}' and Eustis Streets, its western boundary \nbeing opposite Greenville Street. It formed the eastern por- \n\n\nARMS. THE TRAINBAND. 105 \n\ntiou of the triangle lying between \"Washington, Dudley, and \nEustis Streets, having upon its western side the estates of \nEliot, Walter, Weld, and Danforth. Originall}' the property' \nof Deacon William Parke, it came in possession of the Weld \nfamily, Joseph Weld, in 1762, perfecting his title by purchas- \ning of the town its right to use the ground for military exer- \ncises. Other grounds subsequently used for this purpose \nwere, the common west of the church, now Eliot Square, \n'• Xed's Hill,\" where the House of the Angel Guardian now \nstands, and the Wyman farm, above Hog Bridge. \n\nAmong the distinguishing traits of our ancestors was their \nattention to militarj' affairs. Arms were a common posses- \nsion. Those of Isaac Morrill, of Roxbury, hung up in his \nparlor, were, a musket, a fowling-piece, three swords, a pike, \na half-pike, a corselet, and two belts of bandoleers. All males \nbetween sixteen and sixt}' were required to be provided with \narms and ammunition. The arms of private soldiers were \npikes, muskets, and swords. The muskets had matchlocks \nor firelocks, and to each one there was a pair of bandoleers \nor pouches for powder and bullets, and a stick called a rest \nfor use in taking aim. The pikes were ten feet in length, \nbesides the spear at the end. For defensive armor corselets \nwere worn, and coats quilted with cotton. \n\nThe trainband had not less than sixty-four, nor more than \ntwo hundred men, and twice as man}- musketeers as pikemen, \nthe latter being of superior stature. Its offl- j- \ncers were a captain, lieutenant, ensign, and \nfour sergeants. The commissioned officers \ncarried swords, partisans or leading staves, \nand sometimes pistols. The sergeants bore \nhalberds. The flag of the colon)' bore the \nred cross of St. George in one corner, u^Don \na white field, the pine-tree, the favorite em- ^^^i-^--^'^-^^ ^^^°- \nblem of New England, being in one corner of the four spaces \nformed b}' the cross. Company trainings were ordered at \n\n\n106 UNDEKHILL. — MORRIS. \n\nfirst every Saturday, then every mouth, then eight times a \nyear. \"• I'he training to begin at one of the clock of the \nafternoon.\" The drum was their only music. \n\nAs early as July, 1631, the General Court ordered that on \nthe first Tuesday of every month there should be a general \ntraining of Capt. John Underhill's company, at Roxbury or \nBoston . This company was composed of the freemen of hoih \ntowns. \n\nUnderhill, who was subsequently banished for sharing in \nthe heresies of Mrs. Hutchinson, claimed to have had an \ninflux of the Holy Spirit while indulging in \"the moderate \nuse of the creature called tobacko.\" He had been a soldier \nin the Netherlands, and was one of the commanders at the \ndestruction of the Pequodfort, at Mystic. \n\nLieut. Richard Morris, also exiled for the same cause, was \none of the founders of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery \nCompany ; represented Roxburj- in the General Court in \n1635-6, and was the second commander of Castle William. \nIn March, 1C33, he was Underhill's ensign, but •' taking some \ndistaste to his office, requested the magistrates that he might \nbe discharged of it, and so was, whereb}' he gave offence to \nthe congregation of Boston, so as being questioned and con- \nvinced of sin in forsaking his calling, he did acknowledge his \nfault, and at the request of the people was by the magistrates \nchosen lieutenant of the same company', for he was a very \nstout man and an experienced soldier.\" Punishment on \n'\" conviction of sin,\" by promotion, seems singular, but in \nthe case of this \"very stout man and experienced soldier\" \nmust be regarded as extremely politic. Com. Charles Morris, \none of our most distinguished naval oflScers, was a descendant \nof this Lieut. Richard, of Roxbmy. \n\nDec. 13, 1636, the General Court ordered, \" That all \nmilitary men in this jurisdiction shall be ranked into three \nregiments, Boston, Roxbeny, Dorchester, AYeimouth, Iling- \nham, to be one regiment, whereof John Winthrope senior \n\n\nTRAINING IN 1685. 107 \n\nesquire shall be colonel, and Thos. Dudley Esquire lieftenant \ncolonel.\" In the expedition under Stoughton against the \nPequods, in 1G37, there were ten Roxbury men. \n\nIn 1G46, Capt. Joseph Weld being dead, \" the young men \nof the town agreed together to choose one George Deuison, \na young soldier come lately out of the wars in England, but \nthe ancient and chief men of the town chose one Mr. Prich- \nard, whereupon much discontent and murmuring arose in the \ntown.\" The court negatived the action of •' Young America\" \nand decided in favor of Prichard. \n\nAt a later period it was ordered and decreed '' That all the \nsouldiers belonging to the 2G bands in the Massachusets \ngovernment should be examined and drilled eight dales in a \n3-eare and whoever should absent himself, except it were upon \nxmavoida])le occasion should pay 5 shillings for every dales \nneglect.\" '• There are none exempt unless it be a few timor- \nous persons that are apt to plead infirmity if the church \nchoose them not for deacons or they cannot get to serve some \nmagistrate or minister,\" says Lechford, \" but assuredly the \ngeneralit}' of this people are very forward for feats of war.\" \n\nJohn Dunton, a London bookseller then visiting Boston, \nthus describes a training in 1685 : \" Being come into the field \nthe captain called us all into our close order to go to prayer, \nand then praj'ed himself, and when our exercise was done the \ncaptain likewise concluded with prayer. Solemn prayer in \nthe field upon a da}- of training I never knew but in New \nEngland, where it seems it is a common custom. About 3 \nof the clock both our exercises and praying being over, \nwe had a ver^- noble dinner to which all the clerg}- were in- \nvited.\" \n\nThe town that sent three companies of minute-men to Lex- \nington on the 19th of April, 177-3, and furnished three gen- \nerals to the Revolutionar}- armj', maj' well be proud of her \nmilitar}' record. Eliot's testimonv respecting the efforts \nmade by the town during Philip's war is given elsewhere. \n\n\n108 MILITARY HISTORY. \n\nIn the various Indian wars during the colonial period, and \nthose in which England and France contended for the empire \nof America, the citizens of Roxbur}- took an active part, \nfurnishing many officers of distinction as well as a large num- \nber of intrepid soldiers. The officers of the militar}' compam- \nof the town which, in 1689, took part in the Revolution that \noverthrew the government of Andros, were Capt. Samuel \nRuggles, Sen., Lieut. Samuel Gore, and Ensign Timothy \nStevens. \n\nRoxbury and Brookline sent thirty-nine soldiers in the ill- \nfated expedition to Canada in 1690, most of whom perished. \nA tract of land was in 1735 granted to their widows and \nchildren, called Roxbur}- or Gardiner's Canada, now \"War- \nwick, Mass., a town in the northeast corner of Franklin \nCounty, thirty-seven miles from Boston. In September, \n1736, Samuel Newell and the officers and soldiers in the \ncompany, under the command of Capt. Andrew Gardiner, in \nthe Canada expedition, held the first meeting of the proprie- \ntors at the house of James Jarvis, innkeeper, in Roxburj'. \nCapt. Robert Sharp, of Brookline, was chosen moderator, \nand William Dudley, Esq , clerk. Roxbury was well repre- \nsented in the Louisburg expedition in 1745. She sent two \ncompanies, commanded bj' Nathaniel Williams and John \nRuggles, Ebenezer Newell being the lieutenant in the com- \npany of Estes Hatch. Among the officers from Roxbury \nwho served in the campaigns of 1758-60, in Canada, were \nCol. Joseph Williams, Capt. Jeremiah Richards, Jr., and \nLieut. Ephraim Jackson. \n\nIn December, 1778, the three Roxbury companies were \ncommanded respectivel}- b}' Ebenezer Gore, Thomas Mayo, \nJr., and Lemuel May. In March, 1784, the Roxbury artil- \nlery was foi'med, and John Jones Spooner, a gentleman of \nhigh character, afterwards a clerg^'man, was chosen captain. \nThis corps, which did good service in Sha3-s's Rebellion, \nbecame aninfantr}- company- in 1857, taking its present name, \n\n\nTHE ROXBURY ARTILLERY. 109 \n\nthe Roxbury City Guard, It furnished three companies to \nthe war for the Union. After its change of name the old \nmembers organized themselves as the Roxbur}' Artillery \nAssociation. \n\nThe first parade of the compan}- took place on Jul}- 5, \n1784, the occasion being the celebration of the anniversar}' \nof National Independence, the Fourth falling on Sunda}-. An \ne^'e-witness saj's, \" The}' appeared well, and performed their \nexercises in a creditable manner. They dined together and \nwere joined by a number of gentlemen of this and some \nother towns.\" On the loth of October following, they again \nparaded on occasion of the visit of Gen. Lafayette, saluting \nhim with thirteen guns. Their gun-house, or place of meet- \ning, was in the rear of the old town house. \n\nIt is quite a feather in the cap of this ancient company, \nthat so soon after the Revolutionary war, and while every- \nthing was prostrate, it should have succeeded in establishing \nupon a permanent basis the organization that subsists to-day. \nAt that time Boston had not a single live military company, \nunless it was the artillery company of Capt. Davis. The \nAncient and Honorable Artillery, the Cadets, and the Grena- \ndier corps had either been disbanded or were without vitality, \nso that when the celebrations of July 4, 1784, 1785, and 1786, \ntook place, Roxbury furnished Boston with the military escort \nfor the occasion. \n\nThe Norfolk Guards were organized in 1818, Alexander H. \nGibbs, commander ; reorganized in 1838, and disbanded in \n1855. Col. Wm. H. Spooner, son of Major John Jones \nSpooner, and grandson of Gen. Heath, commanded them in \n1841. This corps was highly distinguished for its bearing \nand efficiency, and bore upon its roll the names of many of \nthe prominent citizens of the town. \n\nRoxbury performed her whole duty in the war of the \nRebellion, placing her entire quota promptly in the field. \nAmong her brave sons whose lives were sacrificed upon the \n\n\n110 lamb's dam. — LANDING-PLACE. \n\naltar of their country- were Geu. T. J. C. Amory and Col. \nLucius M. Sargent. \n\nOn the corner of Mall Street, formerh' a part of the train- \ning field, the large house built in 1804 b}^ Aaron Davis for \nhis residence, is the site of a redoubt constructed in the early \ndays of the siege to protect the approach to Dorchester. Here \nran the lower road, the creek making up near it. \n\nAlbany Street, originall}' the ' ' ^'a^' to the Town Lauding \" \nor wharf, was in 1825 widened and named Davis Street. It \nthen extended from Eustis Street to the town wharf. Since \nannexation it has l>een extended to its present terminus, \nforming a broad and continuous roadwaj' east of and parallel \nwith Harrison Avenue. The latter, originating in a dike for \nthe protection of the Neck, known a century ago as Hill's \nDam, received its present name in 1841 in honor of the visit \nof the President. Front Street, as it was then called, was \ncontinued to Eustis Street, and the Roxbury portion of it \nnamed Plj'mouth Street. It was extended in 1870 to War- \nren Street. \n\nAn elevation, quite precipitous on its western side, begin- \nning at Yeoman Street and sloping down nearlv to the Lead \nWorks in Albany Street, was the site of the Lamb's Dam \nBattery, famous during the siege. The works here, completed \nearly in September, 1775, were in 1786 levelled by order of \nthe town. The hill on which they stood was graded down \nman}' years ago. \n\nLamb's Dam, built to prevent the tide from overflowing the \nmarsh, and perhaps to facilitate the making of salt here, ran \nparallel with the present Northampton Street, ten feet east \nof it, to the town landing. It made a slight angle at its junc- \ntion with Hill's Dam, and struck Washington Street just \nsouth of Walnut Place. At the landing-place the brothers \nAaron and Charles Davis had, besides the store on the corner \nof Eustis and Washington Streets, an extensive establishment \nfor packing provisions, a distillery, and a tannery. \n\n\nDUDLEY STREET. Ill \n\nLamb's Dam was the scene of a tragical event at the close \nof the j-ear 1778. During a violent snow-storm, William \nBishop, of Cumberland, R. I., returning from Boston with a \nteam and two oxen and a horse, through the severity of the \nweather missed his waj' as he was crossing the Neck, and got \nupon Lamb's Dam, where he with his cattle and horse per- \nished. Finding it impossible to save his team he left it, and \nendeavored to reach a barrack in the fort near by, but failed \nin the attempt. On the following day three Frenchmen were \nfound dead in Eoxbury, supposed to have perished of the \nextreme cold of the preceding night. \n\nHaving traversed the old lane to its junction with the Dor- \nchester road, let us retrace our steps, and, taking a new \ndeparture, follow the old Dorchester road which began on the \ntown street near Zeigler, and passing around the old school- \nhouse and over the narrow road between it and Smelt Brook, \ntook a straight course to Dorchester through what is now \nDudley Street, so named west of Washington Street in 1811, \nand east of it in 1825. \n\nOn our left is the Eliot estate, which, with the training- \nfield, extended to Mount Pleasant. Upon the right, lying \nbetween Washington and Warren Streets, is the Isaac Morrill \nestate. Here also was the blacksmith's shop of Tobias Davis, \nson-in-law of Morrill and contemporary with the apostle Eliot. \nOne of Isaac Morrill's two forges belonged in 1720 to his \ngreat-grandson, Samuel Stevens, the grandfather of Joseph \nWarren. Let us pause for a moment before the Dudle}- Street \nBaptist Church and glance at its records. \n\nA series of meetings held in the autumn of 1817 at the \nresidence of Beza Tucker, now occupied by C. F. Bradford, \nsubsequently continued in what was called \" Whitewash \nHall,\" a room in the three-story wooden building in Guild \nRow, led to the formation of the Dudley Street Baptist \nChurch. At that time even this, the most thicklj- settled \nportion of the town, had but a small population, and but one \n\n\n112 \n\n\nDUDLEY STREET BAPTIST CHURCH. \n\n\nreligious society, that of Rev. Dr. Porter, worshipping in the \nold meeting-house on the hill. A site was purchased of Dea. \nMunroe, and the first building, which was of wood, was raised \nMay 10, 1820, on the same day that the remains of Mr. \nTucker, the early and generous friend of the societ}', were \nborne to the grave. The church was dedicated Nov. 1, 1820, \n\nand on March 9, \n1821, thesociet}', \nconsisting of \ntwenty-three per- \nsons, under the \nname of *■ ' The \nBaptist Church \nin Roxbur}' , \" was \nformed. Its pres- \nent name was \nadopted on Feb. \n28, 1850. \n\nOn May 15, \n1821, seven con- \nverts were bap- \ntized in Stony \nBrook. At this, \ntlie first adminis- \ntration of bap- \ntism in Roxbur}', \nabout two thou- \nsand persons \nwere present, al- \nmost the entire \npopulation turning out to witness it. On a subsequent occa- \nsion the number present was so great, and all were so eager \nto behold the solemn rite, that they crowded upon the logs and \nplanks which extended out over the water near the old dam \nwhere the service was performed. Suddenly the plank on \n\n\nDUDLEY STREET HAPTI^T CIItTCn. \n\n\nDEA. PAEKE. 113 \n\nwhich stood one of the most excellent and highl}' esteemed \nChristian citizens of the town gave waj^ and he was sub- \njected, in the presence of all, to an unwilling immersion. \n\nIn 1852, to meet the wants of the growing congregation, \nthe present beautiful edifice was erected, and the old one sold \nto the Methodists, who removed it to the corner of Warren \nand Cliff Streets, where it was destro^-ed by fire early on \nSunday morning, March 29, 1868. The new house, which \nwas dedicated July 27, 1853, is of brick, in the pointed \nGothic style, is covered with mastic, and blocked off in imi- \ntation of brown sandstone. The interior is divided into nave \nand side aisles b}' cluster columns from which spring arches, \nsupporting the clere-story. Its length, exclusive of the \nporch, is one hundred and seventeen feet ; extre*ne breadth, \nsevent3--five feet ; height of tower and spire, built entkely \nof brick, two hundred feet. It has a seating capacity of \neleven hundred. The succession of its pastors follows : — \n\nSETTLED. EESIGSKD. \n\nJoseph Elliot, March, 1822. June, 1824. \n\nWilliam Le\\t;rett, June, 1825. July, 1839. \n\nThos. Ford Caldicott, June, 1840. April, 1848. \n\nThos. DA\\as Andersox, August, 1848. December, 1861. \nHenry Melville King, April, 18G3. \n\nOn the southeasterly side, after passing Warren Street, \ncame the estate oi \\\\m. uheney, of two and one half acres. \nNext came Dea. William Parke, with eight acres, while \nbeyond were the houses and lands of Pa3-son, Francis Smith, \nand Edward Riggs. Dea. Parke, \" a man of pregnant \nunderstanding, and one of the first in the church of Rox- \nbur}',\" came over among the first settlers in 1630, and for \nmore than half a century was one of her most useful and \nhonored citizens. For thirtj'-three 3ears he was her repre- \nsentative ia the legislature, was often a selectman, holding \nalso manj^ other important trusts, public and private, and \nwas one of the earliest members of the Ancient and Honora- \n\n\n114 EDMUND WELD. — MOUNT PLEASANT. \n\nble Artilleiy Compan}'. He died in 1G85, at the age of \nseventy-eiglit, being, as expressed in his will, \"old and \nweake of body but of perfect understanding, according to the \nmeasure received.\" He had no sons, and his large property \npassed after his decease into the hands of his grandchildren, \nprincipally to the children of his daughter Theoda, wife of \nSamuel Williams. \n\nA portion of this estate passed to the Weld family, one of \nwhom, Mr. Samuel Weld, yet resides here. Edmund, grandson \nof Rev. Thomas Weld, in 1742 bequeathed to his son Edmund \nhis \" part of the homestead and training field, and the land \nadjoyning.\" The Unitarian Church, on the corner of Green- \nville Street, in which Rev. Wm. R. Alger preached from \n1847 to 1855, is nearl}' on the site of the Edmund Weld \nhomestead. Moreland, Fairland, Greenville, and a part of \nWinthrop Streets are comprised within the limits of the Weld \nestate. The home of the present representative of this old \nfamily, on Moreland Street, is also that of his sister and her \nhusband, the well-known writer, Epes Sargent, Esq. \n\nBetween the Weld farm and the estate formerly John \nRead's is the localit}- known as Mount Pleasant. It includes \nthe avenue of that name. Vine and Forest Streets, and \nextends to the northern extremit}' of Blue Hill, formerly \nGrove Hall Avenue. Giles Payson, a deacon of the First \nChurch, who also held man}' town offices, had here his home- \nstead of five acres. He was one of the Nazing emigrants, \nand died in 1688. The Pa3'son estate afterwards became the \nproperty of John Holbrook, tanner, and in 1767 was bought \nb}- Moses White. Daniel, the last of the Roxbur^' Holbrooks, \ndied here in 1827, aged eight^'-three. This farm, then con- \nsisting of twent3'-seven acres, was bought about 1833 of the \nheirs of Aaron White, and cut up into house lots. White's \nformer residence is on Forest Street, next that of»Hon. John \nS. Sleeper. This was one of the first of the old Roxbury \nfarms bought for speculative purposes, and received its \n\n\nROBERT WILLIAMS. 115 \n\npresent attractive name in 1835. Prior to 1868 Forest Street \nwas called Chestnut ; and Mount Pleasant Avenue, Elm \nAvenue. This part of Eustis Street was at the same time \nrechristened Dudley. \n\nMr. Sleeper, who yet resides here at the age of eighty- \nthree, came to Eoxbury in 1843. Twenty-one years of his \nearly life were passed on the ocean, and his experiences of a \nseafaring life have been given to the public in newspaper \nsketches and in books. He edited and published the \" Bos- \nton Journal \" for manj^ years. In 1856-58 he was mayor of \nRoxbur}', and recently represented his district in the State \nSenate. \n\nThe homestead of Robert AVilliams, one of the early set- \ntlers of Roxbury, in which five generations of the family \nlived and died, remained standing until 1794, upon the site \nnow occupied by the large brick dwelling-house on Dearborn \nStreet, near the schoolhouse. This house, built by Dr. \nThomas Williams, was the first brick mansion erected in \nRoxbury, and was the family residence until the death oJ \nhis son, \" Lawyer Tom,\" in 1823. This old family seai \nformed a part of quite a large estate, extending easterly from \nwhat is now Alban}' Street, on both sides of Eustis Street, as \nfar as Magazine Street. It sustained great injur}' during the \nsiege, the best part of its orchard having been cut down by \nthe troops. \n\nIn 1820 the estate, then containing one hundred and \ntwenty acres of upland and ten acres of marsh, was bought \nof the heirs of Dr. Thomas Williams by Aaron D. Williams \nand William 11. Sumner, and afterwards cut up into lots and \nsold. The mansion was recentl}' owned by W. Elliott \nWoodward, who at the same time had in his possession those \nof Gov. Eustis and Col. Swan, all three notable residences. \nTo the enterprise and energy of this gentleman, Roxbury' is \ngreatly indebted for the building up of this quarter of the \ntown. \n\n\n116 . mccurtin's diary. \n\nRobert, the emigrant ancestor of this the most prolific of \nthe old Roxbury families, came from Xorwich, England, in \n1638, and died at a great age in 1693. Among his distin- \nguished descendants are Col. Ephraim, founder of Williams \nCollege ; Rev. Elisha, president of Yale College ; William, \ngovernor of Connecticut, and a signer of the Declaration of \nIndependence ; Col. Joseph, of Roxbury ; and Rev. Eleazer, \nthe \" lost Bourbon.\" \n\nMost of the Roxbury Williamses are descended from \nStephen, third son of Robert, who inherited the homestead, \nand died in 1720. Capt. Stephen W^illiams, his son, is thus \ncommemorated on his gravestone in the old bur3ing-ground : \n\n' ' His works of piety and love \nRemain before the Lord ; \nHonor on earth and joy above \nShall be his suijo reward.\" \n\nDr. Thomas, son of Eleazer and Sarah Williams, an excel- \nlent ph3'sician and a prominent citizen, born here in 1736, \ndied in 1815, after a life of remarkable industry, temperance, \nand activit}'. He was influential in town affairs, and was one \nof the projectors and corporators of the Roxbur}^ Canal. \nThe doctor was a dark-complexioned man, of exceedingly \ncourteous manners, and when making his dail}' round of pro- \nfessional visits upon his large white horse, being near \nsighted, would bow to ever}' window as he passed, so as to \navoid giving offence by omitting anybody. \n\nThe diar}- of Daniel McCurtin, one of the Pennsylvania \nriflemen quartered here during the siege, contains some \namusing particulars. He says : — \n\n\"Upon the 13th of August, 1775, we marched from Cambridge in \ncompany with Capt. Morgan's company to a small village named \nRocksbury, about two miles from Boston, situated on the south side \nof the city and fairly exposed to their fortifications. This has been \na pleasant place, but the regulars have spoiled it with their cannon \nballs, and it is now in a manner desolate, the people having left their \nhouses and given them to the soldiers for barracks. The 14th being \n\n\nDR. THOMAS WILLIAMS. 117 \n\nSunday, we had to stand seutiy at a place called Lamb's Dam while \na party of our musketmeu were erecting a fort. \n\n\"Sept. 11. This morning as I was breakfasting in the former \ndwelling-house of Dr. \"Williams, they fired four 32-pounders at \nthe house, one of which rushed through the room, dashed one side \nout of the chimney, broke two partitions, and filled our dishes with \nplastering, ceiling, and bricks. George Switzler, Sergt. Dowd, \nand William Johnson were in the room when this happened. Any \none may judge whether or no this did not surprise us four young \nheroes. How it was with the others I cannot say, but I know to \nthe best of ray thinking that I went down two pair of stall's of three \nstrides, without a fall, and as soon as I was out of dooi's ran to the \nbreastwork in great haste, which is our place of safety, without the \nleast concern for our breakfast, to James McCancie's amazement. \n\n\" Oct. 11. This daj^ at eleven o'clock came Dr. \"Williams to take \naway a corn-house belonging to him which stood adjacent to our \nhouse. It was thirteen feet long and eleven broad, and very strongly \nmade. He brought a cart, six oxen, and two cows. First the house \nwas lifted up on the cart and balanced evenly ; then our men conveyed \nhim for about a mile, at which time we met a hill which made us \nthink that the house could never be hauled up. At this, Dr. Wil- \nliams went Into an orchard and fetched a hatful of apples and came \nout on the hilltop and split them, and expressed himself in these \nwords to the steers, ' Come up, and j^ou may eat apples,' at which \nwords the cattle strained and pulled for life until they got up, \nwhich caused us to laugh very heartily, and wonder much.\" \n\nThe doctor was a Tor}-, but b}' no means an obnoxious one, \nand he was too useful a citizen to be driven away, as were \nthe others. On hearing of the affair at Lexington he re- \nmarked to Edward Sumner, \" Well, the nail is driven.\" \n\" Yes,\" said Sumner, who was always opposed in politics to \nthe doctor, \" the nail is driven, and we'll clinch it, too.\" \n\nEobert, his grandfather, was some time town clerk of Eox- \nbury, and received two acres of land near Dorchester Brook, \nfor his services. He subsequently' petitioned the town to \ntake it back, as it occasioned him \" too much worldlj' care.\" \nThe doctor being a somewhat avaricious man, Sumner would \noften banter him about the great change in the \"Williamses in \nthis particular since Robert's da}^ \n\n\n1 18 EAST STREET. \n\nA sharp bargain was that which he drove with a passing \ncountrj'raan, whose load of bricks he examined, and having \nselected three perfect samples, made a contract with him for \nenough to build his new house. The astonishment and disgust \nof the countrj-mau may be imagined when he found, on deliv- \nering his first load, which -was no way inferior to the one \nexamined, that every brick not equal in size or color, and not \nin every respect up to the sample, was rejected. \n\nEast Street, so named in 1842, now Hampden Street, runs \ndiagonally through the Williams estate from Eustis Street to \nthe lead works. On Blue Hill Avenue, then called East \nStreet, an extensive piggery once stood. Lucius M. Sar- \ngent, in his \" Dealings with the Dead,\" gives the following \namusing account of this nuisance, and how it was abated : — \n\n\"In 1832 Boston weut extensively into the carrion and garbage \nbusiness, and furnished the provant for a legion of hogs. The car- \nrion carts of the metropolis of New England, eundo redeundo et \nmanendo, dropping filth and fatness as they went, became an abom- \ninable nuisance and, as Commodore Trunnion beat up to church on \nhis Avedding day, so every citizen, as soon as he discovered one of \n'hese aromatic vehicles drawn by six or eight hoi'ses, was obliged \nX) ' close haul his nose, and struggle for the weather gage.' \n\n\" The proprietor of this colossal hog-sty, with his burnery of \nbones and other fragrant contrivances, created a stench unknown \namong men since the bituminous conflagration of the cities of the \nplain, Sodom and Gomorrah, and which terrible stench, in the lan- \nguage of Sternhold and Hopkins, ' came flying all abroad.' In the \nkeeping of the varying wind this aria cattiva, like that from a grave- \nyard sui-charged with half-buried corpses, visited from day to day \nevery dwelling, and nauseated every man, woman, and child in the \nvillage. Four town meetings were held upon this subject. Roxbury \ncalmly remonstrated, Boston doggedly persisted, and at last, \npatience having had its perfect work, the carrion carts, while \nattempting to enter Roxbury, were met by the yeomanry on the line \nand driven back to Boston. Complaint was made, the grand jury \nof Norfolk found bills against the owner of the hogs and the city of \nBoston, both were duly convicted and entered into a written obliga- \ntion to sin no more in this wise.\" \n\n\nEXOCH BARTLETT. 119 \n\nMagazine Street, *• Powder-House Lane,\" formerl}- led to \nthe powder magazine belonging to the State, and had a gate \nat the present entrance of the street. The magazine stood \non what was known as Pine Island, a part of the confiscated \nestate of Gov. Bernard, now traversed by Swett Street, and \nwas for many j'ears kept by John Read. \n\nNext comes the Bartlett mansion, built about 1805 by Capt. \nThomas Brewer, who perished, as is supposed, about the year \n1812 while on a A-oyage from the Cape of Good Hope to \nSumatra. His widow, a venerable relic of the old school of \nmanners, died greatl}' respected and beloved at Eastport, \nMe., in 1851, aged eight}'. Her father, Andrew Caznean, a \njudge of admiralty before the Revolution, and whose property \nshe inherited, died at Roxbury in 1792. From 1822 to 1860, \nthe 5'ear of his death, it was the home of Enoch Bartlett, a \nwell-known and highly esteemed citizen. It is at present \noccupied by a charitable association called \"The Little Sis- \nters of the Poor.\" Mr. Allen Putnam, who married a daugh- \nter of Mr. Bartlett, and who administered the estate, found \nthat, adding to the purchase-mone}* of ihis propert}' compound \ninterest for thirty nine j'ears, brought it to within one thou- \nsand dollars of the assessed valuation in 1860. The residence \nof Mr. Putnam, whose writings upon the subject of Spiritual- \nism are well known, is opposite the mansion house. This \nestate was formerl}' John Williams's. \n\nTwo of the original '\"Bartlett\" pear-trees, imported b}^ \nCapt. Brewer, are still in bearing here. This pear, whose \nsize, beauty, and excellence entitle it to the high estimation \nin which it is ever^-where held, originated about 1770 in \nEngland, where it was known as \" Williams's Bonchretien.\" \nWhen imported its name was lost, and having been cultivated \nand disseminated by Mr. Bartlett, became so universally \nknown as the Bartlett pear that it was found impossible to \nrestore its old name \n\nMr. Bartlett, who was a Boston merchant, laid the founda- \n\n\n120 \n\n\nEUSTIS HOUSE. \n\n\ntion of his fortune b}' bringing to the United States a cargo \nof English goods just when the breaking out of the war Idc- \ntween the United States and England had greatly enhanced \nthe price of imported commodities. He took great interest \nin agriculture, and was vice-president of the Massachusetts \nAgricultural Society. \n\nPerez Ewell's old house stands on the opposite side of \nEustis Street, at some distance from it. This, with Weld's, \n\n\nEUSTIS UOUSE. \n\n\nWhite's, Dr. AVilliams's, Stephen Williams's, and the Eustis \nhouse, were all the houses between the burying-ground and \nDorchester at the beginning of the century. Ewell married \na daughter of Stephen Williams, the tanner, who lived in the \nold farm-house, since the residence of Samuel Walker, Esq. \n\nOn Shirle}' Street, some twenty-five rods north of Eustis \nStreet, is the house built by Gov. Shirley about the middle \nof the last century, its oaken frame and other materials, even \nthe bricks, which were of three ditferent sizes, having, it is \nsaid, been brought from England at a vast expense. Shirley \nPlace, for so the governor styled it, is a large, square, two- \n\n\nEUSTIS HOUSE. 121 \n\nstoiT, bip-roofea\\structure, with a stone basement, having a \npiazza at each end, and is surmounted by an observatoiy \nenclosed with a railing. This is the most elaborate and \npalatial of the old Roxbury mansions, and notwithstanding \nthe vicissitudes it has undergone, is extremel}' well preserved. \nOne of its peculiarities is its double front ; that facing the \nharbor, on the side farthest from the road, being undoubtedly \nthe true one. The upper windows on this side afford a fine \nA'iew of the city, the harbor, and the islands. Each front is \napproached bj' a flight of stone steps, flanked b}- an iron railing \nof an antique and solid pattern, but now rusted b}' the elements. \nEntering the uortnern or proper front 3'ou find yourself in \na spacious hall of grand proportions. To the right a broad \nstaircase leads to a balcou}' extending around to the left, \nwhere two doors open into the guest-chamber in which Wash- \nington, Franklin, Lafa^'ette, Daniel Webster, and manj' other \nceleljrated men have from time to time been accommodated. \nFrom this balcou}' the musicians entertained the company \nseated at the table in the ban\". The carved balusters around \nthe staircase and gallery are of three diflerent patterns, and \nthe rail surmounting them is inlaid at the top. The base \nof the balustrade and staircase is also adorned with a carved \nrunning vine. The ceiling around the main hall is beautifull}' \nstuccoed, and its floor was originall}' painted to represent a \ncarpet. To the right and left of the hall are doors leading \ninto the reception-room, parlors, etc. The southwest room , \nwhich was Madam Eustis's, contained a secretary which was \nthe gift of Dr. Joseph Warren to her husband when a student \nof medicine with him. On the Dudley Street front is a small \nhall paved with marble. Upon great occasions the two halls \nwere thrown into one b^' opening the folding-doors between. \nThe fireplaces were ornamented with Dutch tiles, but when \nthe house was sold in 18G7 it was completely denuded of \nthese by those modern Goths and Vandals, curiosit}' and relic \nhunters. \n\n\n122 EUSTIS HOUSE. \n\nThe old house seeras queerl}' constructed, so numerous are \nits apartments and so full is it of doors and closets ; many \nof the latter are let into the solid walls. The wine-closets in \nthe guest-chamber could doubtless tell of many a convivial gath- \nering, and of mirth and jollity unbounded in the time gone by. \n\nCol. Thomas Dawes told Gen. Wm. H. Sumner that he \nwas one of the masons that helped build the house. Said he, \n\"You will see, if 3'ou go into the stone basement story, a hall \nor entry running through its centre, kitchens and other \nnecessary offices on one side, and the servants' rooms on the \nother.\" These features necessarily disappeared when the \nbuilding was removed. To insure warmth it was built of \nbrick and covered with wood. A lawn of considerable extent \nfronted the house. It was said to have been levelled by sol- \ndiers returned from the Louisburg expedition. Mr. Aaron \nD. Williams often heard his father speak of having seen the \nsoldiers at work there. \n\nOn the east side ran the brook forming the boundary \nbetween Roxbury and Dorchester, but which now flows \nthrough the sewer. A magnificent willow marks the westerly \nend of a small pond through which the brook formerl}' flowed. \nA much larger pond, which was on the north side of the \nestate, about where Woodward Avenue enters George Street, \nhas been filled up, and like the larger part of the estate is \nnow covered with houses. Of the terraces that formerly \nextended from the brook to the hill on the west side of the \nestate, onl}- three east of the house remain. \n\nShirley's first purchase was of Gen. Samuel Waldo, second \nin command of the Louisburg expedition, on Nov. 22, 1746, \nof a dwelling-house and thirty-three acres, bought by Waldo \nin 1729 of Rev. James Allen, the first minister of Brpokline, \nand a native of Roxbury. In September, 1756, he bought \nthe land on the south side of the road, formerly Nathaniel \nWilliams's, extending from Col. Hatch's on the east to \nDennis Street on the west. \n\n\nELIAKIM HUTCHINSON. 123 \n\nIn 1764 the estate was bought b}' Judge Eliakim Hutch- \ninson, Shirle^-'s son-in-law. He became a member of the \ngovernor's council, and chief justice of the Court of Common \nPleas for Suffolk, and died in June, 1775. Having been a \nlo3-alist. his estate was confiscated, the purchaser, in Septem- \nber, 1782, being the Hon. John Read, a gentleman of consid- \nerable political prominence in Koxbury in his da^'. During his \nresidence here INIajor Read dispensed an elegant hospitality, \nthe memory of which long lingered in the recollection of the \npast generation. He subsequentlj' resided in Dennis Street, \nwhere Mrs. James Huckins now lives, in a house built by \nhim for his son. \n\nMade a barrack for our soldiers in 1775, it was greatly \ninjured thereby. Col. Asa Whitcomb's regiment marched to \nDorchester Heights from its quarters here, on the evening of \nMarch 4, 1776. In 1791 Read sold the mansion and a part \nof the grounds to a widow, a French refugee, Madame Ber- \ntelle de Fitzpatrick, nee Bovis, from whose hands it passed, \ntwo years later, into those of Giles Alexander. Among the \nexiles driven from their native land by the French Revolu- \ntion, who took refuge in Roxbury, I find the names of Dr. \nLeprilete, M. Dubuque, M. de Salaberi, and Peter F. C. \nDelesdernier. \n\nOf Giles Alexander, tradition says that he treated his \nwife so ill, that one evening a party of young men of some of \nthe best families in Boston came disguised to his house, \nbroke off the heads of two stone lions who kept guard at the \nfront gate, and wound up their frolic by bestowing upon the \nobnoxious proprietor a complete suit of tar and feathers. A \n'• labyrinth\" in the grounds in front of the house constituted \nthe limit of Mrs. Alexander's prescribed bounds for out-door \nexercise. \n\nThis Boston notion of tarring and feathering is humorously \ndescribed in Foote's pla}- of the \" Cozeners.\" There the coz- \nener, Mr. Flaw, promises to the Irishman, O'Flanigan, a tide- \n\n\n124 CAPT. JAMES MAGEE. \n\nwaiter's place in the inland parts of America, and he adds, \" A \nword in 30ur ear ! If ^-ou discharge well j^our duty you will be \nfound in tar and feathers for nothing. \"When properly mixed \nthe}' make a genteel kind of dress which is sometimes worn \nin that climate. It is \\evy light, keeps out the rain, and \nsticks extreme!}- close to the skin.\" The practice became so \nprevalent here as to qualify the ancient saying, that \" man is \na two-legged animal without feathers.\" \n\nShirley Place was afterward occupied by M. Dubuque, who \nemigrated from Martinique, and whose cook, named Julien, \nkept the celebrated restaurant in Boston, at the corner of \nMilk and Congress Streets. Upon the lawn in front of the \nhouse a novel sight was in his da}' presented to the descend- \nants of the Puritans, — that of ball-playing Sunday afternoons. \nIn 1798 the estate was purchased of Giles Alexander, Jr., by \nCapt. James Magee, a convivial, noble-hearted Irishman, a \nshipmaster in the employ of Thomas H. Perkins, and who, \nwhile in command of the privateer brig \" General Arnold,\" \nhad been shipwrecked near Plymouth, Mass., in the winter of \n1779. The brig was driven ashore in a terrible snow-storm. \nSo intense was the cold that seventy-eight of the crew were \nfrozen to death, and from the merciless pelting of the waves, \nwhich froze hard to them, they looked rather like solid statues \nof ice than human bodies. The survivors, twenty-eight in \nnumber, who had been huddled together on the quarter-deck, \nwith no extra clothing, with no shelter but the skies, and no \nfood for three days, were finally rescued by the men of Plym- \nouth. All that was saved from below was a keg of rum, of \nwhich all who drank, after a brief excitement, sunk into a \nstupor from which they never awoke. The others made a \nwise and salutary use of it by pouring it into their boots. \n\nIn August, 1819, soon after his return from the mission to \nHolland, Gov. Eustis bought the property of Magee's widow, \nand there passed the remainder of his days. After the de- \ncease of Mrs. Eustis, the estate was sold at auction in August, \n\n\nHon. William Shirley, Esq. \n\n\nGOV. SHIRLEY. 125 \n\n1867, and cut up into house-lots. In order to laj- out Sliirle}' \nStreet the mansion house was moved a little to the southeast. \nAn elm-tree marks the place near which stood its northerly \ncorner. The adjacent hill has been dug away to the level of \nthe street, so that at present nothing of the old attractiveness \nof the place remains. A fine large painting, \" The Carnival \nof Venice,\" that hung in the main hall, was sold at the same \ntime as the house. \n\n\"William Shirley, governor of 3Iassachusetts from 1741 to \n1756, was the son of a London merchant, who by marriage \nbecame possessed of the estate of Otehall in the parish of \nWivelsfield, Sussex, England. He was educated at Cambridge, \nand designed for the bar, where his superior talents and address \nprocured him the notice of Sir Robert AValpole, and of the \nDuke of Newcastle, who afterwards gave him his appointment \nof governor. Arriving \nat Boston, in August, \n1 73 1 , with a friendh- let- \nter of introduction from \nNewcastle to Gov. \nBelcher, he practised law with success, and had established \nsuch a reputation for character and abilit}^ that the news of \nhis appointment to the chief magistrac}' in 1741 was received \nwith general favor. \n\nHe was the prime mover in the successful expedition against \nCape Breton in 1745, which resulted in the capture of Louis- \nburg, one of the strongest fortifications in America, by a \nforce of four thousand New England men led b}' Col. William \nPepperell, aided b}- a small British fleet under Com. Warren. \nSuch was the popularity of this enterprise that more men \nvolunteered for it than could be received, and in seven weeks \nthree thousand two hundred and fifty men were enrolled in \nMassachusetts, including two fall companies from Roxbury. \nThis brave and determined but wholly undisciplined body \nembarked from Boston on March 24, 1745. \"Pray for us \n\n\n126 LOUISBURG EXPEDITION. \n\nwhile we fight for j-ou,\" was their parting salutation as \nthey left behind them their families, their firesides, and their \nfriends. \n\nDr. \"William Douglass, a man of learning but of strong preju- \ndices, ridiculed the idea of the Louisburg expedition, as did \neven the sagacious Dr. Franklin in one of the wittiest letters \nhe ever wrote. But the spirit of New England was up ; the \ncelebrated preacher, Whitefield, furnished the motto, \"■ JSfil \ndesperandum Christo duci\" giving to the expedition the air \nof a crusade ; made a recruiting-house of the sanctuarj- ; and \nnot onl}' preached Delenda est Carthago, but Parson Moody, \none of his followers, joined the troops as chaplain, and actu- \nally carried an axe on his shoulder with which to hew down \nthe Catholic images in the churches of the fated cit}-. \n\nAfter Pepperell's nomination to the command, Shirle}' wrote \nto Gov. Wentworth, of New Hampshire, offering it to him, \nundoubtedl}' supposing that the governor's gout would make \nthe proposition safe. But in this he was mistaken. Went- \nworth flung away his crutches and offered his services, and \nShirley had the mortification not only to make him an apolog}', \nbut to tell him that an}' change in the command would hazard \nthe expedition. \n\nIn spite of the formidable obstacles to be overcome, the \nvictorious New-Englanders entered the city as conquerors, \nafter a siege of less than two months, on the 17th of June, a \nday destined to become doubly memorable for Americans \nthirt}'' 3'ears later. The success of the plan was in great \nmeasure due to the celerit}' with which it was carried out, the \nFrench being totally unprepared. \n\nShirley went to England in September, 1749, and was \nsoon after appointed one of the commissioners to settle the \nAmerican boundaries, spending much time in France with little \nsuccess. At the age of threescore he was captivated with \nthe charms of a 3'oung girl, his landlord's daughter, in Paris, \nmarried her, and in August, 1753, brought Lis young wife, who \n\n\nGOV. SHIRLEY. 127 \n\nwas a Catholic, to Boston, to take precedence in the societ}' \nof the Puritan matrons of Massachusetts, — a most ill-judged \nstep, ■which he had reason to repent as long as he lived. \n\nWhen Franklin was in Boston in 1754, he had several \ninterviews with -\"^hirley, who communicated to him *• the pro- \nfound secret,\" ' ' the grand design \" of taxing the colonies b}' Act \nof Parliament. Shirley was a strong advocate of the prerog- \native of the king and the power of Parliament, and in 1756 \nadvised the Ministrj' to impose a stamp tax in America. \n\n\"Washington visited him in March, 1756, and related to \nhim the circumstances of his son's death, at the battle of the \nMonongahela, where Gen. Braddock was defeated and killed. \nHe was well received and much noticed by the governor, with \nwhom he continued ten da^-s, mixing constantl}- in societj-, \nvisiting Castle William and other objects worthy of notice in \nthe vicinit}', little dreaming that it would one day become the \ntheatre of his first great military achievement. In a letter to \nhis friend Fairfax, he says, \" I have had the honor of being \nintroduced to several governors, especially Mr. Shirle}^ \nwhose character and appearance have perfectly charmed me. \nHis ever}' word and action discover in him the gentleman and \npolitician.\" \n\nIn February, 1755, he was made a major-general, with the \nsuperintendence of military operations in the Northern colo- \nnies. While holding the chief command, the loss of Oswego \nwas unjust!}' attributed to him, and he was in 1756 super- \nseded in his command and in the government of Massa- \nchusetts, and ordered to England. He was triumphantly \nvindicated, and two 3'ears later was appointed governor of \nthe Bahamas. He was made a lieutenant-general in 1759. \n\nHe returned from the Bahamas in June, 1769, and for the \nshort remainder of his life resided in his former mansion in \nRoxbur}', then occupied hy his son-in-law, Judge Hutchinson. \nHere he died on March 24, 1771, a poor man, and was interred \nin the bur^-ing-ground of King's Chapel, of which edifice he had \n\n\n128 HON. JOHN READ. \n\nlaid the foundation-stone. His funeral was attended by the \nAncient and Honoral^le Artilleiy Company, then commanded \nby Capt. \"William Heath, and three volleys were fired over his \ngrave. While the long procession was moving, a detachment, \nunder Lieut. Sellon, discharged at intervals seventy-six guns, \nto denote the governor's age. Shirley was a man of great in- \ndustry and ability, but though able, enterprising, and deserv- \nedly popular, was ambitious in a degree disproportionate \nto his powers. \n\nHon. John Read, a native of Woburn, and at one time the \nowner and occupant of the Shirle}' mansion, died in Roxbury \non Jan. 13, 1813, aged eighty-five. In 1740, after the pre- \nvailing epidemic had carried off several of the family, he was \ntaken b}' the wife of Daniel Bugbee, of Roxburj', his mother's \nsister, who carried him before her on horseback to her resi- \ndence in Roxbmy , where he lived till his majority, and learned \nthe trade of a tanner with Mr. Williams. He was for many \nyears agent for Gov. Bowdoin's Elizabeth Island estate, and \nwhile land agent for the State, named Bowdoinham, Maine, \nin honor of his early patron. Readfield, Me., was named for \nhim. Settling in Roxbur}-, he became one of her leading and \nmost distinguished citizens ; was frequentl}' a selectman and a \nrepresentative, and was also a member of the governor's \ncouncil. He was known as Major Read, from having been \na pa3'master of militia before the Revolution. His was a \nlong, honorable, and useful career. His brother James com- \nmanded a regiment at Bunker's Hill, and in 1776 was made a \nbrigadier-general \n\nJohn Read, son of the Hon. John, was a wine-merchant of \nBoston, a man of elegant manners and of marked and varied \naccomplishments. Copley's portrait of him at the age of \nseventeen, now in possession of his granddaughter, Mrs. \nPaul Willard, exhibits him as a youth of remarkable elegance \nand grace. He was a large land-owner in Roxbur}-, the Has- \nkins estate, a portion of the Perrin estate, and much of the \n\n\nGOV. EUSTIS. 129 \n\nland through which Dennis Street and Blue Hill Avenue run, \nhaving been in his possession. He resided on Dennis Street \nin the house built for him by his father, now the residence of \nMrs. James Huckins, where he died in 1826. The powder \nmagazine on Pine Island was for many j'ears under his charge. \nRead and his neighbor, Gov. Eustis, were great cronies, and \ntradition sa^-s they occasionally enlivened their leisure with \ncards and with cock-fighting, accounted a gentlemanl}' amuse- \nment in those da3-s. His son, George Read, a highly respec- \nted, genial man, was a famous sportsman. In the Natural \nHistory' building in Boston is a fine specimen of an eagle that \nbelonged to him, and which the eminent naturalist, Audubon, \ncopied for his great work. \n\nGov. \"William Eiistis was. like his predecessor in the chair \nof state. Gov. Brooks, a medical practitioner. Graduating \nat Harvard, he studied under Dr. Joseph Warren ; was pro- \nfessionally engaged at the Lexington battle, and served as a \nsurgeon throughout the war. Taking a seat in the Massachu- \nsetts Legislature in 1788,\" he thenceforth devoted himself to \npolitics, and became successively a member of Congress, Sec- \nretary of War (1809-12), Minister to Holland (1815-18), \nand governor (1823-5), dying while in office, at the age of \nseventy-one, on Feb. 6, 1825. \n\nIn his profession. Dr. Eustis was faithful, humane, and in- \ndefatigable. His urbanit}*, his social qualities, and his hos- \npitalit}' procured him the acquaintance of many persons of \ndistinction, with whom he kept up a friendly intercourse during \nhis residence in Roxbury. John Quinc}' Adams, Henry Cla}', \nDaniel Webster, Aaron Burr, and John C. Calhoun were \namong the number of his guests. Eustis was quite tall, ele- \ngant in person and graceful in manners, and most agreeable \nin conversation. His eyes were a dark blue, his complexion \nflorid. Like most of the Revolutionar}^ officers, Eustis re- \nturned poor from the army. Speaking of this circumstance, \nhe once said, \" With but a single coat, four shirts, and one \n9 \n\n\n130 \n\n\nVISIT OF LAFAYETTE. \n\n\npair of woollen stockings, in the hard winter of 1780, I was \none of the happiest men on earth.\" \n\nOne of his distinguished visitors was Lafayette, the guest \nof the nation and his old compatriot in the army, whose \narrival in Roxburj' was an occasion of such magnitude as to \nbe 3'et freshly remembered l>y many among us. He passed \n\nthrough the town at \nabout one o'clock on \nthe morning of Tues- \nday, Aug. 24, 1824, \naccompanied b}' a \ncavalcade of citizens \nand announced by a \nsalute from the Rox- \nbur}' artiller}', fired \nfrom the old fort, and \nalso b}' the ascent of \nrockets from an em- \ninence in the centre \nof the town, thus \nsounding the note of \npreparation for the \nparade of the suc- \nceeding day. \n\nThe meeting of Lafa^-ette and Eustis, at the mansion of \nthe latter, was extremely affectionate and interesting. They \nembi'aced each other for some minutes, Eustis exclaimhig, \n\" I am the happiest man that ever lived !\" After breakfast- \ning together, they were escorted b}' the Norfolk Guards, the \nDorchester Rifles, and by a cavalcade to the Boston line, \nwhere the cit}' authorities were awaiting Lafa^'ette's arrival. \nThe houses and streets on the route of the procession were \ncrowded in every part. An arch thrown across Washington \nStreet at the site of the old fortification was inscribed with \nthese lines, written by Charles Sprague : — \n\n\nGOT. EUSTIS. \n\n\nVISIT OF LAFAYETTE. 131 \n\n\" \"Welcome, Lafayette ! \nThe fathers in glory shall sleep \n\n\"Who gathered with thee to the fight, \nBut the sons will eternally keep \nThe tablet of gratitude bright. \n\"We bow not the neck and we bend not the knee. \nBut our hearts, Lafayette, we surrender to thee.\" \n\nOn the following Friday he was entertained at the gov- \nernor's residence. Col. Hamilton, of the Exchange Coflfee- \nHouse, the caterer for the occasion, was told that no trouble \nwas to be given to Mrs. Eustis, except that which should \nresult from the use of the house. Said the governor, \" The}' \nmaj' have mj' kitchen and m}' parlors and mj chairs and \ntable ; but as to having m}' knives and forks and plates and \ndishes, the}' shall not have one of them. My decanters I \nwill fill with wine and other suitable liquors, which shall be \ndelivered in proper order to place upon the table.\" This \nanxiety about his spoons was surely a poor compliment to \nhis distinguished guests, and hardly in keeping with the gov- \nernor's usual hospitality. \n\nAt the dinner the plates were placed on the outside of a \nhorseshoe table in the hall, leaving the inside open for the \nattendance of the servants and the change of dishes. There \nwere between thirty and forty guests, the governor taking his \nposition at the head of the table, with Lafayette on his right, \nGen. Dearborn on his left, Ex-Gov. Brooks second on the \nright, the lieutenant-governor and the council, the military \nstaflf and other guests on either side. \n\nAVhile a guest of the governor's, Lafayette attended at a \ntarget practice by the artillery, at Savin Hill, Dorchester, \nand put a shot through the target nearly in the centre. The \nNew England Guards were at that time encamped there, and \nan immense concourse of people were in attendance. Orderly \nSergeant Watson Gore aimed the piece with which Lafay- \nette made his successful shot. During Lafayette's visit the \nCadets were encamped upon the governor's grounds. Forty \n\n\n132 VISIT OF LAFAYETTE. \n\nyears before, the general had visited Boston, after an absence \nof two or three years, and had been received at Roxbury by \na number of officers of the Continental army, with an address \nof welcome b}' Gen. Knox. \n\nAfter making a tour through the States, Lafayette returned \nto Roxbury, where he passed the night of the IGth of June, \n1825, and the next morning was escorted to Bunker's Hill, \nwhere he assisted in laying the corner-stone of the Monument. \nHe was ever3'where received with the greatest enthusiasm, \nand a badge universall}' worn bore the words, \"Welcome \nLafaj'ette.\" \n\nAn amusing story, illustrating Lafayette's tact and readi- \nness, is told by a gentleman who accompanied him in his prog- \nress through the countr}'. The general made it a point to sa}' \nsomething agreeable to ever}' one to whom he was introduced, \na somewhat difficult task. Upon one occasion in a ball-room, \nto his question, \"Are you married?\" upon receiving the \ngentleman's affirmative repl}^ he shook him warmly by the \nhand, exclaiming, \" Happy man ! \" The same question elicit- \ning a different response from the next subject, might have \nnonplussed any other man ; not so the general. With a still \nmore emphatic shake of the hand, he whispered in his ear \nloud enough to be heard by his companion, \"You're a \nlucky dog ! \" The difference between the two conditions has \nnever, we think, been more felicitously expressed. \n\nAfter the governor's death, his widow, a most elegant and \naccomplished woman, who survived him many years, would \nsuffer nothing of his to be moved from its accustomed place. \nHat, cane, and tobacco-box occupied their usual corner of the \nhall, just as they were wont to do forty years before, and as \nthough the arrival of the master of the house was still \nmomentarily expected. \n\nDennis Street formerly extended through Quincy to War- \nren Street, and was called Read's Lane prior to 1825, when \nit received its present name, from a tradition that Dennis, \n\n\nDENNIS STREET. \n\n\n133 \n\n\nan old negro, who once lived here, had performed some \nimportant service to the patriot canse. There exists nothing \nin verification of this tradition, but opposed to it is the fact \nthat the Denison famil}' owned a large tract of bottom or \nlow land through which the street runs, and that before it \nwas named Read's Lane, it bore the designation of '■ Deni- \nson's Bottom Lane.\" Its name should be changed to Deni- \nson Street, in memory of that distinguished famil}-, of whom \nno memorial at present exists in Roxbur}-. \n\n\" In Nov. 1697,\" says the old record, '' there being an \nancient record of a highway from Giles Payson's Corner, to \nthe house formerly Rol)inson's, now Deacon Williams's, and \nso forward \nto Brantry \nRoad, two \nr o d s w'ide, \nsaid highway \nis confirmed \nfrom the cor- \nner of Ste- \np h e n AYil- \nliams's Pas- \nt u r e to \nBrantry, and \nbetween the \n\nland of William Denison and Stephen Williams.\" The \ntown, in 1785, voted to la}' open this road from Mr. John \nWilliams's house, near Dorchester Brook, across to the upper \nroad by the house of Daniel Holbrook. The Holbrook estate, \ncontaining thirtj'-seven acres, lay parti}' in Roxbur}' and \npartly in Dorchester. \n\nThe old farm-house on the easterly corner of the street \nhad been in possession of the Williams family from time \nimmemorial, and was included in Gov. Shirley's last pur- \nchase. It is probably the oldest building in this part of the \n\n\nTHE OLD -WILLIAMS HOTTSE. \n\n\n134 THE WILLIA3IS HOUSE. \n\ntown, the rear portion being quite venerable. The masonry \nat the base of the chimney is exceedingly massive, as are \nalso the heav}- oak timbers of the frame. Stephen Williams, \nthe tanner, lived here for many years. In 1826 it became \nthe property\" of Mr. Samuel Walker, who expended S6,000 \non it in improvements and repairs, and estabhshed a nursery \nupon the grounds. This well-known horticulturist and citi- \nzen came here from England in 1825 ; succeeded Gen. Dear- \nborn as ma^'or of the city in 1851, continuing in office until \n1854 ; was a State senator in 1860, and died at his residence, \non Dec. 11, 1860, aged sixtj'-seven. His family still reside \nin the old house. \n\nThe fine large mansion on the left, within the limits of \nDorchester, occupied many j-ears bj' the brothers Taj^lor, \nwas former!}' the residence of Perez Morton, speaker of the \nHouse of Eepresentatives from 1806 to 1811, and attorney- \ngeneral of the State from 1811 to 1832. He died here in \n1837. He married Sarah Wentworth Apthorp, who earned \nby her poetic merit the title of the \" American Sappho.\" \nThe seduction of a near and endeared relative is said to \nhave formed the ground- work of the first American novel, \n\"The Power of Sympathy,\" written b}' Mrs. Morton in \n1787, and so effectually suppressed that scarcely a copy \nremains. \n\nThe estate on the southerly side of Dudley Street, once \nowned and occupied b}' Col. Estes Hatch, a part of which \nlies in Eoxbury and a part in Dorchester, comprised about \nsixt}' acres, and included Swan's woods, formerly called \n\" Little Woods,\" a portion of which is still in its original \ncondition. \n\nCol. Hatch commanded the Troop of Horse, in Boston, led \na company at the capture of Louisburg, and died in 1759. \nHis son Nathaniel, a Tory, accompanied the British troops to \nHalifax in 1776. His estate was confiscated, and in 1780 \nwas bought of the State for £18,000 by Col. James Swan, \n\n\nTHE SWAN HOUSE. \n\n\n135 \n\n\nwho very soon afterward offered it to Gov. Hancock for \n£45,000, a moderate advance, but the latter decUned to \npurchase. Writhig to Hancock in regard to the property, \nSwan sa^-s, •' I have built an elegant and very expensive \nhouse upon it, including in one, a coach-house, two stables \nand a ha}- loft, with a sei'vants' chamber and pigeon-house. \nThe mansion house can be refitted in as elegant a manner as \nit once was for about £4,000.\" \n\nDuring his brief residence here. Swan made the house a \nseat of hospitality, entertaining among other persons of dis- \n\n\nSWAN HOUSE. \n\n\ntinction, the Marquis de Viomenil, '-\"\"\"-- 2=4-^—\"^'^ \nsecond in command of Rochambeau's arm^-. Admiral d'Es- \ntaing, the Marquis de Lafayette, and Gen. Henr}^ Knox. \nWhen Swan went to France, the house and farm were adver- \ntised as to let, possession to be given on April 1, 1789. \n\nThe present mansion house, known as the Swan House, \nwas built about the year 1796, upon an elevated and attrac- \ntive site, nothing about it indicating the fact that it stands on \na ledge of rocks. Its prominent feature is a circular dining \nhall, thirty-two feet in diameter, crowned at the height of \n\n\n136 COL. JAMES SWAN. \n\ntwent^'-five feet by a dome, and having three mirror windows. \nPerhaps some French chateau furnished its model, for it con- \ntained no fireplaces or heating conveniences of an}'- kind. \n\nMucli elegant furniture, family plate, and many fine paint- \nings once embellished its interior, which, it was said, were \nstored in one of Swan's vessels at Paris at the commence- \nment of the French Revolution, and as their owners perished \nduring the Reign of Terror, they were never reclaimed. \nBetween Madame Guillotine who took off their heads, and \nSwan who took off their trunks, little was left of these unfortu- \nnate Frenchmen. Upon the decease of Mrs. Sargent, Swan's \ndaughter, this with the other property* was distributed among \nthe heirs, Mrs. Bartol, Mrs. Sullivan, and Rev. John T. Sar- \ngent. Man}' quaint old images were originally set up around \nthe grounds. The stone pedestals, curiously carved, yet \nremain, but the sculptured forms that once adorned them \nlong since disappeared. A portion of this estate is now the \npropertv and residence of Mr, William Gray, Jr. \n\nSwan's career was an extremel}' checkered one. He was a \nmerchant, politician, soldier, and author before the age of \ntwenty -two, and after acquiring a fortune in a foreign land, \npassed the last twentj'-two 3'ears of his life in one of its \nprisons. A native of Fifeshire, Scotland, he came in early \nyouth to Boston, where he was a clerk in a store at the same \ntime as Henry Knox, Benjamin Thompson, and others who \nsubsequentl}' attained celebrity. Our first public knowledge \nof him is when, at the age of eighteen, his proposals were \npublished in the \"Boston Gazette\" of March 30, 1772, for \nprinting — \n\n\"A Dissuasive to Great Britain aud her Colonies from the Slave \nTrade to Africa, by James Swan, a friend to the welfare of the \nContinent. To be published by subscription, one pistareeu each \nbook.\" \n\nAs might be expected of one who, 3'oung as he was, had \ntoken so bold a stand for human freedom, ho was one of the \n\n\nSWAN IN ST. FELAGIE. 137 \n\nTea Party in December, 1773. He accompanied Warreu as \na volunteer aid to Bunker's Hill, and was wounded at bis side ; \ntook part as a captain of artillery in the expedition which, \nearly in 1776, drove the British fleet out of Boston Harbor ; \nwas secretar}- to the Board of War of Massachusetts in 1777, \nand was afterwards adjutant-general of the State. \n\nDeeply in debt, he went, in 1787, to Paris with letters to \nLafayette and other influential men, soon acquired reputation \nand a fortune, and after a visit to the United States, returned \nto Europe in 1798 and engaged in commercial affairs of great \nmagnitude. Before 1794 he had paid all his debts, even \nthose from which he had previousl}' been discharged. On the \nclaim of a German, with whom he had large dealings, Swan \nwas imprisoned in St. Pelagie in 1808, and remained there \nuntil his liberation, keeping up all the while an indefatigable \nlitigation in the French courts. His long detention was \npartly voluntary, since his fortune would have enabled him to \nhave procured his release on payment of the claim against \nhim. This, however, he refused to do, believing it unjust, \nand judgment was finally rendered in his favor. Manly in \nperson and dignified in manner. Swan was also a man of \ngi'eat enterprise and benevolence. His widow, who was a \nver}' eccentric person, resided here nntil her decease in 1825. \nTheir son James married JjUCJ, daughter of Gen. Knox. \n\nSt. Pelagie, which had seen Madame Roland and the Du- \nBarrj' led to the scaffold, and within whose walls the Era- \npress Josephine experienced her first vicissitude of fortune, \nbecame later a prison for debtors. Swan's sojourn here has \nbeen thus described : — \n\n\"Vainly did Lafa}-ette, who often visited him, or his rich frieuds \nseek to prevail upon liim to escape from this retreat. His lodging \nwas a little cell, modestly furnished, upon the second floor. He \nwas a fine-looking old gentleman, said to resemble in his counte- \nnance Benjamin Fi-anklin. The prisoners treated him with great \nrespect, yielding him as much space as possilile for air and exercise, \nclearing a path for him, and even putting aside their little furnaces, \n\n\n138 GEN. HENRY JACKSON. \n\nupon which they cooked their meals, at his approach, for fear that \nthe smell of charcoal should be unpleasant to him. He had won \ntheir love by his considerate and uniform benevolence. Not a day \npassed without some kind act on his part, often mysterious and \nunknown in its source to the recipient. Frequently a poor debtor \nknocked at his door for bread, and in addition obtained his liberty. \n\n\" One creditor only retained the venerable captive, hoping each \nyear to see his resolution give way, and each year calling upon him \nwith a proposal for an accommodation. The director of the prison, \nthe friends of the colonel, and even the jailers urged him to accept \nthe proposed terms, and be restored to his country and family. \nPolitely saluting his creditor, he would turn toward the jailer and \nsimply say, ' jMy friend, return me to my chamber.\" Toward the \nend of the year 1820 his physician had obtained for him the privilege \nof a daily promenade in one of the galleries of the prison where he \ncould breathe a purer atmosphere than that to which he had long \nbeen subjected. At first he was grateful for the favor, but soon said \nto the doctor, ' The inspiriting air of liberty will kill my body, so \nlong accustomed to the heavy atmosphere of the prison.' The \nEevolution of July, 1830, threw open his prison doors in the very \nlast hour of his twentj^-second year of captivity. After the triumph \nof the people he desired to embrace once more his old friend Lafay- \nette. He had that satisfaction upon the steps of the Hotel de Ville. \nThe next morning he was dead.\" \n\nGen. Heniy Jackson, a frequent visitor at Madam Swan's, \nwas buried in a tomb near the house, removed when Wood- \nward Park was laid out through the place. An inscription \nupon it, stating that it was erected b}' the hand of friendship, \nclosed with some eulogistic verses to the memory of the \n\n\"ChristIjVX, Soldier, Patkiot, and Friend.\" \n\nJackson, who had served with reputation as a colonel in the \nRevolutionar}' arm}', and who as the agent of the government \nhad superintended the constmction of the frigate ' ' Constitu- \ntion,\" was a bachelor, a man of wit and gallantry, convivial \nto a fault, and was nearly as corpulent as his bosom friend \nGen. Knox himself. '• Can he still eat down a plate of fish \nhe can't see over, God bless his fat soul ? \" was the significant \nquerj' of Gen. Greene in a familiar letter to the latter. \n\n\nSAMUEL IIAGBORNE. 139 \n\n\nCHAPTER V. \n\nBURIAL-GROUXD TO DUDLEY STREET, \n\nHagborne. — Danforth. — Davis's Store. — Robert Calef . — Witchcraft. — \nCotton Mather. — Wonders of the Invisible World. — More Wonders. — \nCalef 's Book burnt. — George Burroughs. — Dorr. — Fox. — Willard. \n— Social Library. — Roebuck Inn. — Gov. Sumner's Birthplace. — \nGen. Greaton. — Old Red Tavern. — Deacon Monroe. — Capt. Joseph \nWeld. — Elder Heath. — Bowles. — Greyhound Tavern. — Fire-engines. \n—Welde.— Walter. —Eliot.— Indian Bible. — Gookin. — Old Gram- \nmar School. \n\nI) ESUMING our journe}' along the old town street, both \nV^ sides of which were formerl}' lined with buttonwood- \ntrees, we have on our left, between Eustis and Dudley Streets, \nthe homesteads of Hagborne, Hewes, Peacock, Thomas Welde, \nand Eliot, the original proprietors of the laud between the \nstreet and the training-field. \n\nSamuel Hagborne, one of the wealthiest of the early inhab- \nitants of Roxbur}', was the original owner of the estate of \nnine acres on the east side of Washington Street from the \ncorner of Eustis to a point opposite Vernon Street, extend- \ning back to the training-field. He also owned fifty-six acres \nof upland and marsh upon Smelt Brook, known as Hagborne's \nXeck. To Hagborne belongs the credit of founding the free \nschool in Roxbur}\", the first mention of such an institution \noccurring in his will, made in 1*142, providing an annual pa}*- \nment for that purpose ''out of mj' great desire to promote \nlearning for God's honor and the good of his church,\" when \none should be \" set up.\" A further indication of his appre- \nciation of education is found in his will, in which he says, \n\" My greate desire is that one sonne be brought up to learn- \n\n\n140 REV. SAMUEL DANFORTII. \n\ning if my estate will afforde it.\" He died in January, 1643, and \nhis widow Catharine afterwards married Gov. Thomas Dud- \nley. His dwelling-house, which stood near the Eustis Street \ncorner, had been in 1659 \" lateh' consumed bj' fler.\" \n\nIn 1657 this estate was purchased b}- Rev. Samuel Dan- \nforth, after whose decease it became the property of Edward \nDorr, who in Ma}', 1707, sold the northerl}' part of it to \nEobert Calef. \n\nA native of Framlingham, England, Samuel Danforth was \nbrought to New England by Nicholas, his father, in 1634, \nand graduated at Harvard in 1643. Rev. Mr. Welde having \nreturned to England, Danforth on leaving college was invited \nto assist EUot, and the evangelical employments of the latter \namong the Indians having rendered a colleague necessary, he \nwas ordained at Roxbmy on Sept. 24, 1650. \n\n\" On the 11th of the 9th mo. 1651,\" saj-s the town record, \n' ' there was voted a levy upon all the inhabitants for the \nraysing of 50 pounds, towards the building or buying of an \nhouse for Mr. Danforth our pastor.\" This was nine j'ears \nprior to his purchase of Capt. Joseph Weld's house, in which \nhe finally resided. Here he continued until his decease, and \nneither \" the incompetency of the salar}',\" nor \" the provoca- \ntion which unworthy men in the neighborhood sometimes \ntried him withal, could persuade him to remove unto more \ncomfortable settlement.\" \n\nEvidence of his uncomfortable proximity to the Greyhound \nTavern, hinted at above, is also seen in the fact that he exerted \nliis influence to have such persons only keep houses of public \nentertainment as would \" keep good order and manners in \nthem\" ; and when from his studj' window, \" he saw an}' town \ndwellers trifling there, he would go over and chide them \naway.\" \"What with the venerable apostle Eliot on one side \nand the godly Danforth upon the other, the tavern roisterers \nwould seem to have been under a pretty thorough surveillance. \n\nDanforth's sermons were usuallv enriched with fortv or \n\n\nREV. SAMUEL DANFORTH. 141 \n\nfift}' passages of Scripture. Cotton Mather saj's, \" He was \nvery affectionate in his manner of preaching, and seldom left \nthe pulpit without tears.\" He thus alludes to his astronomical \nstudies : — \n\n\" Non dubium est quin eo iverit quo Stella eunt, \nDanforthus, qui stellis semper se associavit ' ' ; \n\nand with his accustomed quaintness adds, \"Several of his \nastronomical composures have seen the light of the sun.\" He \npublished a particular account of the comet of 1664, and a \nseries of almanacs. That part of the diary in the church \nrecords written by him is filled with accoimts of comets, \nearthquakes, prodigies, and other phenomena of nature. In \nthe church record, under date of Nov. 19, 1674, Eliot writes \nthis touching passage : — \n\n\"Our Rev. pastor, Mr. Samuel Danforth, sweetly rested from his \nlabors. It pleased the Lord to brighten his passage to glory. He \ngreatly increased in the power of his ministry, especially the last \nsummer. He cordially joined with mc in maintaining the peace of \nthe churches. We consulted together about beautifying the house \nof God, with ruling elders, and to order the congregation into the \nprimitive way of collections.\" \"My brother Danforth,\" said he, \n\"made the most glorious end that I ever saw.\" \n\nWelde thus eulogizes him in verse that reminds us that his \ndecease immediately followed the completion of the new \nchurch edifice : — \n\nMighty in scripture, searching out the sense, \nAll the hard things of it unfolding thence; \nHe lived each truth, his faith, love, tenderness, \nNone can to th' life as did his life express. \nOur minds with gospel bis rich lecture fed, \nLuke and his life at once are finished. \nOur new-built church now suffers, too, by this, \nLarger its windows, but its Lights are less.\" \n\nDanforth's remains were laid in Gov. Dudley's tomb, his \nfuneral being celebrated \" with a great confluence.\" A public \ncollection was taken up for the widow, a daughter of Rev. \n\n\n142 \n\n\nAARON AND CHARLES DAVIS. \n\n\nJohn Wilson, of Boston, the second Sunday following. His \nson, Rev. John Danforth, was minister of Dorchester from \n1G82 to 1730. Another son, Rev. Samuel, was minister of \nTaunton from 1688 to 1727. \n\nThe building on the corner, but a small portion of which \nhas survived the widening of Eustis Street in 1856, was the \n\nwarehouse of \nAaron and \nCharles Davis. \n>5. 1 he brothers \n^1 D 1 v i s did a \nluge and lucra- \ntne business in \nchc early part \nc t the century \nm packing and \n>5hipping pro- \nMbions, which \nthey carried on \nmany years at \nThey w'ere the sons of Capt. Aaron Davis, \n\n\nAAEON AND CHAELES DAVIS'S STOKE. \n\n\nthe old corner \n\nwho lived at the Boston line. \n\nAllen's furniture store, formerly a gambrel-roof structure, \nstanding end to the street, having its main entrance b}' a large \nporch on the south side, though outwardly much altered, has \nthe solid oak timbers and other evidences of being quite old. \nA century and a half ago this was the residence of James \nMears, the tanner. The olil tannery, that once stood a little \nto the south of it, was taken down when Webster Hall was \nbuilt in 1845. Commodore Loring, the Tor}', who lived at \nJamaica Plain, served his apprenticeship here. \n\nDespite its commonplace appearance, this ancient building \nclaims our attention. If witches or the powers of darkness \never visited so reputable a town as Roxbury, this of all others \nis the spot the}' would instinctivel}' avoid, for here dwelt \n\n\nROBERT CALEF. AVITCHCRAFT. 143 \n\nRobert Calef, their arch eneim', and here he carried on his \ntrade of clothier, 'R-hich he had previously- pursued for many \nyears in Boston. '• Calf,\" as his enemies loved to call him, \ndeserves everlasting remembrance for the prominent part \nhe took in giving a quietus to the witch business in Xew \nEngland. \n\nHe alone had the courage to speak out boldly his own \nthought and that of many others. In an age of credulitv and \nsuperstition, he opposed reason and common-sense to fanati- \ncism and delusion, and wrought a revolution in the minds of \nmen which he fortunately lived long enough to see. Of his \npersonal history, we know only that he was a native of Eng- \nland ; that his occupations were those of a clothier and hus \nbandman ; that he was a selectman of Roxbury, — sufflcien: \nproof of the esteem in which he was held by his fellow-citi- \nzens ; and that he died at his house in Roxbur}\"\" on April 13. \n1719, at the age of seventy-one, and was interred in the olc \nburying-ground hard l)y. \n\nThe situation of the people of Massachusetts at the time \nthe witchcraft delusion broke out was particularly distressing. \nPrivateers infested her coast ; Erench and Indian enemies \nharassed her frontier ; public credit was at a very low ebb, \nand a strong political party opposed ever}' measure except \nadherence to the old charter ; liut worst of all was the appre- \nhension that the Devil was let loose among them. The many \nwere credulous, the few, who believed witchcraft to be im \nposture or delusion, were afraid to discover their sentiments \nlest some who pretended to be bewitched should accuse them, \nand in such case there was no room to hope for favor. \n\n\" This sudden burst of wickedness and crime \n\"Was but the common madness of the time, \n\"When in all lauds that lie within the sound \nOf Sabbath bells, a witch was burned or drowned.\" \n\nSuch was the condition of the popular mind when Calef 's \nletters to Rev. Cotton Mather, written in 1693 and 1694, \n\n\n144 COTTON MATHER. \n\nexposed, with merited severity of language and merciless \nlogic, the utter absurdity- of the proceedings in the witch \ntrials in Salem, as well as the fallacies upon which they \nrested ; controverted the then prevalent definition of witch- \ncraft, the assumed source of power to produce it ; asserted \nthat the Devil had no power to afflict am* with diseases or loss \nof cattle without a commission from the Most High ; and \ndemanded Scriptural authority for the use of the revolting \nindecencies then in vogue, and by means of which it was \nclaimed that witches might certainly be known. One of these \nepistles closes in these words : — \n\n\"And thus, Sir, I have faithfully performed my duty, and am so \nfar from doing it to gain applause or from a spix'it of contradiction, \nthat I expect to procure me man}' enemies thereby, but (as in case \nof a fire) where the glory of God, and the good and welfare of man- \nkind are so nearly concerned, I thought it my duty to be no longer \nan idle spectator, and can and do say in this whole affair I have \nendeavored to keep a conscience void of offence both towards God \nand towards man.\" \n\nTo single out Mather as an adversary was certainly \" tak- \ning the bull by the horns,\" and required some moral courage. \nNo man had spoken or written more full}' or plainly than he \nupon the subject. \n\n' ' The only men of dignity and state \nWere then the minister and the magistrate, \nWho ruled their little realm with iron rod, \nLess in the love than in the fear of God, \nAnd who believed devoutly in the powers \nOf darkness working in this world of ours, \nIn spells of witchcraft, incantations dread, \nAnd shrouded apparitions of the dead.\" \n\nMather was a good and a learned man, but withal a great \nlover of the marvellous and lamentably credulous. At the \nopening of the trials in Salem the magistrates applied to the \nBoston clergy for advice, and unhappil}- that given, drawn up \nby Mather, was such as to encourage rather than to avert the \nabominable proceedings. \n\n\nMARGARET RtTLE. 145 \n\nIt is undeniable that his book, entitled '• Memorable Provi- \ndences relating to Witchcraft,\" his prominence in the case of \nthe afflicted Goodwin children, and the zealous and strenuous \nassertion of his opinions upon this subject, had been influ- \nential in preparing the public mind for the terrible scenes that \nwere enacted at Salem village in the previous j'ear, by which \ntwenty innocent persons had been publicl}* and ignominiously \nhurried out of existence ; and not long after this deplorable \ntragedv he was found b}- Calef at the bedside of a j'oung girl \nin Boston, one Margaret Rule, whose case, similar to that of \nsome of the afflicted girls at Salem, bade fair, under his man- \nagement, to renew the popular excitement with all its attend- \nant horrors. \n\nTo prevent so disastrous a result, Calef drew up an account \nof her case, viewed from his common-sense standpoint, which \nwas shown to some of Mather's friends. This produced a \nmessage from Mather to Calef that he should be arrested for \nslander, and in which he called Calef \" one of the worst of \nhars.\" Calcf's reply to the angry minister was, to appoint a \ntime and place where the two could meet and compare notes \nrespecting the occurrences in question. Mather sent word \nthat he would meet him. \"But instead of doing so,\" says \nCalef, \"at j-our and your fatther's [Rev. Increase Mather] \ncomplaint, I was brought before his Majesty's justices by \nwarrant for ' scandalous libels ' against yourself, and was \nbound over to answer at sessions. Accordinglj', though I \nwaited at sessions, there was no one to object aught against \nme, whereupon I was dismissed.\" \n\nMather afterwards printed the testimony of several wit- \nnesses, who stated that they saw Margaret Rule \"lifted up \nfrom the bed wholh' b}' an invisible force a great wa}- towards \nthe top of the room where she la}'.\" To this case, of what \nis now familiarly known in spiritualistic circles as \" levita- \ntion,\" Calef, neither denying nor admitting the fact, answers \nthat if it was so, then the Papists, who maintain against the \n\n\n146 SPIRITUALISM. \n\nProtestants that miracles had not ceased, were in the right \nafter all, — a skilful evasion, that, while it left the points in \ncontroversy untouched, placed his adversary in an uncom- \nfortable dilemma. \n\nThe facts underlying the Salem witchcraft and modern \nSpiritualism are undoubtedly identical, but both are overlaid \nand weighted b}- fraud and imposture. Proper medical treat- \nment of the bewitched girls, and a healthy state of public \nsentiment respecting religion, would probably have averted the \nwretched catastrophe. In estimating the progress of the past \ntwo centuries in enlightenment, the history of these two move- \nments is eminently instructive. The intimate union existing \nbetween the seen and unseen woiids is now a commonly \nreceived article of belief among thinkers, and this sentiment \nof our foremost poet finds almost universal acceptance : — \n\n\" The spiritual world lies all about us, \nAnd its avenues are open to the unseen \nFeet of phantoms that come and go, and we \nPerceive them not save by their intluence, or \nWhen, at times, a most mysterious Providence \nPermits them to manifest themselves to mortal eyes.\" \n\nOne of the lessons of the Salem traged}' should not be lost \nsight of. It was brought to a close neither by force of argu- \nment nor b}' pit}^ for its victims, but simplj' because persons \nelevated in station began to be accused, and then the moot \nquestion as to whether the Devil could afflict in a good man's \nshape received at once an affirmative reply. Then came the \nsober second thought, and men began to ask the question, — \n\n\" Were such things here as we do speak about, \nOr have we eaten of the insane root \nThat takes the reason i^risoner ? \" \n\" Can such things be \nAnd overcome us like a summer's cloud, \n\"Without our special wonder? \" \n\nThe only reply was, — \n\n\" The earth hath bubbles as the water has, \nAnd these are of them.\" \n\n\n\"more wonders of the invisible world.\" 147 \n\n\"When the storm had nearl}' spent itself, Mather drew up an \naccount of the trials, published with the title of \" AVonders \nof the Invisible World.\" The chief point which he considers \nestablished b}' them was, that a great conspirac}' existed \namong the Powers of Darkness to root out the Christian \nreligion from New England. \n\nTo Mather's '' Wonders,\" Calef replied with '' More Won- \nders of the Invisible World,\" published in London, in the \nyear 1700. He opposed facts in the simple garb of truth to \nfanciful representations, j'et he offended men of the greatest \nlearning and influence. \" His narrative,\" sa3's the historian \nHutchinson, — excellent authority, and a relative of Mather's, \n— \" gave great offence, he having condemned the proceedings \nat a time when in general the country did not see the error \nthey had been in, but in his account of facts, which can be \nevidenced by records and other original writings, he appears \nto have been a fair relator.\" He argues the case against the \nprevalent madness with skill and effect, showing great famil- \niaritj' with the literature of the subject, and has, to the mind \nof the unprejudiced reader, an evident advantage over his \nlearned and reverend antagonist, both in argument and \ntemper. \n\nWhile his language to Mather is iuvariabU' respectful, and \nhis animus apparently that of an earnest seeker after truth, \nMather, on the contrar}-, exasperated to the highest pitch b}' \nCalef's book, in his diary and elsewhere, betrays the utmost \nspite and venom whenever its author is alluded to. \" That \nmiserable man,\" \"a weaver turned minister,\" \"a wicked \nSadducee,\" \"a vile fool,\" \"that instrument of Satan,\" \n\"• a coal from hell.\" — such are some of the choice epithets \nhurled at him by the irate divine. \n\n\"This vile volume,\" so he writes iu his diary, \"he sent to Lon- \ndon to be published, and the book is printed, and the impression \nis this day week arrived here. The books that I have sent over \ninto England, with a design to glorify the Lord Jesus Christ, are not \n\n\n148 REPLY TO \"3I0RE WONDERS.\" \n\npublished, but strangely delayed, and the books that are sent over \nto vilify me and render me incapable to glorify the Lord Jesus \nChrist, those are published.\" \n\nCalef was compelled to send his book three thousand miles \naway to have it printed, no printer in Boston daring to under- \ntake it, and no bookseller there having the hardihood to offer \nit for sale, or give it shop room. It was regarded by the \nparishioners of those influential divines, the Mathers, as the \nmost wicked and impudent of slanders. \n\n\" My pious neighbors,\" says Mather's diary, \"are so provoked at \nthe diabolical wickedness of the man who has published a volume \nof libels against my father and myself, that they set apart whole days \nof prayer to complain unto God against him, and this day (Dec. 4, \n1700) particularly. ... I humbled myself before the Lord and con- \nfessed and bewailed my sins, which gave a triumph unto his justice \nin the humbling dispensation which was now upon me. . . . Neither \nmy father nor myself thought it proper for us to publish unto the \nchurches our own vindication from the vile reproaches and calum- \nnies that Satan by his instrument Calf had cast upon us, but the \nLord put it into the hearts of a considerable number of our flock \nwho are in their temporal condition more equal unto our adversary \nto appear in our vindication.\" \n\nI This vindication was entitled \" Some few Remarks upon \na Scandalous Book,\" which they called \" a firebrand thrown \nb}' a madman.\" Their motto, \" Truth will come off con- \nqueror,\" proved a satire upon themselves, Calef obtaining a \ncomplete triumph, his book, which was long read and admired, \nhaving been often reprinted. \n\nBy order of the president of Harvard College, the Rev. Dr. \nIncrease Mather, the \" wicked book \" was publicl}\" burnt in \nthe college 3'ard, the scene of the holocaust being the area \nbetween Massachusetts, Harvard, and Stoughton Halls. \nThis fact, though not mentioned b}' any of the historians of \nthat seat of learning, is nevertheless a noteworth}' item in \nthe annals of intellectual progress and freedom in New Eng- \nland. A few of Calef s friends stood by him, but almost the \n\n\nEDWARD DORR. 149 \n\nentire communit}' sided at first with his influential clerical \nopponents, and this no doubt induced his removal from Bos- \nton to Roxbur}', where we soon afterwards find him. \n\n' • More Wonders \" has been erroneousl}' attributed to Rob- \nert Calef, Jr. There is no difficult}- in supposing it to be the \nwork of the mature mind of a man of forty-five, the age of \nthe father, while it is in the highest degree improbable that it \ncould have been the production of a youth of twenty ; for \nin 1693 the second son of a man born in 1648 or 1649 could \nhave been no older. Moreover, the extreme j-outh of the \nwriter would have afforded Mather the best possible weapon \nto make use of against his audacious assailant ; besides, the \nname of the author, given upon the title-page, is Robert \nCalef, and not Robert Calef, Jr. \n\nRev. George Burroughs, one of the principal victims of the \nSalem witchcraft, who was convicted mainh' on account of \nhis almost superhuman strength, had at one time resided in \nRoxbury, where he had been admitted a member of the First \nChurch, April 12, 1674. \n\nIt onl}' remains for us now to notice the connection between \nthe sturd}' opponent of superstition in 1693 and the earliest \nillustrious mart^'r in the cause of American freedom in 1775. \nMar}', the daughter of Robert Calef, was, in 1712, married \nto Dr. Samuel Stevens, of Roxbury, whose daughter Mary \nbecame the mother of Gen. Joseph Warren. \n\nNext beyond the premises once occupied by Calef and by \nMears was the mansion and garden of some three or four \nacres belonging to Edward Dorr, whose possessions originally \nextended from Eustis Street to a point opposite Vernon. \nAfter his death in 1734 the business of tanning was carried \non here by his son. Capt. Ebenezer Dorr. Joseph, the grand- \nson of Capt. Ebenezer, who married Anna Ruggles, was the \nfather of Capt. Jonathan and Nathaniel Dorr, well-known \ncitizens of Roxbury. During the last century the Dorr fam- \nil} occupied a prominent position here. \n\n\n150 \n\n\nEBENEZER FOX. \n\n\nThe shop of the painter, John Ritts Penniman, was on the \nspot now covered by Webster Hall. Some of his pictures of \npersons and places in old Roxbury 3et survive. Penniman \nwas at one time employed bj'' AVillard, the clock-maker. In \nthe rear of the wooden building next south of the hall is a \nfragment of a very old building which not unlikely formed a \nportion of Calef's premises. Beyond the new \" Hotel Com- \nfort \" is the dwelling-house once occupied b}' Zabdiel Adams, \nfather of the well-known physician, Dr. Z. B. Adams, of Bos- \nton. His hat store was where Potter's oyster-house is now. \n\nOpposite Webster \nHall, where Warren's \napothecary store is, \nwas the residence and \nshop of a A'ery deaf old \ngentleman named Fox, \nwhom very many per- \nsons now living well \nremember. Ebenezer \nFox, a native of Rox- \nbur}' and a resident of \nthe town at the time \nof his death in 1843, \nwas when a boy an \napprentice to a farmer \nnamed Pelham, and in \nhis old age published a little volume of '• Revolutionary Ad- \nventures.\" Becoming dissatisfied with his situation, and \nhearing daily complaints of the injustice and t3'ranny of the \nBritish government, — \n\n\"I, and other boys,\" says Fox, \"situated similarly to m5'self, \nthought we too had wrougs to be redressed aud rights to be maiu- \ntained, and we made a direct application of the doctrines we daily \nheard iu relation to the oppressions of the mother country to our \nown circumstauces, and thought that we were more oppressed than \nour fathers were.\" \n\n\nKlih.Shit.K ii \n\n\nEBENEZER FOX. 151 \n\nFox, and a compauion named Kelh' who lived with Isaac \nWinslow, on Meeting-House Hill, formed a plan to leave \nhome privately and make their way to Providence, R. I., \nwhere the}' expected to find employment as sailors on board \nsome vessel. At eight o'clock on the evening of the 18th of \nApril, 1775, the night before the battle of Lexington, they \nmet on the steps of the First Church, and started on their \nwa}', each with a small bundle of clothing, and half a dollar \nin his pocket. After a brief rest on the steps of Dr. Gordon's \nchurch in Jamaica Plain, the}' kept on to Dedham, where they \nslept on the ground, and earlj' next morning continued their \njourne}'. Soon from all quarters came rumors of the Lex- \nington affair, and they were frequentl}^ stopped and eagerly \nquestioned, but kept on their wa}', and final!}' arriving at \nProvidence, there parted company, Fox shipping as a cabin \nboy to the West Indies. \n\nPassing over his other adventures we come to his enlist- \nment in the \" Protector,\" a twenty -gun ship commanded by \nCapt. John Foster WiUiams, and fitted out by the State of \nMassachusetts to protect her commerce from British cruisers. \n\nFox was on board the '• Protector\" during the action with \nthe \" Admiral Duff,\" and when in a subsequent cruise she \nwas captured he became an inmate of the Jersey prison-ship. \nHis latter years were passed in Roxbury, in the building \nbefore us, where until 1837 he kept a crockery-ware store, \nwhich was also the post-office while he was postmaster of \nRoxbury, from 1831 to 1835. \n\nIn his old age he was so deaf that in the exercise of this \ndouble calling he occasionally made some ludicrous mistakes. \nA story is told of the old gentleman's responding to a lady's \ninquiry for a letter with, \"Oh yes, ma'am, I've some very \nnice ones,\" and mounting some steps, all the while expatiating \nupon the merits of the article, took down from an upper shelf \nan assortment of a very useful rather than ornamental utensil \nof housekeeping, greatly to the disgust of the applicant. \n\n\n152 SIMON WILLAED. \n\nFor several generations the Willards have been famous \nthroughout the country, as clock and watch makers, one of \ntheir clocks having been placed in the Capitol at Washington, \nwhen it was first built, others adorning Harvard College, \nJefferson College, Va., the old State House, State Street, \nBoston, and the First Church, Eoxbury. \n\nIn the \" Boston Gazette \" of Feb. 22, 1773, is the follow- \ning advertisement : — \n\n\" Benjamin Willard at his shop in Eoxbury Street, pursues tlie \ndifferent branches of clock and watch work, and has for sale musical \nclocks playing different tunes, a new tune every day in the week and \non Sunday a Psalm tune. These tunes perform every hour without \nany obstruction to the motion or going of the clock. A new inven- \ntion for pricking barrels to perform the music, and his clocks are \nmade much cheaper than any ever yet known. All the branches of \nthis business likewise carried on at his shop in Grafton.\" \n\nSimon Willard, probably the brother of Benjamin, came to \nRoxbur}' in 1780, and occupied the premises north of those \nwhere the round clock or dial, his handiwork, j'et remains, \nafter the lapse of more than half a century. He learned his \ntrade of an Englishman named Morris, and at the age of \nfourteen had succeeded in constructing a clock that was pro- \nnounced superior to those of his master. Upon the Lexing- \nton alarm he volunteered in the Grafton Company, and \nmarched to Roxbur}' with no other apparel than that in which \nthe summons found him at his bench. On coming to Roxbmy, \nand until in 1802 he received a patent from the government \nfor his improved timepiece, he devoted himself almost exclu- \nsively to the manufacture of eight-day clocks, which were for \nman}' years, and up to the period of the introduction of \npianos, a chief ornament of the parlor. The improved clock \nsoon became a favorite, and is to this day considered the \nmost reliable and accurate timepiece in use. \n\nMr. Jefferson sent for Willard expresslj' to construct the \nclock for his college, and was so much pleased with his skill \n\n\nSIMON WILLARD. 153 \n\nthat he gave him substantial tokens of his regard. Talking \nfreely with him about a pending treaty, as Mr. Willard \nrefrained from expressing an opinion upon its merits, Jeffer- \nson intimated that he knew but little of public atfairs. Soon \nafterwards he desired Mr. Willard to examine a beautiful \nFrench clock, and see what was the matter with it. He did \nso, and on rising to depart left the various parts of the clock \nscattered about the table. \" Don't go, Willard,\" said the \nPresident, \" until you have put the works together.\" \" Oh,\" \nsaid Willard. \"you can do that.\" \"I cannot,\" said Mr. \nJeiferson. \" Ah ! \" said Willard, \" you can't put the wheels \nof a clock together, yet you expected that I could be familiar \nwith treaties.\" \n\nHe constructed the large clock for the Capitol at Washing- \nton when at the age of eighty-two. That at the head of \nState Street, made half a century ago, was one of the last of \nhis works, and the one of all others upon which anxious e3'es \nhave been oftenost turned, especially at the approach of its \nhands to the hour of two p. m., by those with notes to pa}-, \nand not j'et provided for. Willard's great mechanical skill \nwas manifested also in much of the philosophical apparatus \nnow in use at Cambridge. The celebrated Orrery of Mr. \nPope was perfected by him after it had been abandoned as a \nfailure b}^ its inventor. Willard died Aug. 30, 1848, aged \nninetA'-five j-ears four montlis and twent3'-seveu days. \n\nSimon Willard, the younger, was orderl}' sergeant of the \nNorfolk Guards for more than a quarter of a century. He \nsucceeded to his father's business, which he afterwards carried \non in Boston, attaining marvellous skill and accuracy' in the \nmanufacture of chronometers, specimens of which are to be \nfound in manv of our dwellings. Aaron, the brother of Simon, \nSen., and also a clock-maker, who died in 1844, at the age \nof eighty-seven, first kept where the apothecary shop num- \nbered 2224 Washington Street now is. \n\nThe first public library of Roxbury was established in \n\n\n154 ROEBUCK INN. \n\n1805, and was kept in the lower story of the building where \nthe dial is. Reorganized as the \" Social Library\" in 1831, \nand as the \" Roxbury Athenoeiim\" in 1848, it was incorpo- \nrated in 1851, and is now located in Guild Row. \n\nBacon's Block, opposite, is the site of Edward Dorr's resi- \ndence about the middle of the last centur}*. and also that of \nMajor William Bosson, a veteran of the Revolution, and one \nof the minute-men at Lexington. Dean's Block, at the corner \nof Ruggles Street, was formerly a tavern kept by Thomas \nMayo, having for its sign a horn of plenty. \n\nThe building now Smith's carriage-shop, which like so \nmany others once stood end to the street, is one of the old \nlandmarks, dating back perhaps one hundred and fifty j'ears. \nDuring the siege it was doubtless occupied as the quarters of \na portion of Col. Ebenezer Learned's regiment, which was \nstationed at the lines, and which probabl}- filled the few \nhouses then standing in this locality, and temporarily' aban- \ndoned by their occupants. Nathaniel Felton, sc^'the-maker, \nbought the premises of Edward Dorr in 1763. Deacon \nJoshua Felton carried on the business of a blacksmith here \nfor many 3'ears. The brick building be^-ond, occupying the \nsite of Felton's former residence, was the place of business, \nhalf a century ago, of Mr. John Lemist, an active merchant, \nwho was lost in the steamer \"Lexington,\" in Long Island \nSound, many 3'ears ago. \n\nWilliam Bowman lived in the old house on the corner of \nPalmer and Washington Streets. Lucj', his widow, the sister \nof Gov. Sumner, continued to reside here for many years. \nTheir son, a captain in the army, distinguished himself in the \nlast war with England, especially at the battle of Niagara \nand in the sortie from Fort Erie. The corner of this build- \ning, now Mr. John Newton's provision store, was taken off to \nwiden Warren Street a few j-ears since. Half a century ago \nthis was Hazlitt's Tavern, its sign being a deer's head. \nAfterwards it was known as the \" Roebuck Inn,\" John \n\n\nGOV. su3iner's birthplace. 155 \n\nBrooks being its landlord. Formerly, the street was nighth\" \nfilled with market-wagons from this point to the store near \nthe bur^-ing-ground, kept by the D arises, who carried on an \nextensive barter trade with the countr^'men for their farm \nproduce. \n\nCobb's grocery store, opposite Warren Street, formerl}^ Dea- \ncon Caleb Parker's, was before the Revolution the site of the \nhouse of a farmer named Pelham, whose farm was situated \nnear the creek, belonging to the heirs of Rev. Dr. Porter. \n\nIn the rear of Ilall's Block is an old-fashioned, two-story, \ngambrcl-roofed house, in which, on Nov. 9, 1746, Gov. In- \ncrease Sumner was born. It was moved back from the street \nin 1852, when the block was built, and is not far from one \nhundred and fift}' 3'ears old. On either side of the front door \nwere magnificent button woods, that were cut down more than \nhalf a century ago. The house is one of the few remaining \non Roxbury Street that antedate the siege. The youthful \nda3's of the future governor were passed here ; here he kept \nhis law office ; here his grandfather, Edward Sumner, died \nin 17G3 ; and here his widowed mother resided until her death. \n\nIncrease Sumner, father of the governor, and fourth in \ndescent from William and Mary Sumner who settled in Dor- \nchester in 1635, was a farmer, who, b}* industry, frugalit}', \nand success in subduing his paternal acres and in making \nrough places smooth, acquired a considerable property. He \nwas a man of colossal size and great strength of muscle. \nTraditions of wonderful feats of strength performed by him \nin his youthful da\\'s are remembered in Roxbury and its \nvicinity to this dav. After his death, which took place in \nNovember, 1774, and the opening of the siege in the follow- \ning spring, the house being exposed to the shot of the enemy, \nthe family removed to Dorchester and resided temporaril}' \non the farm left b}' the elder Increase to his son, called \n\" Morgan's,\" where he built the house now the residence of \nHon. Marshall P. AYilder. \n\n\n156 \n\n\nGEN. GREATON. \n\n\nOn Sept. 10, 1765, John Greaton, Jr., leased of Samuel \nSumner for ten j-ears a Ijuilding where Bampton's store now \nstands, for the sale of West India goods. Greaton was a \nprominent \" Son of Libert}',\" was one of the Roxbury com- \nmittee of fifteen to carry into effect the non-importation agree- \nment, and was an officer in the '• Governor's Horse Guards,\" \na Boston organization, composed of the elite of the citizens, \n\nand forming the escort on all \noccasions of ceremony or com- \nmemoration. \n\nHe was actively engaged in \nthe Lexington battle, in com- \npan}- with his friends and neigh- \nbors Warren and Heath, and \nwas successive!}' chosen major, \nlieutenant-colonel, and colonel \nof Heath's regiment. His com- \nmission of colonel, signed by \nthe President of Congress, and \ndated July 1, 1775, is now in \nmy possession. During the \nsiege of Boston he led several \nsuccessful expeditions to the \nislands in the harbor, bringing off live stock and destroying \nthe fodder and other supplies destined for the British garrison \nin Boston. Heath mentions in his diary for June 27, 1775, \nthat ' ' A redoubt was opened by Col. Greaton at Dorchester \nNeck, on this side the causewa}',\" and that some cannon-shot, \ndirected toward them by the eneni}-, fell short. \n\nTaking part in the unfortunate invasion of Canada, he was \ntaken down grievously ill at Fort George, in September, 1776. \nIn a letter to Gen. Heath, dated July 31, 1776, he says, \n\"Our fatigues and hardships have been very great. The men \nare in very low spirits. You would hardly know the regiment \nnow, it is so altered in every shape.\" \n\n\nGEN. OEEATON'. \n\n\nGEN. GREATOX. 157 \n\nJoining Washington's feeble ami}- at Morristown in Decem- \nber, Greaton and his men, after sharing in the toils and glories \nof the Trenton and Princeton campaign, with true patriotism \nvolunteered to remain with the army after the expiration of \ntheir terra of service, and until reinforcements could arrive. \nIn the campaign ending with the surrender of Burgoyne, we \nfind him doing good service in Nixon's brigade, and as senior \nofficer at Albany, in 1779, he was for a time commander of \nthe northern department. After commanding his regiment \nduring the whole war. he was somewhat tardily rewarded with \npromotion to the grade of brigadier-general on the Conti- \nnental establishment on Jan. 7, 1783. \n\n\"Worn out in the service, Greaton, on the disbanding of the \narm}' in October, 1783, returned to Roxbur}', where his family \nhad again established themselves, but survived the journey only \na short time, and died on the 16th of December following. \nThe remains of this faithful and patriotic soldier repose in the \nold burying-ground, but no stone marks their resting-place. \n\nIn 1760 Greaton was married to Sarah, daughter of Richard \nand Ann Humphreys. His eldest daughter, Ann, married \nSamuel Heath, a son of his friend the general. His son, \nRichard Humphrey Greaton, an ensign in his father's regiment \nand afterwards a captain in the United States arm}', was \nwounded in St. Clair's battle with the Indians, and died at \nNew Orleans in May, 1815. The family is now extinct in \nRoxbury. \n\nThe family tradition is, that on the morning of the Lexing- \nton battle, while the men were hastening to the scene of \naction, and their wives and children, momentarily expecting \nthe onslaught of the king's troops, were making haste to \ndepart also, with little expectation of ever again beholding \ntheir deserted homes, Mrs. Greaton, taking her younger \nchildren in a cart, together with such indispensable articles as \ncould be carried, made her way to Brookline, the older chil- \ndren walking along by the side of the vehicle. \n\n\n158 OLD RED TAVERX. CAPT. JOSEPH WELD. \n\nOn the site of Diamond Block there was a veiy old house, \npossibl}' the residence of the Denisons, and in which Edward \nSumner lived in 1750. Early in the present centur}- it was \nknown as the old Red Tavern, and was kept by Martin \nPierce, the father of Mrs. Lot Young, who recently deceased at \nthe age of ninety-eight. Mrs. Young distinctl}' remembered \nseeing ^Yashington when he visited here in 1 789. Her mother \nperformed the journej' from Swanz}-, where the famil}- then \nresided, to Roxbmy, in 1786, on horseback and alone, meet- \ning only a single person, a miller, on the road. \n\nThis dilapidated old building was pulled down one night \nby some 3'oung men who thought it too shabby to be seen by \nPres. Monroe, on the occasion of his visit to Boston, in Jul}', \n1817. The perpetrators of the exploit put up a sign stating \nthat it was done by \" Captain Hatchet.\" Mr. Sumner, the \nowner of the building, had the reputation of hiding his monej' \nin stone walls and other out-of-the way places. \" I recol- \nlect,\" said the late John Wells Parker, \" of going with a party \nof 3'oungsters to see if there was an}- ' treasure trove ' on the \npremises, but the old man soon appeared upon the scene and \nstoned us awa}'. He could jerk a stone to a great distance.\" \n\nBetween the Denison estate and that of Elder Heath, \nbeginning at Vernon Street, was the homestead, containing \ntwo acres of garden and orchard, belonging to Capt. Joseph \n\"Weld, a man conspicuous in the early days of the town, and \na brother of Rev. Thomas Welde, who lived on the opposite \nside of the street. He came over in 1633, kept a store on \nRoxbur}' Street, and represented the town from 1636 to \n1641. In mihtary matters he was quite prominent, having \nbeen the first ensign of the Artillery Companj- in 1638, and \nalso the first captain of the Roxbury Military Compan3\\ \nDuring her four months' detention \" it being winter,\" and \nuntil she was driven into exile, Capt. Weld had the custody' \nof Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, a woman '• of readv wit and bold \nspirit,\" whose unorthodox opinions gave a world of trouble to \n\n\nDEACON MONROE. 159 \n\nour Puritan progenitors. Weld was the firm friend of tlie \napostle Eliot, and is said to have been the wealthiest mer- \nchant of his da}' in New England. Upon one of his many \nvo^'ages to London he was arrested and placed under heav}- \nbonds, at the suit of Alderman Barcla}', whose ship had been \nseized in New England, Weld having been one of the jury \nthat condemned her. As a recompense for important ser- \nvices to the colony he received from the town the valuable \nestate in West Roxburv, recently known as the Cussey Farm, \nwhich he bequeathed to his son John, who like his father \nheld the rank of captain. \n\nCapt. Weld was interred in the old burj'ing-ground on \nEustis Street on Oct. 7, 1G46. His widow afterward mar- \nried Anthony Stoddard, of whom the estate in Roxbury \nStreet was purchased by Eev. Samuel Danforth in 1657. \nThe homestead was man}- ^-ears in the possession of the \nBromfield family. \n\nVernon Street was in the olden time known as the '■ Way \nto the Watering-Place,\" which was at Smelt Brook, a few \nrods from the street. The brook ran for some distance par- \nallel to the street. Over it was a bridge, be3'oud which a \nlane, known as the \" Town Lane,\" led into the country road \nto Dedham. Prior to 1842, when it received its present \nname, it was for a Inief period known as Norfolk Street. \n\nThe large three-story frame building on the same side, \nbeyond Vernon Street, was for over half a century the resi- \ndence of Deacon Nehemiah Monroe, a well-known citizen, by \ntrade a cabinet-maker, who died here in 1828. It had been \nthe residence of James Orr, blacksmith, who bought it of \nEdmund Weld. \n\n\" Deacon Roe,\" as he was called, was an odd fish, and \nsomething of a humorist, as well as a deacon of Dr. Porter's \nchurch. Standing at his doorway one morning, soon after \nthe Universalist Church was built, he was accosted by a \notranger, who asked him if he had seen a stra}- white horse \n\n\n160 EDMUND KEAN. ELDER HEATH. \n\npassing that wa}-. \"No,\" was the repl}-. \"'Where had I \nbetter look for him? \" queried the stranger. \" Oh well ! \" said \nthe deacon, \" p'l-'aps 3-011 'd better go to the Univarsalist \ngrounds, 'bout everything fetches up there nowadays.\" \n\nA small wooden building, numbered 2331, formerly Haz- \nlitt's Tavern, but kept at the time b}' Edward Jones, was the \nplace of refuge of the great but eccentric actor, Edmund \nKean, when driven by a mob from the Boston Theatre on \nthe night of Dec. 21, 1825. Kean's refusal to play to a thiu \nhouse on a former occasion was resented at the very first \nopportunit}' bj* the audience, who would not allow him to \nutter a word, and who drove him from the stage with a \nshower of projectiles. The crushed tragedian fled hither in \ndisguise, and was taken in a close carriage the next morn- \ning from the house of Mr. Jones, to \"Worcester. \n\nOn the southwest corner of Eoxbury Street, beginning at \nVernon Street, lay the homestead and farm of three acres of \nElder Isaac Heath, a native of Nazing, England, by trade a \nharness-maker, a principal founder of the Grammar School, \nand one of the fathers of the town, who came over in 1635 ; \nhis brothers William and Peleg Heath having preceded him. \n\nHeath was a member of the Legislature in 1637-8, and \nabout the same time was made ruling elder, — a special recog- \nnition of his prudence, wisdom, and godliness. This office \nplaced him in intimate relations with Eliot, who consulted him \nin all his plans and difficulties. \n\nThe ruling elder occupied an elevated seat between the \ndeacons' seat and the pulpit, and continued in office through \nlife. Elder Heath assisted Eliot in his Indian labors, accom- \npanying him in his toilsome expeditions through the wilder- \nness, and expounded the gospel to the natives. He died \nJan. 21, 1660, aged seventy-five. At his decease none were \nleft of his household but his aged widow and his son-in-law, \nJohn Bowles, whose children inherited his property. \"My \nwill is,\" so reads a clause in that document, \"that John \n\n\nGREYHOUND TAVERN. 161 \n\nBowles shall be mayntayned at Sehole and brought up to \nlearning in what way I have dedicated him to God, if it please \nhim to accept him.\" \n\nThe famih' of Bowles, prominent in town affairs for nearly \na century afterwards, resided here, John Bowles, a founder \nof the grammar school, a ruling elder of the church, and a \nmember of the General Court in 1645, died here 21st Septem- \nber, 1680. Elder Bowles was a leading member of the Mas- \nsachusetts company for colonizing New England, and was a \nwarm friend of the apostle Eliot, who said of him, \" Prudent \nand gracious men set over our churches for the assistance of \ntheir pastors, such helps in government had he (Eliot) been \nblessed withal, the best of which was the well-deserving Elder \nBowles. God helps him to do great things among us.\" His \nson, Hon. John Bowles, who married a granddaughter of \nEliot's, was in 1690 Speaker of the House of Representatives. \nHe left a son. Major John Bowles, who served the town faith- \nfully in various capacities. From him was descended Capt. \nRalph Hart Bowles, a brave Revolutionar}' officer. \n\nNext in importance to the church as a centre of town life \nwas the public house or inn, the exchange in which, over a \nmug of ale, were discussed the news, politics, and gossip of \nthe day, and whose social attractiveness made it a source \nof constant solicitude to the fathers of the town. \n\nWhere Graham's Block now stands, opposite Vernon Street, \nformerly stood the Greyhound Tavern. It had been the site \nof a public house from a ver}' early period ; for Danforth, \nEliot's colleague, who lived near it, could from his study win- \ndow take note of '' town dwellers trifling there,\" and would \ngo over and \" chide them awa}'.\" \n\n\"As ancient is this hostelry \nAs any in the land may be ; \nBuilt in the old colonial day, \n\"When men lived in a grander way, \n\"With ampler hospitality. \nA kind of old Hobgoblin Hall, \n\n11 \n\n\n162 DRUNKENNESS. \n\n\"With weather stains upon the wall, \nAnd stairways worn and crazy doors, \nAnd creaking and uneven floors. \nAnd chimneys huge and tiled and tall.\" \n\nLocated as it was on the onl}' road leading to Boston (for \nthere were then no bridges), the Greyhound was a noted \nresort in the days when public meetings, festive gatherings, \nand other assemblages of a political, social, or business char- \nacter were usually' held in such places, and being famous for \nthe excellence of its punch, it was much frequented by the \nconvivial spirits of Boston and vicinit}'. \n\nJoshua Hewes, the'original owner of this estate, came over \nin 1633, probably with Cotton and Hooker in the \" Griffin.\" \nHe was a merchant of large transactions, and held manj' \nresponsible trusts both public and private. On Aug. 27, 1642, \nSergt. Joshua Hewes was directed bj' the town \" to see to it \nthat the people of Roxbury in everj- house, or some two or \nmore houses, jo^'ne together for the breeding of salt peeter in \nsome outhouse used for poultry or the like, and to give them \ndirections about the same.\" In 164:1 he was a representative \nto the General Court, and joining the Artiller}' Company, \nbecame a lieutenant in 1613. Quite recently an old grave- \nstone was dug up b}' workmen excavating for the post-office \nextension in Post-Offlce Square, upon which was this inscrip- \ntion : \" Here lyeth y® Body of Joshua Hewes aged 66 years. \nDeparted this Life 3'* 25 day of Januarj- 1675.\" \n\nJohn Greaton, the last landlord of the Greyhound, licensed \nas an innkeeper in 1741, was the father of Gen. Greaton. \nHe kept a West India goods store here and also at the South \nEnd of Boston. His eldest son, James, a graduate of Yale \nCollege, was master of the Roxbury grammar school in \n1756-8; rector of Christ Church, Boston, in 1759-67, and \nafterwards of the church at Huntington, L. I. \n\nDrunkenness was severely punished b}' the sober. Godfear- \ning men of the early settlement. On March 4, 1633, the \nCourt order that Robert Coles, — \n\n\nLIQUOR LAWS. 163 \n\n\"For drunkenness by him comitted at Rocksbury shal be dis- \nfranchised, weare about his necke & soe to hauge upon his outward \ngarment a D made of redd clothe & sett upon white, to coutynue \nthis for a yeare and not to leave it oflf att any tyme when he comes \namongst company under penalty of XL shillings for the first ofience \n& V pounds the second, & after to be punished by the courte as \nthey thiuke meete ; also he is to weare the D outwards and is \nenjoyned to appear at the next Generall Court & to contynue there \nuntil the court be ended.\" \n\nNumberless must have been the \" red-letter da3's\" of this \nunfortunate namesake of \"old King Cole,\" for his name \nrecurs in connection with public admonitions with gi'eat fre- \nquency in the old records. The scarlet letter is still worn by \nvotaries of Bacchus, with a difference. Instead of being \nplaced upon the neck, it is fastened permanently upon the \nnose. Ma}- not the Puritan legislators have derived their \nhint from this circumstance? \n\n\"In 1637,\" says Josselyn, \"there were in Boston two \nhouses of entertainment called ' Ordinaries,' into which, if a \nstranger went, he was presenth- followed by one appointed to \nthat office, who would thrust himself into his company unin- \nvited, and if he called for more drink than the officer thought \nin his judgment he could soberl}- bear away, he would pres- \nently countermand it, and appoint the proportion, beyond \nwhich he could not get one drop.\" \n\nInnkeepers were forbidden to suffer an}' to be drunk or to \ndrink excessively; viz., above half a pint of wine for one \nperson at a time, or to continue tippling above the space of \nhalf an hour, or at unreasonable times, or after nine of the \nclock at night. A person found drunk, so as to be thereby \nbereaved or disabled in the use of his understanding, appear- \ning in his speech or gesture, \" had to pay ten shilling or be \nset in the stocks.\" Tobacco could not be taken in any inn or \n\"common victual house\" except in a private room there, so \nas neither the master of the said house nor any guest there \n\n\n164 GREYHOUND TAVERN. \n\n\" should take offence thereat,\" under penalty of half a crown. \nNone might retail strong water, wine, or beer, either within \ndoors or without, except in inns or victualling-houses allowed, \nNo beer might be charged higher than two pence the Win- \nchester quart, and innkeepers and other householders were \nmade responsible for the sobriet}' of their inmates. \n\nAs early as 1643 Eichard Wood}', who dwelt in the imme- \ndiate vicinit}' of the Greyhound, had leave from the town \n\" to draw wine.\" In 1653 leave was given John Gorton and \nIlobert Pepper, \" to brew and sell penny beare and cakes and \nwhite bread.\" In 1678, just after the Indian war, intemper- \nance had become so prevalent that the town voted that \n\" neither wine nor liquors shall be sold at any ordinary in Rox- \nbury,\" and that there should be but one ordinar}' in the town. \n\nSewall notes in his diar^' a visit to this inn. He says : — \n\n\"Monday July 11, 1687. I hire Ems coach in the afternoon, \nwherein Mr. Hezekiah Usher aud his wife, and Mrs. Bridget her \ndaughter myself and wife ride to Roxbury and visit Mr. Dudley and \nMr. Eliot the father, who blesses them. Go and sup together at \nthe Greyhound Tavern, with boiled bacon and roast fowls. Come \nhome between ten and eleven. Brave moonshine.\" \n\nIn 1752, and for many years subsequentl}', the Masonic \nFraternity celebrated St. John's Day here. Here the Courts \nwere held during the prevalence of small-pox in Boston, in \n1764, and here wild animals were occasionally exhibited, as \nappears by the following advertisement in the \" Gazette\" of \nApril 20, 1741 : — \n\n\"To be seen at the Greyhound Tavern in Roxbury, a wild crea- \nture which was caught in the woods about 80 miles to the westward \nof this place, called a catamount. It has a tail like a Lyon ; its legs \nare like bears, its claws like an Eagle, its eyes like a tyger. He is \nexceedingly ravenous, aud devours all sorts of creatures that he \ncan come near. Its agility is surprising, it will leap 30 feet at one \njump, notwithstanding it is but 3 months old Whoever wishes to \nsee this creature may come to the place aforesaid paying one shilling \neach shall be welcome for their money.\" \n\n\nRECRUITING STATION. 165 \n\nThe Greyhound was a recruiting station for the Canada \nexpeditions of the old French war. A characteristic figure of \nthat da}' was the recruiting sergeant. He was a picked man \nof his corps, had seen service, was erect and soldierly in his \nbearing and of gentlemanly address. Such a one as we \ndescribe, dressed in his trim regimentals, and carrying a \ncane, might at that time have been seen promenading up and \ndown the quiet town street in front of the old tavern, a fife \nand drum enlivening the scene, a gaping crowd of boys and \nidlers following on, and among them perhaps some farmer's \nson, captivated by the handsome uniform and the jaunty, \ndashing air of the soldier, and upon whom the craft}' sergeant \nhas his eye. \n\nSoon gathering a crowd, he proceeds to business, and \nenforces the argument with some doggerel verse. These \nfragments of his siren song have been preserved b}' the \ngrandson of one who was himself a listener to it : — \n\n' ' Here 's two guineas on the head of the drum, \nFor every volunteer that will come, \nAnd enter into constant pay, — \nIt 's ' over the hills and far away.' \n\nIt 's over the hills, it 's over the main, \nTo Crown Point and Lake Champlain. \n\n\" At Quebec there are many stores \nBesides great quantities of furs, \nWe '11 have a share as well as they, \nThough its 'over the hills and far away.'\" \n\nThe most notable of the celebrations of the repeal of the \nStamp Act is thus described in the \" Massachusetts Gazette \" \nof Aug. 18, 1768: — \n\n\" About 5 o'clock, the morning (Aug. Uth) was ushered iu by \nthe firing of 14 cauuons iu Liberty Square, and hoisting the flag on \nLiberty Tree. At noon several of the principal gentlemen of the \ntown and a great number of other persons of credit assembled at \nLiberty Hall, where was a baud of music, and the much-admired \nAmerican song was melodiously sung to the great pleasure of a \nnumber of gentlemen and ladies who were at the windows of the \n\n\n166 LIBERTY SONG. \n\nhouses in the neighborhood as also to a vast concourse of people in \nthe square. \"Fourteen toasts were then drunk, and after again firing \nthe cannon the gentlemen set out in their chariots and chaises for the \nGreyhound Tavern in Roxbury, where an elegant entertainment was \nprovided. After dinner the new song was again sung and 45 toasts \ndrunk and the afternoon was spent sociably with great harmony \nand affection for the liberties of their country. After consecrating \na tree sacred to Liberty in Roxbury, they made an agreeable excur- \nsion round Jamaica Pond, in which excursion they received the kind \nsalutations of a friend to the cause by the discharge of cannon. It \nis allowed that this cavalcade surpassed all that has ever been seen \nin America.\" \n\nA Tory account Scays, \" The selectmen and representatives \nof Boston made part of the company with some who were \nimmediate actors in the riot which they were celebrating, and \nin that which next succeeded.\" The liberty song spoken of \nhad just been received by James Otis, from its author. John \nDickinson. It was first printed on July 4, 1768, and is the \nearliest of the Revolutionary^ Ij^rics to advocate independence \nand union. It was sung to the tune of \"Hearts of Oak.\" \nA few stanzas are here given : — \n\n\"Come, join hand in hand, brave Americans all, \nAnd rouse your bold hearts at fair Liberty's call. \nNo tjrannous acts shall suppress your just claim, \nOr stain with dishonor America's name. \n\n\" In freedom we 're born and in freedom we '11 live, \nOur purses are ready — steady, friends, steady. \nNot as slaves but as freemen our money we '11 give. \n\n\" This bumper I crown for our sovereign's health, \nAnd this for Britannia's glory and wealth, \nThat wealth and that glory immortal may be, \nIf she is but just and we are but free. \n\n\" Then join hand in hand, brave Americans all! \nBy uniting we stand, by dividing we fall. \nIn so righteous a cause let us hope to succeed, \nFor Heaven approves of each generous deed.\" \n\nJust after the battle of Lexington, and in pursuance of an \nagreement with the British General Gage the house of John \n\n\nFIRE-ENGINES. 1G7 \n\nGreatoii — it had then ceased to be a tavern — was the place \nappointed by the Massachusetts Congress for the issue of \npermits to persons wishing to enter the town. It was con- \nveniently situated for this purpose, but as it was much \nexposed to the shot from the hostile batteries on the Neck, it \nwas shortl}' afterward torn down. An idea of its size may be \nformed from the fact that when demolished it was found to \ncontain no less than forty fireplaces. Permissions to enter \nBoston were thus worded : — \n\n'■'Permit A. B. the hearer hereof with his family, consisting of — \npersons with his effects (fire-arms and ammunition excepted), to pass \nunmolested into the town of Boston between sunrise and sunset. \nBy order of Provincial Congress. \n\nJos. Warren, Prest.\" \n\nThe story of the old hostehy is told. To him that asks \nthe question, \" Shall I not take my comfort at mine inn?\" \nit shall be answered. No, thou shalt not. The inns have all \ngone out. The mirth and jollity, the comfort and content \nthey were wont to bestow, as well as '• entertainment for man \nand beast,\" all these have suffered a permanent eclipse. \nFlower de Luce, Punch-Bowl, Peacock, Greyhound, alike \nwith their patrons, have long since passed away, \n\n\" And, like the baseless fabric of a vision, \nLeft not a rack behind.\" \n\nOn the site of the Greyhound was located the first fire- \nengine of Roxbury in 1784, when, agreeabl}' to an act of the \nGeneral Court, the selectmen appointed the following engine- \nmen, viz. : — \n\nJoHX Swift. Joseph Richardson. Amos Smith. \n\nDavid Swift. William Dokr. Aakon Willard. \n\nJohn Williams, Jk. Joshua Felton. Wm. Bosson, Jk. \n\nElijah Weld. Daniel Munroe. Abel Hutchins. \nJoseph Weld. \n\n\n168 FIRE-ENGINES. \n\nAnd in 1785 were added the names of — \n\nCapt. Samuel Mellish. Jeremiah Gore. William Blaney. \nEasign R. H. Greaton. Jesse Doggett. \n\nThey chose Daniel Munroe, captain, William Bossou, Jr., \nclerk and treasurer, and adopted rules and regulations. This \nwas subsequently the location of the engine named the ' ' En- \nterprise.\" Fire wards were first chosen in 1784. Roxbury \nhas hitherto been exempt from any serious conflagrations. \nThe town records frequently allude to the necessity- of pro- \nviding ladders to facilitate the extinguishing of fires, and in \n1 746 a legislative enactment affixed a penalty of ten shillings \nupon ever}' householder, living within ten rods of a neighbor's \nhouse or barn, who failed to provide himself with one. \n\nA new fire-engine was, in 1787, established near the Punch- \nBowl Tavern. In 1795 the town voted to pay half the ex- \npense of repairing the \"new\" fire-engine in Warren Street \n(Punch-Bowl Village) . The members of this company were, \n\nJohn Ward. Joseph Crehore. Capt. Belcher Haxcock. \n\nIsaac Davis. James Pierce. Lieut. William Bossun. \n\nJoseph Davenport. Samuel Barry. \n\nIn 1802 a new engine, called the \"Torrent No. 2,\" was \naccepted and its compau}- of twentj'-one men appointed. A \nnew engine was purchased bj' subscription in 1819 for No. 1, \nand the town was asked for land on which to build its house \non the northerly corner of the burying- ground, \" the hearse- \nhouse to be removed.\" \n\nIn 1831 the chief engineer, Joshua B. Fowle, reported that \nthere were in Roxbury seven fire-engines, with four hose-reels \nattached. The}^ were located as follows : — \n\nNo. I, Dudley St. (uew house). No. 5, Spring Street. \n\n2, Centre St., by Poorhouse. 6, Eustis Street (new house). \n\n3 and 4, Jamaica Plain. 7, \"Norfolk,\" at Punch-Bowl. \n\nThe first suction engines were made in Roxbury many years \nago by WiUiam C. Hunneman. Previously the supply of \nwater was brought in buckets and emptied into the \" tub.\" \n\n\nEEA\\ THOMAS WELDE. 169 \n\nPassing the Grej'liound, we come to the homestead of two \nacres of the Rev. Thomas Welde, first pastor of the First \nChurch, which was originally the property of Richard Pea- \ncock. All the estates on this side of the street, from Eiistis \nto Dudley, extended back to the training-field, and all save \nDanforth's were in the form of long, narrow strips, running \nparallel with Dudle}' Street, and having a depth of nearl}' one \nthousand feet. The dwellings were on the street, the gar- \ndens and orchards in the rear. \"Welde's residence was near \nthe northerh* corner of Zeigler Street, not far from where the \nCit}' Hotel stood. This was a brick building, erected for a \nresidence b}- George Zeigler, about the commencement of the \ncentur}-. The hall of this hotel was prior to 1840 a favorite \nplace for dancing parties and political meetings, the latter \nbeing sometimes held on Sunday evening. \n\nDaniel \"Welde, who lived here at one time, was probably \nthe brother of Rev. Thomas and Captain Joseph. He was \nchosen by the town in 165-4 \" to record births and burialls.\" \nHe was one of the first teachers of the Grammar School in \nRoxbury, and for his interest in schools the General Court \nin 1659 rewarded him with two hundred acres of land. He \nsubsequentl}- bought John Watson's place, near Stony River \nBridge, where he died Jul}- 22, 1666, aged eighty-one. \n\nRev. Thomas Welde, a native of Tirliug, in Essex, Eng- \nland, was educated at the University of Cambridge, and then \nsettled in the ministr}- in his native place. Incurring the \npenalties of the laws against Nonconformists, he was obliged \nto fly for safety to New England. While standing in jeop- \nardy from that arch-persecutor. Laud, Welde and Rev. \nThomas Shepard \" consulted together whether it was best to \nlet such a swine root up God's plants in Essex, and not give \nhim some check.\" Arriving at Boston in the '• William and \nFrancis,\" June 5, 1632, he was ordained pastor in July, \nEliot being soon after settled as teacher. In 1639 he \nassisted Eliot and Mather in makiua; the tuneful New Eng- \n\n\n170 WELDE. — ANNE HUTCHINSON. \n\nland Version of the Psalms, which was used for many years \nin our churches. Their versification was wretched enough, \nbut \"Welde sometimes wrote with spirit and taste. \n\nSent in 1641 to England with Hugh Peters, as agent for \nthe colonies, upon the supposition that \"great revolutions \nwere now at hand \" ; that monarch}' being then upon the eve \nof the great civil war, and Bishop Laud's anathemas being no \nlonger a source of anxiety, Welde did not return, but obtained \na living at St. Marj^'s, Gateshead, County Durham, opposite \nNewcastle, and died in London on March 23 , 1661. \"Welde had \ngiven \"the greatest encouragement of an}- man else,\" saj's \nMather, ' ' for invitation of his friends to come over to New \nEngland, yet was it observed true of him which some note of \nPeter the Hermit, who sounded an alarum and march to all \nother Christians to the Holy Land, but a retreat to himself.\" \nAt his departure he left a fine librar}-, for the purchase of \nwhich Eliot solicited aid from England. His estate was \ninherited by his son Thomas, who was made \" clerk of the \nwrits\" in 1654, was several years a representative, and was \nan influential citizen. \n\n\" Valiant in the faith, a defender of the truth and of the \nchurches in this land, both in the pulpit and with his pen,\" \nWelde had great influence with the magistrates, by whom he \nwas frequentl}' consulted, and was naturall}\" conspicuous in \nthe persecution of Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson, \nwhom Winthrop called the \" American Jezebel.\" Her claim \nto this opprobrious title rests upon the fact of her having \naffirmed that Welde and some other ministers did not preach \na covenant of grace, and moreover, to the other fact, that hold- \ning opinions not then received by the clergy as orthodox, she \ndared to express them. The conspicuous and reprehensible \npart Welde took in the cruel persecution ending in the excom- \nmunication and banishment of this gifted woman and her fol- \nlowers, places him in the same categor}' with Laud and other \npersecutors for opinion's sake. \n\n\nREV. NEHEMIAH WALTER. 171 \n\nWhile a prisoner for four months in the house of Welde's \nbrother, in Roxbur^', not even her husband or children being \nallowed to see her, except with leave of the Court, Mrs. Hutch- \ninson was. exposed to the visitations of this \" hoi}' inquisitor,\" \nwhose efforts to convince her of error were, as a matter of \ncourse, wholly futile. In the simplicity of his bigotry, Welde \nwas surprised at her hardness of heart in slighting the excom- \nmunication of the church. \"But,\" says Mr. Savage, the editor \nof \" Winthrop's Journal\" and a descendant of Mrs. Hutch- \ninson, \" the blood of this ' Jezebel,' besides being licked \nby the dogs, was in two generations mixed by intermar- \nriage with that of the more orthodox Welde, his grandson, \nRev. Thomas Weld, first minister of Dunstable, having taken \nto wife a granddaughter of this same outcast from heaven \nand from the church of Boston.\" \n\nThe \" Short Story of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the Anti- \nnomians,\" usually attributed to Welde, was the production of \nJohn Winthrop, Welde contributing the preface to the second \nedition. The discrepancies found in the existing copies of \nthis book were due to the unskilful manner in which, at that \ntime, books passed through the press. Corrections were \nmade while the sheets were being struck off, and the corrected \nand uncorrected sheets were afterwards bound up indiscrimi- \nuatel}'. In this way the number of different copies might be \nmultiplied to an}' extent. \n\nNext to the Welde estate came that of the Rev. Nehemiah \nWalter, Eliot's colleague and successor. Originally the prop- \nerty of John Woody, it contained two and a half acres, its \nfront extending from Felton's shop to Swain's new building, \nthe northerly limit of Eliot's homestead. \n\nWalter, though of English parentage, was a native of Ire- \nland and a graduate of Harvard College. Before coming to \nNew England he had been trained in one of the best schools \nin Ireland. At thirteen, he could converse fluently in Latin. \nBesides his great proficiency in the languages and in the phi- \n\n\n172 KEY. NEHEMIAH AY ALTER. \n\nlosopliy of his day, he was a superior general scholar. During \na sojourn of a few mouths in Annapolis, Nova Scotia, he \nobtained such master}- of the French language as enabled him \nto preach occasionall}-, in the absence of their pastor, to the \nFrench congregation in Boston in their own tongue. Dis- \ncouraged with the prospect here, he had taken passage in a \nship for England, and waited onl}' for a wind, when, on a Sat- \nurda}' afternoon, he received a message from Roxbur^' desiring \nof him a sermon on the morrow. The church had for some \ntime been seeking a colleague for their aged pastor, and were \nmuch divided in respect to several ver^' worthy candidates, \nbut on hearing Mr. Walter, the}' hastened to invite him. \nTheir good old minister was so charmed with his preaching \nthat on the first day of hearing him he staj'ed the church after \nevening service, and was for putting it immediatelj^ to vote \nwhether the}' would give him a call. Mr. Joseph Dudley \n(afterwards governor) opposed so sudden a motion, but after \na short delay he received a unanimous call, the church making \nits choice July loth, and the town in public assembly Sept. \n9, 1688, approving and confirming it. \n\nEliot, then in his eighty-fourth year, presided at his ordina- \ntion, and for the first time in the Puritan church joined the \ntwo oflSces of pastor and teacher in Mr. Walter. \" Brother,\" \nsaid Eliot, \" I've ordained you a teaching pastor, but don't \nbe proud of it, for I always ordain my Indians so.\" Respect- \ning Walter's ordination, Judge Sewall's diary says : — \n\n\" Wednesday, Oct. 17, 1688. Eide iu the liackuey-coach with \nGov. Bradstreet aud his lady to Roxbury to tlie ordiuatiou of Mr. \nNehemiah Walter. Mr. Eliot, Mr. Allen, Mr. Willard also there. \nDanforth, of Dorchester, laid on hands ; Mr. Eliot ordained ; Mr. \nAllen gave the right hand of fellowship, desiring he might keep to \nChrist's institutions in their purity, for which God's people came \nover hither. Mr. Walter, giving the blessing, said, ' Happy are \nthey who are faithful in the work Christ calls them to,' etc. The \n1.32d Psalm sung. Dined at Mr. Dudley's ; Bradstreet aud Eliot sat \n\n\nEEV. THOMAS WALTER. 173 \n\nat upper eud of table. At meeting, in the fore seat, sat Mr. Brad- \nstreet, Danforth, Richards, Cook, Sewall, Wilson, and Gookin. In \ntime of first prayer the governor came bj' from his progress.\" \n\nWalter was an admirable preacher, alwaj's studying his dis- \ncourses, which were remarkable for perspicuit}' and simplicit}', \nand delivering them with great animation, though with a \nfeeble voice. He was low of stature and of a ver}' delicate \nbodily frame. In the beginning of his ministr}- he preached \nextemporaneousl}', but a severe illness that affected his head \nand impaired his memory, compelled him to make use of notes \never afterward. \n\n\"Whitefield, who visited Mr. \"Walter in 1740, calls him a \ngood old Puritan, and saj's, \"I had but little conversation \nwith him my sta}* was so short, but I remember he told me he \nwas glad to hear I said that man was half a devil and half a \nbeast.\" How so good a man could approve a sentiment so \nrepugnant to reason and common-sense is one of the insolu- \nble m3-steries of the human mind. \n\nMr. Walter married Sarah, sister of Cotton, and daughter \nof Increase Mather. Two of his sons, Thomas and Nathan- \niel, were in the ministry, Nathaniel being for forty j'cars set- \ntled over the Second Church of Roxbur}'. The pastorate of \nEliot and \"Walter covered a period of one hundred and eighteen \nyears, the latter dying in 1 750 at the age of eighty-seven. \n\nRev. Thomas Walter, his son, and his colleague from 1718 \nuntil his death, which took place on .Jan. 16, 1725, at the \nearly age of twent3--eight, possessed all his father's vivacity' \nand richness of imagination with greater vigor of intellect. \nHe graduated at Harvard College in 1713 ; was one of the \nmost distinguished scholars and disputants of his time ; and \nwas the first to reform the church music of America. Rev. \nDr. ChauncT reckoned him as one of the first three clerg}'- \nmen, for extent and strength of genius and power, New \nEngland had produced, and believed that had he not died in \nthe prime of life, he would have been known as one of the \nfirst of our irreat men. \n\n\n174 CHURCH MUSIC. JOHN ELIOT. \n\nIn 1721 Mr. \"Walter, who excelled in the science of har- \nmony', being grieved and amioj'ed bej'ond measure at the \nvery indifferent performances in the sanctuar}', published in a \nsmall volume ' ' The Grounds and Rules of Music Explained ; \nor, An Introduction to the Art of Singing b^- Note. Fitted to \nthe Meanest Capacity.\" The music was printed with bars for \nthe first time in America. The tunes were composed in three \nparts onl}'. It ran through successive editions until 1764. \nThis book threw the churches into commotion, some battling \nfor the old and some for the new wa}^ of singing, — that is, by \nrote or note. \" I have great jealousy,\" said a writer in the \n\"New England Chronicle,\" \" that if we once begin to sing \nby note, the next thing will be to pray by rote, and then \ncomes popery.\" \n\nMr. Walter's sermon, \"The Sweet Psalmist of Israel,\" \ndelivered in 1722, and dedicated to Judge Paul Dudle}', has \nbeen pronounced the most beautiful composition among the \nsermons handed down to us b}- our fathers. His uncle, Rev. \nCotton Mather, commemorated him in a discourse which was \nshortly afterwards printed, with the title of *■' A Good Reward \nof a Good Servant.\" \n\nThe apostle Eliot's estate of two and a half acres was a \nlong, narrow strip, having a front of one hundred and fort}'- \nfive feet on \"Washington Street, facing the old schoolhouse \nand Gov. Dudley's residence, his orchard extending back to \nthe Training Field, just be3'ond AVinslow Street. Rev. Mr. \nAValter's estate adjoined him on the north, while the highway'' \nto Dorchester (Dudley Street) formed his southern boundary. \nThe lower part of \"Warren Street, not then laid out, divides \nEliot's lot. \n\nHis house stood just in the rear of the People's Bank build- \ning, and is probabl}' the old house that was pulled down when \nthat was built, and which was long owned and occupied by \nthe Mears family*. It was of two stories, with a gambrel roof, \nits porch or main entrance in the centre, and is remembered \n\n\nJOHN ELIOT, \n\n\n175 \n\n\nas a veiy old house by the most aged persons now hving in \nRoxbuiy. Its next occupant after Ehot was Deacon Samuel \nWiUiams, who married Theoda, daughter of Deacon William \n\n\n^/In i ^o^ \n\n\nParke. Their son, Rev. John Williams, of Deerfield, was car- \nried into captivity ly the Indians. North of Mears, on a part \nof the Eliot estate, was the house and lot of AViUiam Blaney, \n\n\n176 JOHN ELIOT. \n\nNazing, in Essex, England, has the distinction of being \nthe birthplace of the apostle. He was educated at Jesus \nCollege, Cambridge ; then taught awhile in the grammar \nschool at Little Baddow, kept by that eminent and learned \ndivine, Thomas Hooker, in whose household Eliot received \nthose strong religious impressions that determined him to \nbecome a preacher ; and finally, as England afforded small \nencouragement at that day for a Puritan minister, he took \npassage in the \" Lion,\" bound for New England, arriving at \nBoston on Nov. 2, 1631. Here, in the absence of Mr. Wil- \nson, pastor of the church, he preached for a short time. \n\nRespecting his settlement, Gov. Winthrop says : — \n\n\"Mr. John Eliot, a member of the Boston congregation, whom \nthey intended presently to call to the office of teacher, was called to \nbe a teacher to the church at Roxbury, and though Boston labored \nall they could, both with the congregation of Roxbury and with Mr. \nEliot himself, alleging their want of him and the covenant between \nthem, yet he could not be diverted from accepting the call of Rox- \nbury, so he was dismissed.\" \n\nFrom the period of Welde's departure for England in 1641 \nuntil the settlement of Danforth as his colleague in 1650, and \nagain from the death of the latter in 1674 to 1688, Eliot was \nsole pastor, having on his hands the double labor of his \nown large parish and that of converting the Indians. The \nspecial merit of Eliot, and which entitled him to be called the \n\"Apostle,\" la}- in his zealous and unwearied efforts to Chris- \ntianize the Indians. This, in the language of the charter of \nthe Massachusetts Compan}-, was declared to be \" the princi- \npal cause of this plantation.\" The oaths of the governor \nand deputy-governor bound them to do their best for this end, \nand upon the seal provided for the colony an Indian with \nextended hands raised the Macedonian cry, \"■ Come over and \nhelp us.\" \" That public engagement,\" wrote Eliot to a friend \nin 1659, \" together with pity for the poor Indian and desire \nto make the name of Christ chief in these dark ends of the \nearth, and not the rewards of men, were the very first and \n\n\nLEARNS THE INDIAN LANGUAGE. \n\n\n177 \n\n\nCOLONY SEAL. \n\n\nchief movers, if I know what did first and chietl}' inove in \nni}- heart when God was pleased to put upon me that work \nof preaching to them.\" \n\nHe first devoted two 3-ears to the arduous task of acquiring \ntheir language from a native, \"a \npregnant-witted young man who had \nbeen a servant in an English house.\" \nThis man, a Long Island Indian, \nwho had been taken prisoner in the \nPequod war, was hired by Eliot to \nlive in his family and teach him his \nlanguage. He left his service before \n1G48. and was succeeded by Job \nNesutan. Of him, Major Gookin \nrelates that, \" In the expedition \nagainst King Philip, in 1675, one \nof our principal soldiers of the Praying Indians was slain, a \nvaliant and stout man. Job Nesutan. He was a very good \nlinguist in the English tongue, and was Mr. Eliot's assistant \nand interpreter in his translation of the Bible and other books \nin the Indian tongue.\" \n\nLaborious, indeed, was the task of making a grammar, as \nEliot was compelled to do, of a tongue in which a word of \nthirty-four letters was required, to express '' our loves.\" The \nexpression in this form might be intelligible, but it would cer- \ntainly be lengthy. \" Our question\" took fift}' letters, and \nother simple words and phrases in proportion. There is \npoint in Cotton Mather's back_ reading of Eliot's name, \nT o i 1 e . When Eliot first entered ui)on this unpromising \nfield of labor, there were nearly twenty tribes of Indians \nwithin the limits of the English planters, all bearing a strong \nresemblance to each other in language, manners, and religion, \nlie was violentl}' opposed b}' the sachems and pawwaws, or \npriests, who were apprehensive that the introduction of a new \nreligion would be the means of their losing their authority'. \n12 \n\n\n178 \n\n\nPREACHES TO THE INDIANS. \n\n\nOnce -wbeii alone with them in the wilderness, they commanded \nhim to desist from his labors on peril of his life, but he calmly \nreplied, \" I am about the work of the great God, and he is \nwith me, so that I neither fear 3'ou nor all the sachems in the \ncountry. I will sfo on. You touch me if you dare.\" \n\n\nKLIOT PREACHING. \n\n\nThe opening scene of this memorable mission at Nonantum, \nan Indian word signifying \" rejoicing,\" is best giyen in Eliot's \nown language : — \n\n\"Upon Oct. 28, 1646, four of us [EUot, Gookiu, aud Heath of \nKoxbury, aud Rev. Thos. Shepard, of Cambridge] went uuto the \nludiaus inhabiting within our bounds, with desire to make known \nthe things of their peace to them. A httle before we came to their \nwigwams, five or six of the cliief of them met us with English salu- \ntations bidding us much welcome. ^Ye found many more Indians, \nmen, women, and children, gathered together from all quai'ters round \nabout according to appointment to meet with us and learue of us. \nWaaubon, the chief minister of justice among tliem exhorting and \ninviting them before thereunto, being one who gives more grounded \nhopes of serious respect to the tilings of God than any that as yet I \nhave known of tliat forlorn generation ; and therefore since we first \nbegun to deal seriously with him hath voluntarily oflered his eldest \n\n\nINDIAN QUESTIONS. 179 \n\nson to be educated and trained up in the knowledge of God, and \naccordingly his son was accepted and is now in school at Dedhain, \nwhom we found at this time standing by his father among the rest \nof his Indian brethren in English clothes. \n\n\"After a prayer in English and in a set speech familiarly opening \nthe principal matters of salvation to them, the nest thing Ave \nintended was, discourse with them by propounding certain questions \nto see what they would say to them, that soe we might skrue by \nvariety of means something or other of God into them, but before \nwe did this we asked them if they understood all that which was \nalready spoken, and whether all of them in the wigwam did under- \nstand, or only some few, and they answered to this question with \nmultitudes of voyces that they all of them did understand all that \nwas then spoken to them.\" \n\nThese are some of the questions asked by these untutored \nsons of the forest, at this and subsequent meetings : — \n\n\"Whether Jesus Christ did understand, or God did understand \nIndian prayers ? How came the English to differ so much from the \nIndians in the knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, seeing they all \nhad at first but one father? How came it to pass that the sea water \nwas salt, and the laud water fresh? What is a spirit? Whether \nthey should believe dreams? Why did not God give all men good \nhearts, that they might be good? and why did not God kill the devil \nthat made all men so bad, God having all the power? \" \n\nAn amusing incident took place at one of these public \nmeetings. George, a drunken Indian, cried out, \" Mr. Eliot, \nwho made sack ? who made sack ? \" This, it will be perceived, \nwas a cavil about the origin of evil. It is said that he was \nsoon snubbed by the other Indians, who cried out that it \nwas a \" pappoose \" question. This same fellow afterwards \nkilled a cow, and sold it to the college for a moose. \n\nTo Harvard College, that seat of knowledge, \n\nHies Indian George one day , \nA capital hoax upon President Oakes \n\nAnd the learned professors to play. \nSq by way of a ruse, he sells them a moose, — \n\nI leave you to fancy the row \nWhen they sit at their meat, and discover the cheat, \n\nFor lo! he had sent them a cowl \n\n\n180 MISSIONARY LABORS. \n\nEliot ''kept a constant lecture to them, one week at the \nwigwam of Waban, a new sachem, near Watertown Mill, and \nthe other, the next week, in the wigwam of Cutshamokin, \nnear Dorchester Mill.\" His labors were also extended to vari- \nous points on the Merrimac River, to Yarmouth, Martha's \nVine^-ard, Lancaster, Brookfield, and the country of the \nNipmucs, which included parts of Southwestern Massachu- \nsetts and Northern Connecticut. The neighboring ministers \ngreatly encouraged him in his work, and often supplied his \npulpit while he was absent preaching among the natives. \nAccounts of these meetings were published in England, where \nthey excited great interest. To show its appreciation of \nhis labors, the General Court, on May 26, 1647, ordered, \n\" that £10 be given Mr. Eliot as a gratuity in respect of his \npains in instructing the Indians in the knowledge of God, \nand that order be taken that the £20 per annum given by \nthe Lad}' Armine for that purpose, maj' be called for and \nemplo3'ed accordingly-. \" \n\nThere was a great fishing-place at one of the falls of the \nMerrimac, where the Indians assembled in great numbers in \nthe spring of the 3'ear, and Mr. Eliot went to meet them. \nHe hired a Nashua or Lancaster Indian to beat down a path \nfor him from Roxbury through the woods, and to notch the \ntrees, that he might find his wa}' through. A sachem with \ntwent}' men did escort for him, and the journey occupied \nthi'ee days. \"It pleased God,\" he says, \"to exercise us \nwith such tedious rain and bad weather that we were extreme \nwet, insomuch that I was not dr}' night nor day from the \nthird da}- of the week to the sixth, but so travelled, and at \nnight pull off my boots, wring my stockings, and on with \nthem again.\" \n\nEliot once had an interview with King Philip, to whom he \nexplained the way of salvation, exhorting him to repent. \nThe haughty chieftain, who refused to treat with any but \n\" my brother, King Charles of England,\" rose, took hold of \n\n\nJOHN ELIOT. 181 \n\nEliot's button, and told him that he cared no more for the \ngospel than he did for that button. \n\nOne of Eliot's sound maxims was, that the Indians must be \ncivilized in order to their being Christianized. One season \nof hunting, he said, undid all his missionary- work. He \ntherefore urged upon them the necessit}- of industr}', cleanli- \nness, good order, and good government. The simple code \nhe drew up for them punished idleness, licentiousness, cruelty \nto women, vagrancy, looseness in dress, and filthiness in per- \nson. The}' soon began to be neat and industrious, to put \naside their old habits, and to assume the manners of the \nwhites. A court was established at Nonantum in 1647, on \nEliot's petition, over which presided Justice Waban, whose \n\"gift lay in ruling, judging of cases, wherein he is patient, \nconstant, and prudent.\" There was no circumlocution at his \noffice. Here is a specimen warrant : \"■ You, j-ou big consta- \nble quick you catch um Jeremiah Otfscow ; strong you hold \num ; safe you bring um afore me, \"Waban, Justice Peace.\" \nHis sagacious and sententious judgment in a case between \nsome drunken Indians would do no discredit to a much higher \ncivilization than that at Nonantum : •• Tie um all up, and whip \num plaintiff and whip um 'fendant and whip um witness.\" \n\nMeantime, Eliot, after twelve years of labor, had translated \nthe Bible into the Indian tongue. This lasting monument to \nhis industry, of a version into a language destitute of an alpha- \nbet, constitutes an epoch in literature. Cotton Mather's state- \nment, that \" Eliot writ the whole with but one pen,\" seems \nincredible. The New Testament was first printed at Cam- \nbridge in 16G1, and the whole Bible in 16(33. A new edition \nof two thousand copies was printed in 1686. Copies of this \nwork are exceedingly rare, and are so highly prized b}' col- \nlectors that a thousand dollars have been paid for a single one. \nThis was the first Bible printed on this continent, and remained \nthe only one until the War for Independence had freed the \ncolonies from the literary as well as the political fetters which \n\n\n182 \n\n\nINDIAN BIBLE. \n\n\nhad been fastened on them b}' the mother country. The ex- \npense of pubhshing v/as principally borne bj' the Society for \nthe Propagation of the Gospel, at the head of which was the \nexcellent Roliort Boyle, through whose influence £50 were \nannually paid to Eliot by the society. \n\nEliot's Bible was first dedi- \ncated to the Parliament in 1G59. \nThe restoration of the monarchy \nnecessitated it to be dedicated \nafresh, this time to Charles II, \nwho received it \" ver}- gra- \ncioiisl}',\" sa^'s Bo3'le, who pre- \nsented the book to him ; ' ' but \nthough he looked a pretty while \nupon it, and shewed some things \nin it to those that had the honor \nto be about him, yet the unex- \nr.oBEr.T BovLE. pected coming in of an extraor- \n\ndinary envoy from the emperor hindered me from receiving \nthat fuller expression of his grace towards the translators \nand dedicators that might otherwise have been expected.\" \nThe ' ' merry monarch \" was almost the last person in the \nworld properl}' to appreciate a serious labor of this kind. \nA fac-simile of the title-jsage of the Indian Bible follows : \n\nMAMUSSE \n\nWUNNEETUPANATAM WE \n\nUP-BIBLUM GOD \n\nNANEESWE \n\nNUKKONE TESTAMENT \n\nKAH WONK \n\nWUSKU TESTAMENT \n\nNE QUOSHKINNUMUK NASHPE WUTTIN.N'EMOH CHRIST \nNOH ASOOWESIT \n\nJOHN ELIOT \n\n\nCAMBRIDGE \n\nPrinteuoopnashpe Samuel Green Kah Marmaduke Johnson \n\n1663 \n\n\nELIOT'S ESCAPE FROM DROAVNING. 183 \n\nPrimers, grammars, psalters, catechisms, \" The Practice \nof Piet}',\" \"Baxter's Call.\" and other books in the Indian \ntongue followed the Bible, and soon there were fourteen \nplaces of Prating Indians, as they were called, under Eliot's \ncare, and about eleven hundred souls apparently converted. \nNo pains were spared to teach the natives to read and write, \nand \"in a short time,\" says Bancroft, \"a larger proportion \nof the Massachusetts Indians could do so than recently of the \ninhabitants of Russia.\" The work was continued b}' the \nMayhews, Fitch, John Cotton, Gookin, Pierson, and others. \nIn 1673 six Indian churches had been gathered. \n\nBut now came Philip's war, the death-blow to the work \nupon which the apostle had set his heart, and in which he \nhad been nearh' speijt. In the course of the conflict some \nof the Praying Indians joined the English, while some de- \nserted to Philip. This so exasperated the people that the \nutmost exertions of Eliot, Gookin, and Danforth were required \nto save the Christian Indians who remained at home from \ntheir fury, and in so doing they incurred the popular resent- \nment. These Indians were for their own safety removed to \nLong Island in Boston Harbor, where they were exposed to \nprivations of every kind, and after the war was over were \nsettled at Xatick and elsewhere. The remembrance of their \ninjuries made a breach between them and the English that \nwas never healed. In 1684 the Indian towns had been re- \nduced to four. The tribes dwindled, and finally disappeared. \nThe following incident, related by Eliot, exhibits the popular \nfeeling : — \n\n\" 1676. On the 7tli day of the 2d month, Capt. Gookins, Mr. Dan- \nforth & Mr. Stoughton w sent by the councill to order matters at \nLong Island for the Indians planting there y' called me with them. \nIn our way thither a great boat of about 14 ton meeting us turned \nhead upon us (whether wilfully or by negligence God he knoweth) \nthat run the sterne of our boat where we 4 sat under water. Our \nboats safle or something tangled with the great boat, and by God's \nmercy kept to it. My cosin Jacob and cosin Perrie being forwarder \n\n\n184 \"a great apostacy.\" — dutch visitors. \n\niu our boat, quickly got up into the great boat. I so sunk that \nI drank in salt water twice and could not help it God assisted \nmy two cosins to deliver us all and help us up into the great boat. \nWe were not far from the castle where we went ashore, dryed and \nrefreshed and then went to the Island performed our work returned \nwell home at night, praised be the Lord. Some thauked God and \nsome wished we had been droAvned. Soone after, one that wished \nwe had been drowned, was himself drowned about the same place \nwhere we were so wonderfully delivered.\" \n\nTaken in connection with the threats against all those friendly \nto the praying Indians, there can be little doubt that this col- \nlision was premeditated. Another extract from the same \nsource, Eliot's church record, possesses much interest : — \n\n\" 1677. The Indian war now about to flnish wherein the praying \nIndians had so eminent an interest. The success of the Indians \nwas highly accepted with the soldiers, and they were welcomed when- \never they met them. They had them to the Ordinaries, made thera \ndrink and bred them by such an habit to love strong drink, that it \nproved a horrible snare unto us. They learned so to love strong \ndrink that they would spend all their wages & pawn any thing they \nhad for rumh or strong drink. So drunkenness increased and quar- \nrelling and fighting and more, the sad effects of strong drink. \nPraying to God was quenched, the younger generation being \ndebauched & the good old generation of the first beginners was gath- \nered home by death. So that Satan improved the opportunity to \ndefile, to debase & bring into contempt the whole work of praying \nto God. A great apostacy defiled us, and yet through grace some \nshined at Deer Island & the work is yet on foot to this day — praised \nbe the Lord. When the Indians were hurried away to an Island at \nhalf an hour's warning, their souls iu terror, they left their good \nbooks, bibles, only some few carried their bibles, the rest were \nspoiled and lost, so that when the war was finished as tliey returned \nto their places they were greajily impoverished but they especially \nbewailed their want of bibles. This made me meditate upon a new \nimpression of a bible, and accordingl}' took pains to revise the first \nedition.\" \n\nWe get a glimpse of the old apostle from the journal of two \nDutch travellers, Messrs. Bankers and Slu^ler, in 1679-80, \nnearly two hundred years ago : — \n\n\nJOHN DUNTON. 185 \n\n\" The best of the miuisters we have yet heard is a very old mau \nnamed John Eliot. ... On arriving at his house he was not there, \nand we therefore went to look around the village and the vicinity. \nWe found it justly called Kocksbury, for it was very rocky and had \nhills entirely of rocks. Keturning to his house we spoke to him \nand he received us politely. Although he could speak neither \nDutch nor French, and we spoke but little English, we managed by \nmeans of Latin and Euglish to understand each other. We asked \nhim for an Indian Bible. He said in the late Indian war all the \nBibles and Testaments were carried away and burnt or destroyed, so \nthat he had not been able to save any for himself, but a new edition \nwas in press. Thereupon, he went and brought us the Old Testa- \nment, and also the New Testament, made up with some sheets of \nthe new edition, so that we had the Old and New Testaments com- \nplete. He also brought us two or three small specimens of the \ngrammar. We asked him what we should pay him for them, but he \ndesired nothing. He deplored the decline of the church in New Eng- \nland, and especially in Boston, so that he did not know what would \nbe the final result. We inquired how it stood with the Indians, and \nwhether any good fruit had followed his work. ' Yes, much,' he said, \n'if we meant true conversion of the heart.' He could thank God \nthere were Indians whom he knew were truly converted of heart to \nGod, and whose professions were sincere. He accompanied us as \nfar as the jurisdiction of Rocksburv extended, where we parted from \nhim.\" \n\nA few years later he was visited by the eccentric book- \nseller, John Dimton, a writer as well as a vender of books, \nand who has secured a passport to immortaality l)y being \ntransfixed at the end of a verse of the \" Dunciad.\" He \nsays : — \n\n\" My next ramble was to Roxbury, in order to visit the Rev. Mr. \nEliot, the great apostle of the Indians, the glory of Roxbury, as well \nas of all England. Ho was pleased to receive me with abundance of \nrespect, and inquired very kindly after Dr. Annesley, my father-in- \nlaw, and then broke out with a world of seeming satisfaction, ' Is \nmy brother Annesley yet alive? Blessed be God for this informa- \ntion before I die.' He presented me with twelve Indian Bibles, and \ndesired me to bring one of them over to Dr. Annesle.v, as also with \ntwelve speeches of converted Indians which himself had published.\" \n\n\n186 \"the christian commonwealth.\" \n\nThat Eliot carried his dislike of controvers}- to an extreme \nthat savored of weakness, was evident whenever his opinions \nconflicted with the views of those in authority. Says Win- \nthrop, under date of November, 1634 : — \n\n\"It was then informed us how Mr. Eliot had taken occasion in a \nsermon to speak of the peace made with the Pekods, and to lay- \nsome blame upon the ministry for proceeding therein without con- \nsent of the people, and for other failings (as he considered). We \ntook order that he should be dealt with by Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, \nand Mr. Welde, to be brought to see his error and to heal it by some \npublic explanation of his meaning, for the people began to take \noccasion to murmur against us for it. \n\n\"The aforesaid three ministers, upon conference with the said \nMr. Eliot, brought him to acknowledge his error in that he had mis- \ntaken the ground of his doctrine, and that he did acknowledge that \nfor a peace only (whereby the people were not to be engaged in a \nwar), the magistrates might conclude plebe inconsuUo, and so prom- \nised to express himself in public next Lord's day.\" \n\nHaving written a treatise called ' ' The Christian Common- \nwealth,\" containing a frame of government as deduced from \nthe Scriptures for the lienefit of the Indian converts, Eliot \nhad it published in London in 1654. This, by the wa}', is \nsupposed to be the first political treatise b}' a citizen of this \ncountry. The fathers of the colony were not only spirituall}'- \nminded men, but the}' were exceedingly war}' and politic, and \non the restoration of the monarch}' under Charles II this \nbook, which defended the universal principles of popular free- \ndom, was, in March, 1661, condemned by the governor and \ncouncil as being ' ' full of seditious principles and notions in \nrelation to established governments, especially that estab- \nlished in their native country.\" Obedient to their mandate, \nEliot did not hesitate to suppress his book, and even went so \nfar as to speak of Cromwell and his friends as \" the late inno- \nvators in the government of Great Britain,\" and to acknowl- \nedge the form of government by kings, lords, and common^ as \nnot only lawful but eminent. His \"acknowledgment\" was \n\n\neliot's charitt. 187 \n\nordered to be posted up in the principal towns and tlie book \nto be called in. \n\nEliot \"was a founder and principal promoter of the grammar \nschool in Roxbury, and was zealous and unwearied in his \nefforts for the establishment of common schools throughout \nthe colon}'. In his will he bequeathed a valuable estate for \nthe support of the school at Jamaica Plain which bears his \nname. \n\nHe appears also to have been the first to lift up his voice \nagainst the treatment which negroes received in New England, \nand ' ' made a motion to the English within two or three miles \nof him,\" says Eev. Cotton Mather, \" that at such a time and \nplace they would send their negroes once a week to him, for \nhe would then catechise them and enlighten them to the ex- \ntent of his power.\" He adds that Eliot did not live to make \nmuch progress in this undertaking. His efforts to prevent \nthe selling of Indian captives into slaver}' were also futile. \n\n\"He that would write of Eliot,\" saj's Cotton Mather, \n'• must write of charit}-, or say nothing.\" The parish treas- \nurer on pa3'ing him his salar}', knowing his man, tied it up in \na handkerchief in as many hard knots as possible, hoping he \nwould be thereb}' compelled to carr}- it home. On his way \nhe called to see a poor sick woman, and told the family that \nGod had sent them some relief. With tearful ej'es and \ntrembling hands he endeavored to untie the knots. After \nmam* fruitless efforts to get at his money, impatient at the \ndelay, he gave the handkerchief and its contents to the \nmother, saying, \" Here, my dear, take it ; I believe the Lord \ndesigns it all for 3'ou.\" \" The parish treasurer,\" says Horace \nB. Sargent, \" is not the first nor last man who has defeated \nhis own benevolent intentions by tjing up funds too tightl}'.\" \n\nWhen the venerable and aged man was pa^'ing him one of \nhis last visits, Joseph Dudle}^ met him at his door, full of \nreverence and iove, \" Methinks, sir,\" said he, \"the angels \nare hovering here about us, and think it long till they take \n\n\n188 PREJUDICE AGAINST WIGS. \n\nj-ou up from us.\" \" Trul}-, sir,\" replied the good old man, \" I \nam good for little here below, only while I daily find my un- \nderstanding going and mj- memorj- and senses decaying I \nbless God, my faith and charit}' grow.\" He offered to give \nup his salary when he could no longer preach, but the society \ntold him that they accounted his presence worth an}' sum \ngranted for his support, even if he were superannuated so as \nto do no further service for them. \n\n\"His apparell was without anj' ornament except that of \nhumility,\" says Mather. \"Had 3'ou seen him with his \nleathern girdle (for such a one he wore) about his loins, you \nwould almost have thought what Herod feared, that John \nBaptist was come to life again.\" He disdained the pride, \nvanity, and finery of the time, which he silently rebuked in \nthe wise and grave order of his own house. Frugal and \ntemperate through a long life, he never indulged in the lux- \nuries of the table. His drink was water, and he said of wine, \n\"It is a noble, generous liquor, and we should be humbly \nthankful for it, but, as I remember, water was made be- \nfore it.\" \n\nSo strong was his prejudice against wearing wigs, that he \nthought all the calamities of the country-, even Indian wars, \nmight be traced to that absurd fashion. For men to wear \nthe hair long he thought \"a luxurious feminine protexity.\" \nBut the fashion prevailed, and Eliot lived to see man}' an \northodox minister wear a great white wig ; and it is reported \nthat he gave over the utterance of his grieved spirit, saying \nonly as a last word of complaint that \"the lust was in- \nsuperable.\" Perhaps Eliot might have carried his point had \nhe adopted the clever expedient of Clemens of Alexandria, \nwho informed the astonished wig-wearers that when they knelt \nat church to receive the blessing they would be good enough \nto recollect that the benediction remained on the wig, and did \nnot pass through to the wearer. \n\nHis wife, who died three 3'ears before him, was \" skilled iu \n\n\nMRS. ELIOT. 189 \n\nphysic and chirurgeiy,\" and dispensed medicines to the sick \nand needy in her vicinit}*. She also managed the private \naffairs of her husband, whose charities far exceeded his means, \nthat he might devote his whole time and strength to his pub- \nlic labors. Once, when there stood several kine of his own \nbefore his door, she, in order to tr}- him, asked him whose \nthey were, and she found he knew nothing of them. \n\nThe affection with which this excellent woman was regarded \nb}- all, is seen in the following incident. A sum of money \nhad been contributed to redeem William Bowen, of Roxburj\", \nfrom captivity among the Turks, but news of his death arriv- \ning about the time \"good ould Mrs. Eliot la}- at the point \nof death,\" it was applied to the erection of a ministerial \ntomb, and it was at the same time resolved that Mrs. Eliot, \nfor her great services to the town, should be honored with \nburial there; but before the tomb was finished, \"the good \nould gentlewoman\" was dead, and she was placed there, \n\"wherein was man never j'et laid.\" It is touching to read \nin Eliot's diary the brief entrj' on this occasion: \"In this \nyear (1G87) my ancient, dearl}^ beloved wife d3'ed. I was \nsick unto death, but the Lord was pleased to delay me and \nkeepe (me) in my service which was but poore and weake.\" \n\nThe death of this venerable and Christlike man, \n\n\" Such priest as Chaucer sung in fervent lays, \nSuch as the heaven-taught skill of Herbert drew,\" \n\noccurred on Ma}* 20, 1690, at the age of eight^'-six. Had he \nbeen a Roman Catholic, he would assuredly have been canon- \nized. Rev. Joseph Eliot, of Guilford, Conn., was the only \none of his sons who had living posterity bearing his name. \nThe poet Fitzgreene Halleck was a descendant of the \napostle. \n\nThe Eliot portrait, now in the possession of the family of \nthe late Hon. \"William Whiting, an engraving from which is \ngiven on page 175, was bought by him in London, in 1851, \n\n\n190 GEN. GOOKIN. \n\nof a dealer in pictures, who unfortunately could give no infor- \nmation respecting its history, and who supposed it to repre- \nsent some missionarj- to the East Indies. The costume is that \nof the period, and exhibits a similar stjde of collar, gloves \nof nearly identical pattern, and hair and beard of a similar \ncut to those represented in the portrait of Gov. Endecott. \nThe accessories consist of a book, probably the Indian Bible, \nand in the background a city, perhaps Cambridge, where Eliot \nwas educated. On its upper left-hand corner is the inscrip- \ntion: \"John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians, nat. 1604, \nob. 1690.\" The portrait was probably painted for the \nSociety for the Propagation of the Gospel, doubtless at the \nsuggestion of Eliot's friend and correspondent, Hon. Robert \nBoyle. \n\nDaniel Gookin, the neighbor and intimate friend of Eliot, \nwhen he began preaching to the Indians, and his companion \nin many of his perilous journeys among them, had formerly \nbeen a Kentish soldier, and \" a very forward man to advance \nmartial discipline, and withal the truths of Christ.\" All else \nthat can be gleaned concerning his connection with Roxbury \nis, that he was here from 1644 to 1648 ; was a representative \nfrom Roxburj^ to the General Court, of which he was some \nyears speaker, and was one of the founders of the grammar \nschool. Prior to his removal to the more congenial soil of \nNew England, he had been a planter in Virginia. In 1652 he \nwas made a magistrate, and he was the last major-general of \nthe colonj^ under the old charter. In 1656 he was a visitor \nat the court of Oliver Cromwell, who employed him to induce \nemigration from Massachusetts with a view to the settle- \nment of Jamaica, which England had recently conquered from \nSpain. In this he was unsuccessful. After a life of great \nusefulness, he died on March 19, 1687, at the age of seventy- \nfive. Judge Sewall, in his journal, characterizes him as \" a \nright good man.\" \n\nIn 1675, with Eliot and Danforth, he stood boldl}' forward \n\n\nTHE OLD GRAMMAR SCHOOL. 191 \n\nin behalf of the prajing Indians, whom the enraged people \nwould have destroyed. For this display of heroism they were \nopenly threatened with death, in placards posted up in \nBoston. One of these, dated Feb. 28, 1675-6, reads as \nfollows : — \n\n\"Reader, thou art desired not to suppress this paper but to pro- \nmote its designe, which is to certify (those traytors to their kiug \nand countrey) Guggins and Dauford, that some genei-ous spirits \nliave vowed their destruction. As Christians we warue them to \nprepare for death, for though they will deservedly dye, yet we wish \nthe health of their souls. \n\n\" By the new Society, \" A. B. C. D.\" \n\nThe old-fashioned two-story brick building, the lower part \nof which is used as a market, was in the olden time \" The \nFree School in Roxburie,\" and was long the only building on \nthe ground now occupied by Guild Row. The old school has \na histor}', and fortunatel}' found a historian in Mr. Charles K. \nDillaway, a gentleman well known and highl}' esteemed as \nan educator, and who has for many years taken an active \ninterest in the schools of the town. Nine generations of \nRoxburj' bo3's have imbibed freely at this fountain of learn- \ning, a goodly number of whom have reflected credit on their \nAlma Mater. Governors, judges, and generals, patriots \nstatesmen, and heroes, a list too long to be here given, have \nillustrated its histor}', and have invested its homely old walla \nwith a claim to our reverential regard. \n\nA Roxbury poet has thus humorously- described some of \nthe old-time methods of inculcating knowledge : — \n\n\" Then, Learning's altar flamed with genial birch, \nAnd tingling ribs proclaimed how keen its search ; \nThen wit and wisdom found their shortest track \nUp to the brain, by travelling through the back. \nJust as the woodman makes his axe descend \nIts handle best, by thumping t'other end; \nAnd stUl their course they well knew how to strew \n\"With bumps that Gall and Spurzheim never kuew.\" \n\n\n192 THE OLD GEAMMAR SCHOOL. \n\nUpon a part of the lot supposed to have been given by Gov. \nThomas Dudle}', though it maj' have been the gift of the \napostle Eliot, \" with the help of many well-disposed per- \nsons, bv the way of subscription,\" this old schoolhouse, the \nthird that has stood here, was erected in 1742, \" a good \nhandsome bell \" being also given for the use of the school by \nHon. Paul Dudley. By the year 1820 the growth of the \ntown had necessitated the addition of a second story, but \neven with this enlargement of its capacity it soon became \ntotally inadequate to the requirements of the school, and in \n1834 the house was sold, and a new one built in Mount Ver- \nnon Place, now Kearsarge Avenue, upon land purchased of \nthe Warren heirs. \n\nThe first house was repaired in 1665. In 1681 the condi- \ntion of this temple of learning was thus depicted by the \nteacher : — \n\n\" Of inconveniences I shall mention no other but the confused and \nshattered and uastie posture that it Is iu, not fitting for to reside in, \nthe glass broke, and thereupon very raw and cold ; the floor very \nmuch broken and torn up to kindle fires, the hearth spoiled, the \nseats some burned and others out of kilter, that one had as well- \nnigh as goods keep school in a hogstye as in it.\" \n\nThe decayed state of this scliola illustris, as above graphi- \ncally portraj'ed, explains the vote of the town some time pre- \nviousl}', that without its consent \" The scollers should not \nkeep scool in the meeting hous.\" \n\nIn the will of Samuel Hagburne, made in 1642, is this pro- \nviso, to which the origin of the school ma}- be traced : \"When \nEoxburie shall set up a free schoole in the towne, there shall \n10 shillings pr. ann. out of the neck of land, and 10 shil- \nlings pr. ann. out of the house and houselot, be paid unto it \nforever.\" The first active step was taken when some sixty \nof the principal inhabitants, \" wellnigb the whole town,\" \nbound themselves to the payment of certain sums 3'earl3- for \nthe support of a free school. This the}' followed up in 1646 \n\n\nTHE OLD GRAMMAR SCHOOL. 193 \n\nb}' pledging their houses, barns, orchards, and homesteads to \nthis most praiseworthy object. \n\nThe preamble to this agreement recites that : — \n\n\"Whereas the inhabitants of Eoxburie, out of their religious \ncare of posteritie, have taken into consideration how necessarie tlie \neducation of their children in literature will be to fitt them for pub- \nlicke service both in church and commonwealth in succeding ages ; \nthey therefore have unanimously consented and agreed to erect a \nfree schoole in the said town of Koxburie and to allow £20 pr. \nannum to the schoolmaster.\" \n\nThey then proceeded to choose seven feoffees \" for the well \nordering of the schoole and schoolars,\" who had entire charge \nthereof, and also of the collection and disbursement of the funds \nfor its support. For near a century this method was pursued, \nbut as sufficient sums came in gradually from other sources, \nthe rents originally subscribed ceased to be exacted. The \nproperty of the school consists of various pieces of real estate \nscattered over the town, most of which have been advanta- \ngeously leased for a long term of years, and to-day its income \nis scarcel}' equalled by that of an}^ institution of the kind in \nNew England. The feoffees and the trustees of the Bell and \nother estates devised to the school were united into one body \nby the Act of January 21, 1789, incorporating ''The Trustees \nof the Grammar School in the Easterly Part of the Town of \nRoxbur}-.\" \n\nAmong the principal benefactors of this well-endowed insti- \ntution were Lawrence Whittamore, \"an ancient Christian,\" \nElder Isaac Heath, the friend and coadjutor of Eliot in his \nIndian labors, Thomas Bell, the generous London merchant \nand the most liberal benefactor of the school, and William \nMead, whose gift, small though it was, comprised his entire \nestate. The General Court in 1660 granted it five hundred \nacres of land. This was laid out in Oxford, but in 1790, by \nvote of the town, the proceeds arising from the sales thereof \nwent into the town treasur}-, the school never receiving a dol- \nlar of the money. \n\n\n194 THE OLD GRAMMAR SCHOOL. \n\nIn 1669 John Eliot and Thomas Weld, feoffees, in a peti- \ntion to the General Court, stated that \" the first book and \ncharter was burnt in the burning of John Johnson's house. \n[This fire occurred on April 6, 1645,] It was renewed, but \nsome of the hands of the donors are not unto this second \nbook person all}' which were to the first, nor are they attaina- \nble, being dead.\" The present book is a small parchment- \ncovered quarto of one hundred and twenty pages, containing \nentries bj' different hands from 1646 to 1787. The early \nentries are few in number, and without regular order. It \nembraces a copy of the agreement for the support of the \nschool in 1645, names of donors and amounts pledged, choice \nof feoflfees, teacher's receipts, etc. \n\nOf John Eliot's active agency in the establishment of the \nschool, and the high reputation it thus early enjoyed. Cotton \nMather, in his \" Magnalia,\" thus speaks : — \n\n\" God so blessed his endeavors that Roxbury could not live \nquietly without a free school in the town, and the issue of it has been \none thing that has almost made me put the title of Schola iUustris \nupon that little nursery; that is, that Roxbury has afforded more \nscholars, first for the college, and then for the public, than any other \ntown of its bigness, or, if I mistake not, of twice its bigness iu New \nEngland. From the spring of the school at Roxbury there have run \na large number of the streams which have made glad the whole city \nof God.\" \n\nJoseph Hansford, serving iu 1650, is the first of its teach- \ners whose name has come down to us, unless an entry in the \nold school record, dated 1648, allowing for the board of \n\"Father Stowe\" and his son, establishes the presumption, \ncertainly a fair one, that Stowe preceded him in that office. \nTeachers not residents of the town were boarded out wherever \nconvenience dictated, and their board was paid by the trus- \ntees. \"Ward Chipman, afterward an eminent Canadian jurist, \nwhile teaching here in 1770, was boarded at Dr. Thomas Wil- \nliams's at eight shillings per week. In 1652 the feoffees agreed \n\n\nTHE OLD GEAMMAE SCHOOL. 195 \n\nwith Daniel Weld to teach, and \" that he provide convenient \nbenches with forms, with tables for the scholars, a convenient \nseat for the schoolmaster, and a desk to put the dictionar}- \non, and shelves to lay up books.\" In 1G68 John Priidden \npromises and engages \"to use his best skill and endeavors, \nboth by precept and example, to instruct in all scholasticall, \nmorall, and theologicall discipline the children (soe far as \nthey are or shall be capable) of those persons whose names \nare here underwritten, all A. B. C. Darians excepted.\" The \nnames of fifty-eight persons are signed to this covenant. \nFor this large and beneficent labor the Pruddential considera- \ntion was £25 per annum, three fourths in Indian corn or pease, \nand one fourth in barlej- of good merchantable quality, and \nat the current rate, to be delivered at the upper mills in Rox- \nbur}'. Five hundred dollars was the salary paid Master Pren- \ntiss at the beginning of this centur}', together with the use of \na dwelling-house. At present the principal of the school \nreceives four thousand dollars per annum. \n\nHowever desirous the inhabitants of the town may have \nbeen that their children should receive an education, they \nwere certainlj' not over-liberal to the schoolmaster. The}' \nrefused in 1714 to levy a tax of £10 \"for the better support \nof a grammar schoolmaster to teach school in the town \nstreet.\" They paid him in corn, as we have seen, which must \nfrequently have been against the grain ; they boarded him out, \npossibly to the lowest bidder, as was the case with town \npaupers ; and he sometimes received his pay in coppers, as \nappears by the following receipt : — \n\nRoxBURY, April 8, 1773. \nReceived of Colo. Williams of the Feoffees of the Grammar \nSchool, a bag of coppers, weight 34 pounds in part of my salary for \nthe year current, the same being by estimation £4. 13. 4. lawful \nmoney, and for which I am to be accountable. \n\nJOHN ELIOT. \n\n\n196 THE OLD GRAMMAR SCHOOL. \n\nTo draw even a small salary paid in copper is no light \nmatter, and Mr. Eliot had weight}' reasons for taking his \nin small instalments. Being an inmate in the family of \nMr. Isaac Winslow, just across the brook from the school- \nhouse, he did not have to carry it far, though it is quite likely \nhe made it go a great way. This young gentleman after- \nwards succeeded his father as minister of the New North \nChurch, Boston. \n\nIn 1663 the town gave for the use of the schoolmaster ten \nacres of common land, \" that is to say, the use of the wood \nand timber for his own use, not to give and sell any, and so \nthis to be forever for the use of the schoolmaster.\" In \nMarch, 1680, it was ordered that the parents of the scholars \nsupply fuel for the use of the school, either half a cord of \nwood or four shillings for each child, excepting those only \nwho were too poor. In 1735 eight shillings in money, or \ntwo feet of wood, were required, those who furnished nei- \nther, not to have the benefit of the fire, poor children excepted. \nSeventy years later the master was requested not to instruct \nsuch children as neglected to pay \" fire money.\" Consider- \ning its ample income and the large supply of woodland owned \nby the free school, this seems to have been an unreasonable \nexaction. \n\nAmong the instructors of this school who afterwards became \nfamous were Gen. Joseph Warren and Gov. Increase Sum- \nner, natives of Roxbury, and William Cushing, an associate \njustice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and who \nsubsequently declined the high honor of chief justice of that \ncourt, tendered him by Washington. Of those who attained \neminence in the clerical profession, the name of Samuel \nParker, bishop of the diocese of Massachusetts, deserves \nmention. Benjamin Tompson, \" learned schoolmaster and \nphysician, and ye renowned poet of New England,\" taught \nhere in 1700-3. Ward Chipman, a Loyalist, who accompanied \nthe British troops to Halifax in 1776, and became deputy \n\n\nTEACHERS. 197 \n\nmuster master general of the Loyalist forces in New York \nin 1782, was instructor here in 1770. Removing to New \nBninswick, he attained the highest honors, and became presi- \ndent and commander-in-chief of the colony. \n\nRobert Williams, master of the school in 1777, exchanged \nthe ferule for the sword, served as lieutenant and paymaster \nin Col. Henr}' Jackson's \"Boston Regiment,\" was in the \nbattles of Springfield and Monmouth, N. J., and in Sullivan's \ncampaign against the Indians, and remained until June, 1784, \nwhen the regiment, the last body retained in the continental \nservice, was disbanded. He was afterwards a merchant of \nBoston, and part owner of the ship \" Commerce,\" in which he \nsailed to the East Indies. Shipwrecked on the Arabian \ncoast, Williams, after being plundered and stripped by the \nArabs, and undergoing terrible hardships and privations, \nsuffering the extremes of hunger and thirst, more than once \nlying down in despair to die, at length succeeded in reaching \nMuscat, five hundred miles from the scene of the disaster, \nand returned to Boston, after a three j'ears' absence, in 1794. \n\nThe standard of admission must originally have been of the \nsimplest, since in 1728 it was so raised that only such were \nreceived as could spell common, easy English words, either in \nthe primer or in the Psalter. Sixty years later applicants \nwere required \"\"to read tolerably well b}' spelling words of \nfour syllables.\" To-daj', in addition to the three R's, a fair \nknowledge of grammar and geography are essential. When \nthe addition of a second story was made in 1820, the school \nwas divided, and the primary department placed under the \ncharge of Deacon \" Billy\" Davis. Under the mastership of \nJohn Howe, the Grammar School became a Latin School, \nwhen, in 1674, the legacy of Mr. Bell became available. The \nsalary of the teacher was at the same time increased. Out of \neighty-five scholars in 1770, only nine were students of Latin. \nIn 1844, after a five years' experiment of making it a High \nSchool, its organization as a Latin School was restored, such \n\n\n198 \"whitewash hall.\" \n\nEnglish studies only being permitted as were compatible with \nthe latter character. \n\nThe three-story wooden building north of the schoolhouse \nwas built a centurj' ago, and was owned by Deacon Samuel \nSumner. In one of its upper rooms, known at the time as \n\" Whitewash Hall,\" the early meetings of the brethren who \nafterwards organized the First Baptist Society were held. \n\n\nI \n\n\nWARREN STREET. 199 \n\n\nCHAPTER VI. \n\nWARREN STREET AND WALNUT AVENUE. \n\nWarren Street. — Edward Sumner. — Old Schoolhouse. — Sumner Hall. \n— Funeral of Washington. — Blue Store. — Dove's Corner. — Auch- \nmuty Estate. — Gardiner's Green. — Admiral Winslow. — Warren's \nBirthplace. — Mead's Orchard. — Perrin. — Donald Kennedy. — The \nRocking Stone. — Elm Hill. — Grove Hall. — Ebenezer Seaver. — \nWalnut Avenue. — Williams's Homestead.— Rock Hill. — Peter Parley. \n\nTHE \" Way to Braintree,\" or Upper Road to Dorchester, \nas it was afterwards called, was laid out in 1663. It \nreceived its present appropriate name, Warren Street, in \n1825, when — and it marks the epoch of transition from the \nold to the new town more clearl}' than anj-thing else does — \nall the existing roads, to the number of fort}', received names \nfrom the town authorities, who had, however, as early as \n1806, been instructed to perform that duty. The name had \nbeen borne b}' the principal street in Punch-Bowl Village as \nearly as 1791, as appears by a petition to the selectmen from \nthe engine company there located. \n\nIn 1712 Gov. Dudley, Rev. Nehemiah Walter, Samuel \nWilliams, Edmund Weld, and Edward Sumner gave, \"for \nthe benefit of the town,\" a highway two rods in width \nthrough their lots, which, it will be remembered, fronted the \ntown street on the west and the training-field on the east. \nThis highway extended from \" the green commonl}^ called \nGardiner's Green to the other highway lately fenced out \nfrom the Greyhound to Mr. Calfe's, leading to Boston.\" By \nopening this road, which was known until 1825 as \" the New \nLane,\" direct communication was made between Roxbury \n\n\n200 EDWARD SUjVINER. \n\nStreet and the Dorchester Road, which, as well as the Brain- \ntree Road, was only reached formerlj' by passing around the \nold brick schoolhouse. At the beginning of the century \nWarren Street was stj'led \" The Great Plymouth Road.\" \nSuccessive widenings, the first occurring in 1798 and the \nlast in 1872, have given it respectable dimensions, and it is \nnow one of the most frequented as well as one of the most \nsightly of the streets of Roxbury. \n\nPalmer, formerly Sumner, Street was accepted in 1817, \nhaving been laid out in 1802 from Luc}' Bowman's, on the \ncorner of Washington, to Aaron Davis's in Mall Street. Ed- \nward Sumner, who lived in the house numbered twenty-two, \nwas a thrift}' and industrious man, owned considerable real \nestate in Roxburj-, and was quite a noted character. Among \nthe manj' anecdotes related of him is this : — \n\n\"In answer to the advertisement of a young Boston merchant \nfor silver dollars for shipment to China, a Roxbury farmer applied \nat the merchant's counting-room in his usual working attire, aud \nmodestly inquired if he advertised for silver dollars. ' Yes,' said \nthe merchant sharply, 'I have advertised for them, but I do not \nwish to buy less than one hundred at a time. Have you any?' 'I \nthink I have : what premium do you pay?' ' I pay three per cent, \nbut,' added the merchant with a sneer, ' I will pay you six per cent \nfor all that you have.' 'That sounds very well,' said the farmer, \n' and as my memory is not the best, please write that on paper aud \nread it to me.' 'What is j^ourname?' 'Edward Sumner.' Soon \nthe merchant read the following agreement : ' Edward Sumner \nthinks that he has some silver dollars, and I agree to pay him sis \nper cent premium for the amount he may have, if over one hundred \ndollars.' ' That 's well,' said Sumner; 'now go with me aud I will \nsee if I have any.' After unloading barrels and baskets of vege- \ntables from his wagon in front of the store, much to the astonish- \nment of the merchant a large basket of dollars was found, which, \nwith his assistance, was carried to the counting-room, where the \namount, including the premium, was ascertained and a check handed \nto him in payment. But Sumner, whose turn had now come, de- \nclined to receive it. Said he, ' My young friend, a short time ago \nyou did not think that I had any money, now I do not know that \n\n\nNEW SCHOOLHOUSE. 201 \n\nyou have any in the bank. There is my money, and 3'ou must hand \nme yours.' The merchant, who by this time began to see his mis- \ntake, was obliged to send his clerk to the bank and draw the money. \nBefore leaving, Sumner told the merchant that, as he was by far the \nolder man, he would like to give hira a little good advice. 'Young \nman,' said he, 'don't you ever again judge a man by his dress, if \nyou do, you may again be deceived.'\" \n\n\" Beside yon straggling fence tliat skirts the way, \nWith blossomed furze unprofitahly gay, \nThere, in his noisy mansion, skilled to rule, \nThe village master taught his little school.\" \n\n\"And well our sires can tell \nHow learning entered where the cowskin fell, \nHow proved each stripe across his back that flew, \nA sluice, where knowledge ran in gutters through.\" \n\nSumner Hall, the first wooden building on the right-hand \nside of Palmer Street, built in 1 798 in accordance with a vote \nof the town to erect ' ' a decent schoolhouse \" in some con- \nvenient place, was called the \" New Schoolhouse in Rosbur}- \nStreet.\" The land was given to the town for this purpose by \nGov. Increase Sumner in 1795. The building is described in \na petition of the proprietors, as \"forty-four by twenty-two \nfeet, the lower part a ver}- commodious schoolhouse, the \nupper or second storj* finished as an elegant assembl^'-room \nand drawing-rooms connected therewith.\" The}' ask the town \nto sanction their doings and to authorize them to lease the \npremises except the schoolroom. This, it is presumed, was \ndone, as a public school was kept here many 3'ears. We may \njudge of its commodiousness from the fact that in 1829, when \nit had one hundred and sixty-four pupils, the committee, on \nmeasuring the schoolroom, found that it would \" very incon- \nveniently hold, but not accommodate,\" sevent^'-two only. \n\nAs early as in 1647, the towns were required to provide a \nschoolmaster to teach children to read and Write, and upon \nincreasing to the number of one hundred families or house- \nholders, \" to set up a grammar school.\" The forethought \n\n\n202 SCHOOLS. EDUCATION. \n\nand urgency of Eliot and his co-workers had alread}- estab- \nHshed upon a permanent foundation the \"Free School of \nEoxbur}' \" in the easterl}' parish, but this in time became in- \nsuflQcient, and school accommodations in the remoter parts of \nthe town were for many years far short of their requirements. \nIn 1790 the selectmen reported the number of pupils in the \ntown schools, except the old grammar school, as follows, \nthe average attendance being one hundred and ninety-five : — \n\nThe school near Workhouse, Centre St., Master Ruggles, 25 \n\n\" in Warren St. (Punch-Bowl Vm.) \" Michael McDonald, 33 \n\" Jamaica Plain, \" Morris, 80 \n\n\" Upper Jamaica Plain, \" Walker, 20 \n\n\" Spring Street, \" James Griggs, 67 \n\nIn each of these schools the pupils were taught to spell, to \nread and speak the English language with propriety', together \nwith writing, arithmetic, and \" such other branches of human \nknowledge,\" say the committee, \"as their respective capaci- \nties are capable of imbibing.\" In some instances the children \nof poor parents were obliged to neglect the opportunit}^ of \nlearning, because their parents were unable to pa^' a small \nsum towards the maintenance of the school. This evil was \nat once remedied by a vote empowering the selectmen to draw \non the town treasurer for the sums necessary to make up this \ndefieienc}', not to exceed forty shillings to one school. Two \nschoolhouses were soon afterwards established in \" Canter- \nbur}-,\" one at the corner of Bourne and Canterbur}^ Streets, \nthe other on Poplar Street. Nine school districts were formed \nin 1807, four of which were in the easterly parish. The first \nand second were accommodated in the \" new\" building above \ndescribed. At this time the total expenditure for the town \nschools was raised from one thousand dollars to fifteen hun- \ndred dollars, the pupils, numbering three hundred and eightj'- \none, having increased in the same ratio. In 1816 new vitality \nwas infused into the system. The appropriation was increased \nto two thousand dollars, and uniformity in the rules and regu- \n\n\nSCHOOLS. — EDUCATION. 203 \n\nlations and also in text-books was authorized, \" the masters \nhitherto using such books as they liked.\" In 181G \"a new \nschool-book,\" containing the Constitution of the State and \nof the United States, was pro\\ided. In 1819 \" Cummings's \nGeography\" and \"Murra^^'s English Exercises\" were recom- \nmended. \" Grimshaw's United States History\" and the study \nof English composition were introduced in 1822, and \"Col- \nburn's Arithmetic\" in 1826. \n\nBut it was not until 1829 that radical changes were made. \nIn that 3'ear the committee found a large part of the children \ndestitute of books of any kind, and the remainder imperfectly \nsupplied. The}' therefore bought and distributed among the \ninstructors such school-books as in their judgment were best \nsuited to the wants and capacities of the scholars. The}' also \nformed subcommittees for visiting the schools at convenient \ntimes and without ceremon}' ; and in view of the fact that \nthere were thirty per cent of absentees, the}' recommended \nto parents to require the regular and constant attendance of \ntheir children. They also expressed their surprise at finding \nthe largest school superior to all the others, suggested a revis- \nion of the school S3'stem, the creation of another school dis- \ntrict, an increased appropriation, and recommended that some \nof the schools be kept a whole j'ear. The attendance in the \neleven schools follows, the right-hand columns showing the \nnumber present : — \n\nSumner Street .... 164 \n\nWorkhouse 9D \n\nNear Gen. Dearborn's . 66 \n\nLower Plain 57 \n\nUpper Plain 70 \n\nEliot (Plain) 62 \n\nIn accordance with the suggestion above made, the com- \nmittee in the following j'ear proposed, and the town adopted \na proposition, to thereafter use the schoolhouses in districts \nNos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 for primary schools for pupils under eight \n\n\n143 \n\nEliot (Plain district) \n\n.40 \n\n23 \n\n69 \n\nBy Swallow's (Taffs) \n\n. 52 \n\n36 \n\n49 \n\nLower Canterbury . . \n\n.49 \n\n32 \n\n42 \n\nUpper Canterbury . . \n\n.20 \n\n25 \n\n53 \n\nSpring Street .... \n\n. 82 \n\n55 \n\n43 \n\n204 EDUCATION. — SUMNER HALL. \n\nyears of age, to be taught by females, and that some accom- \nmodations be provided and maintained by the town, situated \nconvenient!}' for the said four districts, for a town school, \nconsisting of pupils over eight years of age, and comprising \na department for girls and one for bo3-s, to be taught b}' two \nmasters. The upper hall of the town house was in 1831 fitted \nup for this purpose, and the appropriation increased to three \nthousand dollars, or a little less than sixty cents per capita \nfor each inhabitant. In 1839 the estate on Bartlett Street, \nnow the Dudley School for girls, was purchased, and the \nWashington School was built in the following year. In 1841 \nthere were in Roxbur}- eleven primarj' and three grammar \nschools, — the Westerh', Dudlej', and Washington. \n\nWhile the improvements in our public schools within a few \nyears, both in their appliances for the phj^sical comfort of the \npupils and in the facilities for learning, are undoubtedly very \ngreat, it must be admitted that the wider range of acquisition \nunder the present system is obtained at the expense of thor- \noughness. How, indeed, could it be otherwise, when the \nnumber of studies is so largel}' increased, while at the same \ntime the hours of stud}- are so considerablj* curtailed? The \nhours for school formerly averaged seven and a half per day. \nNow, the}' are five and a half. Vacations of six da3's in \nAugust and two at Thanksgiving, with five yearly holidaj's \nin addition to Saturday afternoons, were then all that were \nallowed, while at present one fourth of the year is given to \nvacations and holidaj's. \n\n\" Yet is the schoolhouse rude, \nAa is the chrysalis to the butterfly; \nTo the rich flower, the seed. The dusty walls \nHold the fair gerin of knowledge, and the tree, \nGlorious in beauty, golden with its fruits, \nTo this low schoolhouse traces back its life.\" \n\nSumner Hall was the first hall built for public gatherings, \nand was the largest in the town for some years. It was occu- \n\n\nFUNERAL OF WASHINGTON. 205 \n\npied by Washington Lodge of Freemasons in the early part \nof the centur}'. Funeral honors were here paid to the mem- \nory of Washington, on Tuesday, Jan. 14, 1800. A news- \npaper of the da}- furnishes the following account : — \n\n\" At sunrise the discharge of sixteen guns, by Capt. Jesse Dog- \nget's company of artillery, and the tolling of the bells reminded the \ncitizens that the appointed day had arrived. All business was sus- \npended. At eleven a. m. the citizens and military of the town \nassembled at Sumner Hall and its vicinity, the bier was brought out \nof the hall and received by Capt. Barnes's company of infantry, and \nthe procession moved down the main street to the Boston line, and \nthen countermarched to Kev. Mr. Porter's meeting-house, in the \nfollowing order : — \n\n\" Capt. Barnes's company, with arms reversed, the drums muffled, \nand the music playing a dead march; boys under fourteen accom- \npanied by their instructors ; youths between fourteen and eighteen \nyears of age conducted by two drill sergeants ; the infantry companies \nof Captains Dunster and Curtis ; Capt. Dogget's artillery ; Capt. Win- \nchester's light infantry; Capt. Davis's troop of cavalry dismounted; \nmusic; Washington Lodge of Freemasons; reverend clergy; the \nbier carried by six sergeants ; the pall supported by Major Bosson, \nCapts. Dogget, Winchester, Curtis, Dunster, and Davis ; selectmen \nand committee of arrangements ; town clerk ; town treasurer, and \noverseers of the poor, followed by the citizens, four abreast. \n\n\" On arriving at the meeting-house, the children, the Freemasons, \nand the military opening and dressing in ranks with the escort, the \nbier and those who followed it passed through. As a token of grief \neach one in the ranks, except the escort, as the bier approached \nbowing his head a little, placed his right hand over his eyes until \nthe bier had passed him. This had a very affecting appearance, \nespecially in the children, who were very numerous. The bier was \ncarried into the meeting-house and placed in front of the desk, one \nsergeant standing at the head, one at the foot, and two at each side \nduring the service. After the prayer, by Kev. Mr. Bradford, a \neulogy was delivered by Rev. Mr. Porter, which was afterward \npublished. The vocal and instrumental music was under the direc- \ntion of Mr. Ebenezer Brewer. \n\n\" While the procession was moving, minute guns ' with full load- \nings ' were fired by a detachment of artillery, from the fort to the \nBouthwest of the meeting-house, and ^ne of the pieces through the \n\n\n206 BLUE STORE. \n\nidentical embrasure from whicli the Americans discliarged the first \ncannon against tlie British troops in Boston during the siege. The \ncommittee of arrangements consisted of twelve of the most promi- \nnent citizens, including Gen. Heath, Judge Lowell, Major Read, \nEbenezer Seaver, Esq., and Nathaniel Ruggles, Esq. William \nHeath, Jr., and Samuel Blauej', acted as marshals, and the total \nexpense to the town was the modest sum of one hundred and forty- \ntwo dollars.\" \n\nAs early as in 1699 there was a dwelling-house and shop \non the spot now occupied b}' the \" Blue Store,\" and judging \nfrom the apparent age of the latter and the solid character \nof the materials emploj'ed in its structure, they may be iden- \ntical. Here James Howe, the baker, made bread for the \nAmerican soldiers during the siege of Boston, and between it \nand the \" great house\" of Dr. Jonathan Davies, along the \nNew Lane, now Warren Street, Col. Ebenezer Learned daily \nformed his regimental line. John Parker, afterwards of Par- \nker's Hill, and Thomas Rumrill, father of William Rumrill, \nthe carpenter, were apprentices with Howe. Rumrill and a \nfellow-apprentice who slept in the Metcalf house, adjoining \nthe bakery, were aroused one night b}' an alarm of fire, and \nfound that the upper part of the bake-house was in flames. \nP'ortunately, a huge iron kettle filled with water was at hand. \nSeizing it, they carried it up the stairs and extinguished the \nflames. Next morning, although it was empty, their com- \nbined efforts were hardl}' adequate to the task of carrying it \ndown. \n\nIn 1759 Edward Sumner gave to his daughter, Hannah \nNewman, this estate, containing half an acre, with the build- \nings thereon, described in the deed of gift as being \" directly \nin front or opposite the house where I now live.\" Earlj' in \nthe present century' this was a West India goods store, kept \nb}' Lewis and Brewer. So comprehensive was the assortment \nof goods in the old store that a bet was once made that what- \never article might be called for -would be on hand. The taker \n\n\nTHE AUCHMUTY ESTATE. 207 \n\nof the bet, supposing he had \" a sure thing.\" called for \" hen \njokes,\" an unheard-of commodity, but to his astonishment \nthe}' wei'e promptly produced. Elijah Lewis, the senior part- \nner, father of Ex-Maj'or George Lewis, of Roxbur^', built and \nlived in the brick dwelling-house adjoining. The large, square \nwooden mansion house be3'ond was the residence of Mr. \nSamuel Doggett. \n\nTaber Street, originally named Union, laid out in 1802 and \naccepted in 1819, \" began at the New Lane, between W. H. \nSumner's land and the house of Andrew Newman, deceased, \nand continued by AVilliam Cummins's \" on the northwest cor- \nner of Taber and Winslow Streets. It was named for Elna- \nthan Taber, a native of New Bedford, of Quaker parentage, \nwho came to Roxbur^' at the age of sixteen, served as an \napprentice to Aaron Willard, and afterwards engaged in clock \nmaking on his own account. He was the first resident on \nthe street. \n\nZeigler Street, named for George Zeigler, an active and \nenterprising citizen, was accepted and laid out in 1801, from \nWarren to Eustis Street, and has recently been extended to \nWashington Street. His is one of the very few names met \nwith in the first two centuries in Roxbury indicatiA'e of any \nother than a pure English origin. The large square house, \nnow Scott's carriage factor}*, was many years ago the resi- \ndence of Charles, the brother of Aaron Davis. \n\nThe Auchmuty estate, originally Isaac Morrill's and after- \nwards Samuel Stevens's, contained fourteen acres, and was \nbought in August, 1733, of Joseph Scarborough by the elder \nJudge Auchmuty for £300. Its present boundaries, Warren, \nCliff, Washington, and Dudley Streets, include hundreds of \ndwellings and stores and the Dudley Street Baptist Church. \nSoon after the death of the elder Auchmuty in April, 1750, \nDr. Jonathan Davies bought of the widow about one half of \nthe estate, the remainder coming into possession of the son. \nUpon the site of the old homestead, at the corner of Warren \n\n\n208 \n\n\nDR. DAVIES. \n\n\nand Gleiiwood Streets, he built, shortly after his marriage to \nSarah Williams in 1781, the house yet standing, and -which \nhas evidentl}^ seen better da3-s. Here the doctor, who was a \nnoted practitioner, died earh' in 1801, at the age of eighty- \nfive. This was for many 3-ears the residence of Mr. Joseph \nAdams. Dr. Davies had previousl}' resided in the old house \nbousfht of Peter Seaver in 1758, in which William Dove, the \n\n\nDOVE'S CORNER. \n\n\npainter, aftei'wards lived ; it was occupied for barracks during \nthe siege, and was torn down to make room for the \" Hotel \nDartmouth.\" \n\nThe brick building seen on the left of the picture, once the \nresidence of Samuel J. Gardner, a prominent lawyer, was \nafterwards for man}' 3'ears the home of Dr. Charles M. Wind- \nship, father of Dr. George B. Windship, the strong man, \nrecently deceased. Dr. C. W. Windship, who married a \ndaughter of George Zeigler, died here Aug. 27, 1852, aged \nseventy -nine. His father, also a distinguished ph3'sician, a \ngraduate of the University (^f Edinburgh, was surgeon of the \n\"Bonne Homme Richard,\" Capt. John Paul Jones. \n\nRobert Auchmuty the elder, b}' birth a Scotchman, studied \nlaw at the Temple, London, came to Boston about the year \n\n\nROBERT AUCHMUTY. 209 \n\n1700, attained great eminence as a lawyer, and was jndge of \nthe Conrt of Admiraltj' for New England from 1733 until \n1747. In 1741 he was sent to England as agent for Massa- \nchusetts in its boundary' dispute with Rhode Island. While \nthere he advocated the expedition to Cape Breton in an ably \nwritten pamphlet, published in April, 1 744. This tract prob- \nably gave the historian Smollett the erroneous impression that \nAuchmuty was the originator of that brilliant enterprise, the \ncredit of which belongs to Gov. Shirley*. His services in the \nsettlement of boundaries between Massachusetts, New Hamp- \nshire, and Rhode Island were so valuable, that in December, \n1738, he received from the former a grant of two hundred \nacres of land. His talents were extraordinary, and he was \nfamous for his wit and shrewdness. \"Old Mr. Auchmuty,\" \nsa3's a contemporary, \"would sit up all night at his bottle, \nyet argue to admiration next day, and was an admirable \nspeaker.\" To him, it was said, the profession in Massachu- \nsetts is mainly indebted for the high character it has since \nmaintained. \n\nSamuel, his son, rector of Trinity Church, New York, was the \nfather of Sir Samuel, a lieutenant-general in the British army, \ndistinguished as the conqueror of Montevideo iu South Amer- \nica. A daughter, Isabella, became the wife of Benjamin \nPrat, afterward chief justice of New York. This gentleman, \nwho had in his youth lost a leg by a fall from an apple-tree, \nhad studied law in Auchmuty's office, and soon rose to the first \nrank in his profession. The graphic pen of John Adams, \nseizing upon the occasion of the memorable discussion of the \nwrits of assistance in the council chamber of the Old State \nHouse in Boston, when, as he says, \" the child Liberty was \nborn,\" thus depicts Prat: \" In a corner of the room must be \nplaced as a spectator and an auditor, wit, sense, imagination, \ngenius, pathos, reason, prudence, eloquence, learning, and \nimmense reading, hangnig by the shoulders on two crutches, \ncovered with a great cloth coat, in the person of Mr. Prat, \n15 \n\n\n210 gaediner's green. \n\nwho had been solicited on both sides, but could engage on \nneither, being as chief justice of New York about to leave \nBoston forever.\" This seems excessive praise, but John \nAdams never did anything b}' halves, and as he was not par- \nticularly given to eulogy, we must conclude that in this in- \nstance it was well merited. \n\nThe triangular space between Dudley- and Warren Streets \nwas two centuries ago the garden and nursery of Peter Gar- \ndiner, and was long known as \"Gardiner's Green.\" Some \nof this land belonged to the town, and in 1785 a committee \nreported to a town meeting that the common land formerly \nthere was so no longer, and that there was scarce width \nenough for the highways between Dr. Davies's land and Mr. \nMears's \" at or near the corner.\" Until the lower part of War- \nren Street was laid open, this was the point of beginning of \nthe Braintree Road. This and the Warren estate beyond, \noriginally belonged to John Leavens, one of the early pro- \nprietors of the town, who came over in 1632 in the same ship \nwith Edward Winslow and Robert Gamblin. This most eligi- \nble site was asked for an Episcopal church in 1739, but \nthe petition was not favorabh\" considered, \" a true Catholic \nspirit \" toward \" brethren in the faith \" being as yet practically \nunknown. Almost a century- was to elapse before cluirches \nof other than the \" Orthodox \" faith could be tolerated here, \nand it was not till 1833 that St. James's Church, in St. James \nStreet, was established. The petition is as follows : — \n\n*' To the Inhabitants of the Town of Boxbur>j : — \n\n\" The memorial of us, the subscribers (and suudrj' others), inhab- \nitants of said town sheweth. That by the blessing of God and the \nbenevolence of divers Catholick and charitable disposed Christians, \nwe purpose to build an Episcopal Church in this town. Its there- \nfore prayed that you would grant soe much of the common ground \nnear the house of Robert Auchmuty, Esq., as shall be thought need* \nfull or proper for such a building, leaving sufficiency of road on all \nsides, and which we shall look upon as only just and equal, but an \nearnest of a true Catholic spirit to your brethren in the faith, which, \n\n\nADMIRAL WINSLOW. 211 \n\nthat the great God, the giver of every good thing, may ever estab- \nlish between the true churches aud the members thereof, are the \ndevout prayer of us, the subscribers. \n\n\" Leonakd Laukman Francis Biunlky \nRichard Smith Jona Pue \n\nRobert Auchmuty Lewis Vassai.l.\" \n\nSituated upon rising ground, a sliort distance south of \nDudle}' Street, and approached from the west l)y Kearsarge \n\n\nADMIRAL WINSLOW. \n\n\nAvenue, which once V)ore tlie name of Mount Vernon Place, \nis the Warren Cemeter}', laid out by the First Religious \nSociety in 1818 and given to the town in 1841. It has an \narea of about one and a half acres. South of it is the pres- \nent building of the old Roxbur}* Grammar School, erected \nin 1853. \n\nKearsarge Avenue perpetuates the fame of Admiral John \nA. Winslow, a resident of Roxbury for nearly thirty years. \nHis home was here, and in it his widow and daughter still \nreside. After his brilliant achievement of sinking the Cou- \n\n\n212 ADMIRAL WINSLOW. — THE WARREN ESTATE. \n\nfederate cruiser \"Alabama\" off Cherbourg, which, as has \nbeen well said, will never be forgotten \" till the pilgrim can \nwalk dry-shod from Calais to Dover,\" he was, on his return \nhome, formall}^ welcomed b}' the citizens of Roxbury on Nov. \n22, 1864. The State of New Hampshire has fittingly testified \nits sense of his services to the countr}', by forwarding from \nthe mountain that gave its name to Winslow's vessel, a granite \nbowlder, which his widow has placed over his remains at \nForest Hills, with this inscription : — \n\nKEAR ADMIRAL \n\nJOHN ANCRUM WINSLOW, \n\nV. S. NAVT, \nBORN WILMINGTON, N. C, \n\nNov. 19, 1811. \n\ndied in boston, mass., \n\nSept. 29, 1873. \n\nhe conducted the memorable \n\nsea fight in command of \n\nd. s. ship \"kearsarge\" \n\nin the english channel, \n\nJdne 19, 1SG4. \n\nTHIS BOWLDER FROM \n\nKEARSARGE MT., MERRIMACK CO., N. H., \n\nIS THE GIFT \n\nOF CITIZENS OF WARNER, N. H., \n\nAND IS ERECTED TO HIS MEMORY \n\nBY HIS WIFE AND SURVIVING CHILDREN. \n\nThe Warren estate extended from Warren Place to More- \nland Street, and contained seven acres. It was bought in \n1687 b}' the general's grandfather, Joseph Warren, of John \nLeavens, who then occupied the dwelling-house on the estate. \nThe Warren homestead was a cottage farm-house, built in \n1720 by the first Joseph Warren, who was a housewright. \nIt was in military occupation during the siege, Col. David \nBrewer's regiment being quartered here in the summer of \n1775, and the grounds were \" improved\" for barracks. The \nbrothers Ebenezer and Samuel Warren successively resided \n\n\nTHE WARREN HOMESTEAD. \n\n\n213 \n\n\nill the old house, Tvhich, ou the death of the latter in No- \nvember, 1805, came into the possession of Dr. John C. \nAYarren. \n\nWhen in 1833 the estate \"was offered for sale, no one would \ngive over a thousand dollars for it. The present value of the \nland alone is nearly half a million dollars. Real estate in \nIvoxljury was therefore considered as worth no more at that \n\n\nTHE WAKREN IlOMEiTEAD \n\n\ntime than it was seventy years before, when this same estate \nwas appraised at £292. \"When put up at auction and sold, it \nbrought, to the astonishment of the spectators, five thousand \ntwo hundred and ninet}' dollars. At the sale Dr. John C. \nWarren reserved the site of the old house ; and when it be- \ncame impossible to preserve the old mansion any longer, he \nbuilt in 1846 the stone cottage that now occupies the spot. \nAn exact model of the old homestead, made partly of the \noriginal materials, is retained in the family. On the front of \nthe present house are two tablets, bearing these insciip- \ntions : — \n\n\n214 \n\n\nTPIE WAUREX HOMESTEAD. \n\n\n\" Onthissxjot stood the house erected in 1720 hy Joseph Warren, \nof Boston, remarkable for being the birthplace of Gen. Joseph War- \nren, his grandson, toho vxts killed at the battle of Bunker Hill, June \n17, 177 5 r \n\n'■'■John Warren, a distinguished physician and anatomist, was also \nborn here. The original mansion being in ruins, this house was built \nhy John C. Warren, 31. D., son of the last named, as a permanent \nmemorial of the spot.\" \n\nThe Warren farm contained man}' valuable fruit-trees. \nHere, it is claimed, originated the Roxbury Russeting, else- \nwhere known \nas the Boston \nRusseting, a \nfine apple, with \na red bloom, \nkeeping late in \nthe spring, but \nwhich has \ngreatly deteri- \norated. One \nhundred a n d \ntwenty-three of \nthese trees were \ncut down dur- \ning the siege \nfor military pur- \nposes, a verj- \nserious loss to \n\nMrs. Warren, who depended very much upon their product \nfor her support. Her husband, the father of the general, \nwas killed b}' a fall from one of them in 1755. His son John, \nwho was sent by his mother to call his father to dinner, met \nthe body as two laborers were bearing it towards the house. \n\nWarren's father was a farmer, industrious, upright, aud of \ngood iinderstanding, who filled several town offices with credit. \n\n\n\\vat;ke.\\ iinrsE. \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN. 215 \n\nMary, his widoTv, was the daughter of Dr. Samuel Stevens, \nand granddaughter of Robert Calef, whose courage and in- \ndependence of character she transmitted to her famous son. \nMrs. Warren was left with the charge of four sons, — Joseph, \nSamuel, who continued to live with his mother and cultivate \nthe paternal estate, Ebenezer, and John. She attained an ad- \nvanced age, was hospitable, kind, and benevolent, and contin- \nued until her death in 1803, at the age of ninety-, to reside in \nthe family mansion, where she was long an object of general \ninterest. In her old age, when her own children had left \ntheir fireside to take their part in the active scenes of life, it \nwas one of her dearest pleasures to gather a group of their \nchildren and the children of others around her, and to do all \nin her power to promote their enjoyment. On Thanksgiving \nday she depended on having all her children and grandchil- \ndren with her, and until she was eight}' 3'ears of age she her- \nself made the pies with which her table was loaded. \n\nJoseph, her eldest son, born on June 11, 1741, graduated at \nHarvard College in 1759, and became a successful physician. \nA college anecdote shows his fearlessness. Several of his \nclass, in the course of a frolic, shut themselves into a chamber, \nand barred the door so as to exclude him. Warren, bent on \njoining them, and seeing near the open window of the cham- \nber a spout reaching from the roof to the ground, went to the \nhousetop, walked to the spout, slid by it down to the window, \nand threw himself into the room. At this instant the spout \nfell, when he quietly remarked that it had served his purpose. \nIn 1760-61 he taught the Roxbury Grammar School, at a \nsalar}\" of £44: 16s. per annum. \n\nHe had a graceful figure and an elegant address, was scru- \npulously neat in person, and frank and genial in manner, — \ntraits that made him a welcome visitor in polite circles, and a \ngeneral favorite. He was especial!}' attentive to the poor, to \nwhom his hand was ever extended to afford relief. The \npolitical agitation of the da}' soon drew him into its vortex. \n\n\n216 \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN. \n\n\nHe wrote for the public journals, worked zealously in the \nprivate and public meetings of the patriots, and soon became \na leader whose fervid orator}- and tireless activit}', together \nwith his personal popularity, made him the peer of Samuel \nAdams and Josiah Quincy, Jr., as well as the idol of the peo- \nple. In him they found not only the firmness and decision \nrequired in a leader, but prudence and wariness in all his \nplans. At the time of his death he was president of the \nCongress of Massachusetts, and chairman of the Committee \n\nof Public Safet}-, being \nthus virtually at the head \nof the new commonwealth. \nAt his own suggestion, \nWarren was selected to de- \nliver the oration on March \n0, 1775, commemorating \nthe \"Boston Massacre,\" \nin defiance of the threats \nof British officers that it \nwould be at the price of the \nlife of any man to speak on \nthat anniversary. The pa- \ntriots looked forward to the \nda}- with deep interest, and \nnot without apprehension. \nThere was \" a prodigious concourse,\" and the Old .South was \ncrowded. About forty British officers in uniform filled the \nfront pews or sat upon the pulpit stairs. There was some \ndelay in the appearance of the orator, who at length entered \nthe window back of the pulpit by a ladder. An awful still- \nness preceded his exordium. He began in a firm tone of \nvoice, and proceeded with great energy and pathos. \" Such \nanother hour has seldom happened in the history of man, and \nis not surpassed in the records of nations.\" \"It was pro- \nvoking enough to the military,\" says Frothingham, Warren's \n\n\n\"^^^^5 \n\n\nJOSEPH WARKEN. \n\n\nJOSEPH WARREN. 217 \n\nbiographer, \" that while there were so maii}^ troops stationed \nhere with the design of suppressing town meetings, there \nshould 3'et be one for the purpose of delivering an oration to \ncommemorate a massacre perpetrated by soldiers, and to show \nthe danger of standing armies.\" It is said that some of the \nofficers groaned as the enthusiastic audience applauded. One \nof them, seated on the pulpit stairs, in the course of the \ndelivery held up one of his hands, with several pistol bullets \non the open palm, when the orator, observing the action, \ngracefully dropped a white handkerchief on them. \n\nAt Lexington, where he was said to have been the most \nactive man on the field, a musket ball took oflTa lock of hair \nclose to his ear. On that memorable occasion he delighted \nthe people with his cool, collected braverj', and united the \ncharacters of the general, the soldier, and the physician. Here \nhe was seen animating his countrymen to battle and fighting \nb}- their side, and there he was found administering to the \nwounded. Three of the brothers, Joseph, John, and Eben- \nezer, were in this battle. The latter, afterwards a judge of \nthe Norfolk County Court of Common Pleas, was a deput}' \ncommissar^' at Roxbury during the siege. Warren's great \ninfluence was exerted in maintaining order and discipline \namongst the troops that had hastih' collected in the environs \nof Boston after the battle, and oul}' three days before the \nengagement at Bunker's Hill he was made a major-general b}' \nthe Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. \n\nHe opposed the project of occupying Charlestowu Heights \non the ground of the lack of ammunition, but when the step \nwas determined on, resolved to share in its dangers. To the \nentreaties of friends who would have held him back from \nthe field, he replied, \" I know that I may fall, but where is \nthe man who does not think it delightful and glorious to die \nfor his country ? \" Declining the command tendered him b}' \nPrescott, he took his station in the redoubt, which he was one \nof the last to leave, and fell near it, while slowly retiring. \n\n\n218 mead's orchard. \n\nKossuth, the famous Hungarian orator and patriot, delivered \nan address to the people of Roxbury at Norfolk Hall, on \nMay 10, 1852. He was told by the gentleman who formally \nextended to him the invitation of the citizens, that the remi- \nniscences of Roxbury presented nothing particularl}- interest- \ning to him, excepting its having been the home of John Eliot, \nthe apostle to the Indians. \" Pardon me,\" said Kossuth, \n\"■ but was it not the birthplace of Warren?\" \" A prophet is \nnot without honor save in his own country- \" ; but the neglect \nof the people of Roxbur}^, after the lapse of a century, to erect \na monument to her most illustrious son is indeed surprising. \nBesides the marble bust by Stephenson, on the engine-house \nin Dudley Street, the only other permanent memorial of War- \nren, in his native place, is the \" Joseph Warren Monument \nAssociation,\" organized in 1860. There is a fine statue, by \nDexter, in a building near the Bunker Hill Monument. Be- \nyond the neat little Swedenborgian Church at the corner of \nSt. James Street, is a small, wedge-shaped strip of ground \nonce ambitiousl}' named \" St. James Park,\" but not by any \nmeans to be regarded as the rival of that famous London \npleasure-ground. From its proximit}- to the old homestead, \nthis would be a most eligible site for the proposed Warren \nmonument. \n\nOpposite the Warren house, at the corner of Cliff Street, \nthere was a wooden structure built originally for the Baptist \nsociety, but subsequentl}^ sold to the Methodists, who removed \nit in 1852 to this spot. Early on Sunday morning, March \n29, 18G8, it was totall}' destro^'ed b}' fire, and so intense was \nthe heat that the church-bell was melted by the flames into an \nindistinguishable mass. \n\nWilliam Mead, who died in 1683, leaving no descendants, \ngave house and land, all his worldly possessions, to the \nRoxbury Grammar School. \" Mead's orcliard,\" the land re- \nferred to, extended from below Tolman Place to the corner \nof Walnut Avenue. The house now occupied by Mr. J. J. \n\n\nDONALD KENNEDY. \n\n\n219 \n\n\nMEAD 8 HOUSE. \n\n\nMuuroe, the painter, the front portion of wliich is very old, \nis probably that in which Mead resided. It was built in the \nstjie of two centuries ago, and until its alteration by its \npresent owner its roof sloped at the rear nearly to the ground. \nThe old building contained three ovens. Being the propertv \nof the school, it \nwas often the \nresidence of its \nteachers in the \nolden time, one \nof whom. Dr. N. \nS. Prentiss, occu- \npied it in 1807. \n\nThe land on the \nopposite side of \n\"Warren Street, \nnow Rockville \nPlace, was not \nlong ago a rocky ledge, higher than the tops of the houses \nnow standing upon it. The rising ground near Montrose \nAvenue was once known as Gorton's Hill, from John Gorton, \nan earl}- resident here, who in 1G53 had leave from the town \n\"to brew and sell penny beare and cakes and white bread.\" \nHis estate of six acres was called the \"Wolf Trap.\" The \narea now included in Montrose and Forest Avenues was known \nlater as \"Warren's Pasture. One of Paul Dudlej-'s milestones \nstood until recently on the opposite side of the road. \n\nDonald Kennedy's residence, between \"V\\^averle3' and Clif- \nford Streets, was built about 17G4, by Samuel Hawes, who \ninherited a portion of the Holbrook property, and whose son \nBenjamin occujDied it until 183G. At that time the mania \nfor silk-growing was very prevalent, and the Roxbury Land \nCompany bought the estate for a mnll>err3' plantation. The \nsolid oak timber in the frame of the house was cut from the \nplace itself. Here the \" Doctor,\" as he is called, who is \n\n\n220 AUGUSTUS PEERIN. \n\nwell known as a genial, warm-hearted, and public-spirited \nman, has resided since 1844. When quite young, Donald \nKennedy came to this country from Scotland, his native \nlaud, and after working in a tanner}* in Roxbur}', commenced \nin a small wa}' the manufacture and sale of his famous \"Medi- \ncal Discover}',\" from which he has realized a fortune. \n\nA portion of Copeland, Waverley, Clifford, and \"Woodbine \nStreets is within the limits of the estate of the late Augustus \nPeri'in, and formerl}' belonged to Hon. John Read. Some \nseven acres on \"Warren Street were inherited by Benjamin and \nJohn H. Hawes from Capt. John Holbrook, to whom his \nbrother Daniel in 1787 bequeathed thirt3'-seven acres lying \nbetween this localit}' and Dorchester, on both sides of Blue \nHill Avenue. The Perriu propert}', which was acquired in \nthe manila straw hat manufacture, had its origin in the chari- \ntable bestowal of a dinner b}' Mr. Perrin's mother, upon a sick \nand destitute sailor, who in return, taught young Perrin the \nm3'ster3' of weaving manila straw, an art then wholly unknown \nin this country. The sailor had on one of these hats, and \nseeing that it attracted the boy's attention told him that if he \nwould procure the straw he would show him how to make \nthem. The widowed mother was then living with her children \nin Spring Street, West Roxburj-, and there the business was \nbegun. First the bo}', then the mother, and afterwards one \nof his sisters acquired the art, which soon grew to such \ndimensions, that the famil}- removed to Boston, and estab- \nlished the business upon a more extended scale. The large \nbrick building kuown as the Old Ladies' Home, between \nCopeland and Waverle}' Streets, was long the residence of Mr. \nPerrin. \n\nMaywood Street indicates the locality known as Maj-'s \n\"Woods, where was formerly* a pond, and was also a part of \nthe John Read estate. Opposite this street, about midway \nbetween Warren Street and Walnut Avenue, there was, till \nquite recently, a portion of the old wall at the southern limit \n\n\nTHE ROCKING STONE. 221 \n\nof John Eliot's lot, which, it is not improbable, made part of \nits original boundary. South of Eliot's pasture was an eight- \nacre lot, originally Edward Bugbee's. The land on both \nsides of Gaston and Roslyu Streets, and including a part of \nMr. Samuel Little's estate, was once the property of Aaron \nWhite, the owner of the Mount Pleasant farm. On the cor- \nner of Quincy Street there was a tavern, kept many years ago \nby John White. \n\nThe old farm-house on the French, formerly the John \nLewis estate, has near it an old pear-tree, from which origi- \nnated the excellent winter fruit known as the Lewis pear, first \ndescribed and brought into notice b}' Samuel Downer of Dor- \nchester. The estate of forty acres includes French's W^oods, \nwhich is, with the region about it, according to the late Prof. \nAgassiz, one of the most interesting spots to the geologist in \nNew England. Huge bowlders of conglomerate are strewn \naround here in most admired disorder, evidently the result of \nglacial action. \n\nOne of these, the Poxbury \" Pocking Stone,\" a famous \nnatural curiosit}', was located on the Munroe farm, and may \nj'et be seen in the northwest corner of Mr. J. P. Townsend's \nestate, on Townsend Street. Strangers came from a distance \nto gaze and wonder, and it even attracted scientific observers. \nThis bowlder was removed many years since, tradition says, \nb}' old Deacon Munroe, who had been so annoyed by visitors \nto the rock who trampled down his vegetables, that he hired \na number of men, who with crow-bars displaced it, after great \neffort, from its original position. The stone remains at a dis- \ntance of ten or twelve feet from its old site, but the rock has \ndisappeared. \n\nThe approach to Elm Hill, formerl3' the residence of Mr. \nPufus Greene Amory, now that of Mrs. J. D. W. Williams, \nis through a lane bordered b}- large elm -trees, one of which, \nat a distance of twelve feet from the ground, is twentj'-five \nfeet in circumference. A singular object is to be seen in the \n\n\n222 ELM HILL. GROVE HALL. \n\nstone fence back of the field to the right of this lane. It is a \nlarge elm-tree trunk, making with its two lower branches \ntwenty-five feet of the horizontal wall, and presenting a sur- \nface as flat as though it had been planed. \n\nThe mansion house, built eai'ly in the present centurj', is \nfinely situated on elevated ground, the large ojDen field in its \nfront sloping gradually down to the street and affording an \nopening for a magnificent view of the cit}' and harbor. To \nadd to its attractiveness, Mrs. Amory and her four charming \ndaughters made it a seat of elegant hospitality and social \nenjoyment, and it had numerous visitors. These young ladies \nwere afterwards Mrs. Joseph L. Cunningham, Mrs. Col. Free- \nman, Mrs. Dr. Jeffries, and Mrs. Edward L. Cunningham. \nMr. Amor3''s l^rothers, John and Thomas Amory, and a sister, \nMrs. John Lowell, were at the same time residents of Rox- \nbur}', the mansions of the two former being on Amory Street. \n\nMuch of the costly furniture at Elm Hill, belonging to the \nperiod of Louis Quinze, is said to have originally graced the \nchateaus of the French noblesse, who either emigrated, or \nwere guillotined during the Revolution. \n\nS. G. Reed's estate, formerly Daniel Bugbee's, comes next. \nHere, in 1794, Ebenezer Bugbee, tanner, owned five acres and \nthe buildings thereon. For many years he kept a tavern \nhere, a two-stor}' house painted red, a little back from the \nroad on the westerly- side, where Mr. William A. Simmons \nnow resides. \n\nThe Grove Hall mansion, built in the year 1800, and for \nmany j^ears the residence of Thomas Kilby Jones, a Boston \nmerchant, was remodelled afewj'ears since, and is now known \nas the \" Consumptives' Home.\" Situated at the intersection \nof Washington Street and Blue Hill, formerly Grove Hall \nAvenue, it occupies a conspicuous and sightl}- position, and \nis surrounded with ample grounds. The estate of ten acres, \noriginally the homestead of Samuel Payson, was owned by \nJohn Goddard early in the last centurv. It was afterwards \n\n\nHON. EBENEZER SEAVER. 223 \n\nthe site of Stephen Kent's tavern, which, after his death in \n17G7, was kept for more tlian thirtj' 3-ears b}- his widow. The \n\" Home\" was founded in 1862 bj' Dr. Charles Cullis, upon \nthe plan of Muller's famous orphan asylum. He began with- \nout an}' funds, and depends upon daily contributions to sup- \npi}' its daily wants. Dr. Cullis calls this institution a \" work \nof faith,\" and looks upon the contributions he receives as \ndirect answers to his prayers. The usual number of patients \nis from thirty-five to fifty. All poor persons sick with con- \nsumption are freel}' admitted, irrespective of age or color. \n\nBe3'ond Grove Hall, and partly within the ancient limits of \nDorchester, lie the mansion and grounds of Hon. Marshall P. \n\"Wilder, whose eminent services in behalf of the agricultural \nand horticultural interests of our country have rendered his \nname almost a household word throughout the land. The \nhouse, which has been recentlj' altered, was built on what was \nknown as the Morgan farm, by Increase Sumner. During \nthe siege of Boston, it was the place of refuge and residence \nof his widow and children, one of whom was the future gov- \nernor of the State. Mr. Wilder's pear orchard contains \nnearl}' one thousand varieties of that fruit. On the opposite \nside of Columbia Street is the cottage in which Gen. William \nH. Sumner once resided. \n\nNear the corner of Schuj'ler Street and Blue Hill Avenue, \nis the house once occupied b}' Hon. Ebenezer Seaver. The \nstreet, named for him, and extending from Brush Hill Turn- \npike, now Blue Hill Avenue, to Walnut Avenue, was for- \nmerly designated \" The Long Crouch.\" Robert Seaver, his \nemigrant ancestor, whose homestead was on Stom' River, \ncame over in the \" Mar\\' and John,\" in 1634, was a freeman \nin 1637, and died in 1682, leaving numerous descendants. \nHon. Ebenezer Seaver, \"the Squire\" as he was commonly \ncalled, was ver}' prominent in town politics, being frequently \nchosen moderator of town meetings, and also one of the \nselectmen, generally chairman of the board, and administering \n\n\n224 \n\n\nHON. EBENEZER SEAVER. \n\n\ntown affairs with scrupulous integrity, wisdom, and econ- \nomy. He had long enjoyed the honorable title of \"Father \nof the Town,\" when on his retirement from public service, \nin 1839, he received the thanks of the town for his ' ' long, faith- \nful, and unremitting services for nearly fort}' 3'ears past.\" \n\nHe was for some 3'ears a member of the Legislature, was in \nCongress from 1803 to 1813, and one of the Committee on \nForeign Affairs that reported a manifesto as the basis of the \n\ndeclaration of war with Eng- \nland in 1812, and was a \nmember of the convention \nwhich in 1820 amended the \nState Constitution. He was \na lifelong Democrat, and \nGov. Eustis, Major Read, and \nSquire Seaver formed a trio \nof political cronies whose \ninfluence was felt b}' their \nparty throughout the State. \nJohn Randolph gave him the \ntitle of '' the old \"VYarhawk \nof the Democracy.\" Though \na graduate of Harvard Col- \nlege, he preferred the occupation of a farmer to either of the \nlearned professions, and closed a useful and honorable life on \nMarch 4, 1844. \n\nAs exemplifying the simple methods then in use in trans- \nacting the public business of the town, no less than the con- \nfidence and trust reposed in its public servants, it ma^^ be \nmentioned that on Mr. Seaver's retirement from the chair- \nmanship of the board of selectmen, all the auditing and book- \nkeeping occasioned b}' the transfer, consisted in his pulling \nout a roll of bills which he passed over to his successor, with \nthe remark that it was \" all right,\" — as it imdoubtedly was. \nHis grandson, Mr. Augustus Parker, who inherited and \n\n\nHON. HBKNEZKP. SEAVER. \n\n\nWALNUT AVENUE. 225 \n\nresides upon the estate of Mr. Seaver, inherited also his \ngrandfather's taste for agriculture, a pursuit in which he has \nbeen highly successful. One of the products of the Seaver \nfarm is the fine apple known as the \" Seaver Sweeting.\" \n\nReturning to Walnut Avenue, formerly Back Street, and \nanciently \" the Way to the Great Lotts, next Gamblin's \nEnd, and so to Rocky Swamp,\" our starting-point, is the \nlocality once known as \" Clewly's Corner,\" where were for- \nmerly two grist-mills. Clewly's lot extended from the school \nland at the corner of Walnut Avenue (Mead's orchard) to \nCircuit Street, and up the hill to Fountain Street. His house \nstood where the frame building occupied by Mr. Wiswall \nstands, at the corner of Mount Warren. In 1737 Joseph \nClewh' petitioned the town for a small strip of land, having, \nas he says, \" purchased a grist mill with design to serve his \ngood neighbors as well as himself, and so finds it necessary \nto build a small granary in order to lay in a supply of grain \nwhile y^ same is cheapest.\" In 1741 he was allowed by the \ntown of Boston to remove his grist-mill from Roxbury and to \nset it on Fort Hill. \n\nTo the west of Clewly's lies the locality known as \" Tom- \nm^-'s Rock,\" a rough and ston}' region, originally the \" Rocky \nPasture,\" and sufficientl}' elevated to afford a fine view \ntowards the southwest. Its name was derived from Tom \nHommagen, an old negro, who lived near the Swiss cottage \non Circuit Street, near Washington. In requital for profes- \nsional services, Tom bequeathed his body to Dr. Windship, \nand this delightful memento mori was long the skeleton in \nthe doctor's closet. At the foot of Tommy's Rock is the \nRoman Catholic Church of St. Joseph, built in 1846. Oppo- \nsite, is a square stone building belonging to it, only notewor- \nthy for having been subjected to the visitation of a \" smell- \ning \" committee of the Legislature in Native American times. \nA small cemetery adjoins the church. \n\nEmerging here from the region of brick and mortar, one \n15 \n\n\n226 WALNUT AVENUE. \n\nsees upon eveiy side, in the handsome residences and lovely \ngrounds that line the avenue, such evidences of the wealth \nand taste of their owners, as make this one of the most \nattractive of the man}' fine avenues in the vicinit}' of the \nmetropolis. Among its noticeable features are the chapel of \nthe Walnut Avenue Religious Society, on the corner of Dale \nStreet, and the fine residences of Messrs. Fenno, Chadwicli, \nthe late Horatio Harris, Aaron D. Williams, and William V. \nHutchings. \n\nThe chapel, the residence of Mr. Fenno, and the Lewis \nSchool stand on the thirt3'-acre pasture, once the apostle \nEliot's, extending from the intersection of Warren and Walnut \nnearly to Bower Street. To the south lay \"the Great Lotts\" \nand \" Fresh Meadow.\" Less tlian half a century ago this fine \navenue was a narrow road, from the sides of which large \ncoveys of quails would frequentlj' start up. Eight}' years ago \nit contained but six houses, — the \" Bugbee\" house, the \nAbijah Seaver house, opposite to and not far from Chad- \nwick's, J. D. Williams's house. Deacon Samuel Sumner's, \nStedman Williams's, and the Scarborough house. The four \nlast named are yet standing. \n\nSouth of Clewlj's and extending as far as Dale Street was \na thirteen-acre lot belonging to Edward Sumner. Just this \nside of Dale Street a brook, originating in May's Pond, for- \nmerl}' crossed the road and flowed into Smelt Brook. The \nlarge square house a little to the north of it is on the site of \nthe old house of Daniel Bugbee, and also the homestead of \nhis ancestor, Edward Bugbee, an earl}^ settler of the town, \nwhich having fallen to decay, was pulled down b}' some 3'oung \nmen for a frolic, many years ago. \n\nBeyond Dale Street and a little to the west of the avenue, \nlies Washington Park, upon which is an eminence called \nHonej^suckle Hill. All this territory extending westward to \nWashington Street and southeast of the Maccarty farm was \nthe estate of Abijah Seaver, grandfather of Benjamin, maj'or \n\n\nWALNUT AVENUE. 227 \n\nof Boston in 1852 and 1853, and a descendant of Robert the \nemigrant. Midway between Dale and Townseud Streets, \ndividing the Seaver estate into two nearly equal parts, and \nhaving a front of some eight hundred feet on Walnut Avenue, \ncame the southern boundary of the Maccartj' farm, an exten- \nsive tract reaching nearly to Centre Street on the west. In \n1836, the period of Eastern land speculation, the \" Eoxbury \nLaud Company\" purchased the Seaver and other adjacent \nestates, and soon owned all the land between the Dedham \nTurnpike and \"Walnut Avenue, from St. James Street to the \nKingsbury estate be3'ond Townsend Street. \n\nThe Munroe farm of twenty-two acres, between Munroe \nand Townsend Streets, w^as bought by the town in 1829 of \nDeacon Nehemiah Munroe. A large part of this land, which \nis ver}' rockj', and which adjoins the French estate, was con- \nveyed to him by William Dorr in 1784. The western portion \nof this territory, fronting the avenue, constitutes a small park \nof great natural beauty. South of it lies the fine estate and \nresidence of the late Horatio Harris. \n\nThe old Williams homestead, on the corner of Oriole \nStreet, is well preserved, but it has been greatly modernized. \nThe fine large elm back of it gives to the old mansion a com- \nfortable, homelike air. Upon this estate, which contained \nabout fifty acres, originated the \"Williams Favorite,\" a large \nand handsome dessert apple, worthy of a place in every gar- \nden. It is a fact that the apple-tree, set out so extensively by \nthe first settlers here, soon produced a fruit superior in size \nand flavor to what it bad borne in England. Opposite the \nresidence of Mr. William V. Hutchings and just beyond West- \nminster Avenue, is the Kingsbury house, which stands on the \nfarm once the property of Stephen Williams, son of Col. \nJoseph Williams, who lived in Perrin's Lane, now Bartlett \nStreet. The old farm-house beyond, once the residence of \nDeacon Sumner, is in a very dilapidated condition. A little \ndaughter of the deacon's, who fell into the old well belonging \n\n\n228 \n\n\nMOSES WILLIAMS S REMINISCENCES. \n\n\nto the place and was rescued, became the grandmother of Ex- \nMajor Lewis. \n\nMr. Moses Williams, a descendant of Robert, whose home- \nstead we have already visited, and who, though eight^'-eight \nyears of age, retains his physical and mental vigor to a won- \n\n\nJ- D. WILLIAMS S HOrSB. \n\nderful degree, has kindly furnished some reminiscences of this \nregion, so familiar to his bo3'hood. He sa3^s : — \n\n\"The two Williams houses on Waluut Avenue, the one now \nowned by Aaron D. Williams and the one formerly owned by my \nbrother Stedman Williams, were previously owned by my grand- \nfather, Capt. John Williams. By his will he gave the former to my \nfather, the latter to my uncle, Jonathan Williams, who was mar- \nried, and who occupied it twenty years or more. He then sold it to \nmy father, and removed to Lunenburg, Mass. My father bought it \nwith the farm about it for my brother Stedman, who moved into it \nwhen he was married, and lived in it until he died. \n\n\"The old house on the east side of Walnut Avenue, situated \nabout half-way between A. D.'s and Stedmau's, belonged eighty or \n\n\nSCARBOROUGH. \n\n\n229 \n\n\nuiuety years ago to Deacou Samuel Sumuer. He had two wives, \nand I have always understood that he obtained the estate iu right \nof his first wife, who was a Williams. I thus am well satisfied that \nall three of these houses and bordering estates were built and owned \nby my ancestors. A. D. \"Williams's house and my brother Sted- \nman's were originally leau-tos. My father altered his and gave it \nthe form it now has, before my remembrance ; and I remember when \nmy brother Stedmau altered his. I do not think that my grand- \nfather built the two houses which he gave to my father and uncle, \nbut my great-graudftither probably did. \n\n\"Scarborough was uncle to my father by marriage. He mar- \nried a Williams, but left no children. His house was the one now \nowue^ by Mr. Ellicot. It was at one time the residence of Samuel \nWait, and is at the bend of the road on the north side of the avenue \nas far up as Forest Hills.\" \n\n\nAmong the early Roxbur}' names, now extinct here, is this \nof Scarborough. It is, liowever, kept in remembrance as the \nname given to the _ _^ \n\nstreet leading from \nthe corner of tlie \navenue, where the \nestate originally \nwas, . to Morton \nStreet. John Scar- \nborrow, admitted \na freeman in 1640. \n' *• was slaine the 4th \nof the 9th month \n1G4G, charging a great gunne.\" Samuel, the last of the Rox- \nbury Scarboroughs, died here in 1 789. South and southwest of \nthe Scarborough estate, which contained eightj'-two acres, lay \nthe common land of the town, tlie last of which was sold in \n1812, to Samuel Waitt. Upon the Scarborough homestead \nthere was a majestic tree, beneath whose spreading branches \nthe tired minute-men from Lexington were fed, by one who, \nwhen an ancient dame, loved to recall the past. Much of the \n\n\nSTEDJIAX ■n-ILLIAMS'S HOTJSE. \n\n\n230 EOCK HILL. L. M. SARGENT. \n\nland beyoud School Street on both sides of the avenue re- \nmains unimproved, and well merits its old titles of \" Rocky \nPasture\" and \" Rock}' Bottom.\" \n\nLucius Manlius Sargent built, and for many years resided \nin the cottage in the midst of a grove on Rock Hill, near \nthe southwest corner of Seaver Street and Walnut Avenue, \nnow the residence of Rev. A. H. Plumb. Mr. Sargent, who \nwas a fine scholar, was also well known as a writer under \nthe nom de plume of \" Sigma,\" and rendered efficient service to \nthe cause of temperance both as a lecturer and an author. His \nseries of ' ' Temperance Tales \" passed through one hundred \nand thirty editions, and was reprinted in many languages. \nHis writings were characterized by honesty of opinion and \nboldness and vigor of style. He was six feet in height and \nadmirably proportioned, was fond of horseback riding, and was \nan athlete in muscular power. He had a finel}' formed and \nuncommonly large head, oval face, gray, penetrating eyes, \nwell-formed mouth, and a Roman nose. He was affable, \ngenial, and kind-hearted, and was admired and loved for his \nmany generous and noble qualities. \n\nThe wall-paper on the parlor of the Stedman Williams house, \nnear the corner of Glen Road, is unique. It is nearly one hun- \ndred years old, represents an English landscape, and is as fresh \nand perfect in color and appearance as if put on yesterda}'. \nThe painter, Gilbert Stuart, who passed here a portion of his \nRoxbury sojourn, has left appropriate mementos of it in two oil \nportraits of Stedman Williams and Betsey his wife, daughter \nof Col. Joseph Williams. Tradition says there were serious \nmisgivings as to the prudence of this match. The young \nlady was for those days high]}' accomplished, and all unused \nto the detail and drudgery of farm life, but ft is ^certain that \nshe performed the duties devolving upon her in a most exem- \nplar}' manner. \n\nForest Hill Street was, half a century ago, known as \n\" Jube's Lane,\" having but one habitation upon it, — \"a \n\n\nFOREST HILLS. 231 \n\nwretched collection of hovels and sheds occupied by a Moor- \nish-looking man named Jupiter, who kept swine, and who had \na bevy of wild-eyed children.\" On this street is the house \nbuilt in 1833 by S. G. Goodrich, best known as \" Peter Par- \nley,\" and in which he lived many years. He achieved fame \nby his books for children, of which a fabulous number were \nsold, and which gave him a world-wide celebrity. He repre- \nsented his district in the Massachusetts Senate in 1837 and \n1838, and was a prominent speaker in behalf of temperance and \nof the political organization known as the Whig party. Mr. \nGoodrich is described at this time as \" tall and slender, grace- \nful in lineament and speech, with a classic face, wearing gold- \nbowed spectacles that gave him an aristocratic air, and upon \npublic occasions charming all with his eloquence.\" \n\nProlonging our walk a short distance we come to Morton \nStreet, from which Forest Hills Avenue conducts us to the \nbeautiful cemetery of that name, consecrated on June 28, 1848. \nMuch of its territor}\", naturally picturesque and diversified, \nand now so tastefully embellished, was wild land not long \nago, and as Ivoxbury Common was almost valueless, save as \nthe source of the town's fuel supply for its schools and its \nministers. The filling up of the old graveyards, and their \nrepulsive condition, moved Gen. Dearborn and other citizens, \nin 1816, to petition the newly established city government \nof Ivoxbury for a rural cemetery. The purchase of the Joel \nSeaverns farm of fifty-five acres for that purpose was the \nresult, and to this other pieces of land adjoining have from \ntime to time been added. This cemetery, located in \" Can- \nterbury,\" near the geographical centre of the town, and \nbounded by Morton, Canterbur}-, and Walk Hill Streets, has \nnow an area of two hundred and twenty-six acres. The \napproaches to it are over excellent roads, by well-cultivated \ngrounds and charming rural residences, affording the most \nagreeable of the many delightful drives in the vicinity of \nBoston. \n\n\n232 \n\n\nFOREST HILLS. \n\n\nThe work of laying out the grounds of this ' ' Garden of the \nDead\" was assigned to Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn, who did so \nmuch to secure its establishment, and whose skill and taste \nhad l)een so successful!}' exerted at Mount Auburn. Hill and \ndale, lake and grove, picturesque rocks, cool grottos, fra- \ngrant flower-beds, and ever-varying landscapes render this an \n\n\nFOEEST UILLS GATEWAY. \n\n\nexceedingly attractive spot ; and a saunter through its princi- \npal avenues, with their beautiful monuments and interesting \ninscriptions, is a pleasure long to be remembered. \n\nThe original wooden gateway, with its Egyptian designs, \ngave place, in 1865, to the present tasteful structure of Rox- \nbury stone and Caledonia freestone, in the style known as the \nmodern Gothic. Upon its front, in golden letters, is this \ninscription : — \n\n\" I AM THE Resurrection and the Life\": \nand upon its inner face : — \n\n\"He that keepeth Tiiee will not Slumber.\" \n\n\nFOREST HILLS. 233 \n\nAt the left of the entrauee, near Lake Dell, is au elegaut \nmarble receiving- tomb, the finest in the eountr}-, built in 1870. \nIts catacombs, two hundred and eighty-six in number, are \nfive tiers deep, and are ranged on each side of arched pas- \nsages ten feet wide, paved with white and black marble tiles. \nIt has a Gothic portico of white Concord granite, and its floor \nis covered with French tiles. On either side of the arched \ndoorway are wall spaces for mural tablets or inscriptions. \n\nThree avenues diverge towards different parts of the cem- \neterj' from the main entrance, opposite which, on Snow- \nflake Hill, is a stone bell-tower and observatory one hun- \ndred feet in height, completed in 18 70. From it is obtained \na magnificent view of the Blue Hills, the surrounding towns, \nand several of the islands in Dorchester Bay. \n\nThe eminences that gave the cemeter}' its name are the \nEliot Hills, a range of four heights in its southwestern part ; \nConsecration Hill, at its northeastern angle ; Chapel Hill, \nnorth of Lake Dell ; the large hill south of Consecration Hill, \nnamed for the illustrious Warren ; and Cj'press Hill, over- \nlooking the neighboring cemetery of Mount Hope, and pre- \nsenting to the view an extensive and pleasing rural landscape. \nLake Hibiscus, a charming sheet of water, is near the centre \nof the cemeter}-, and is approached b}' avenues from its differ- \nent parts. It was formerlv a meadow supplied b}' copious \nsprings, and has an area of three acres. One of the most \nattractive spots at Forest Hills is the grotto on Dearborn \nHill. \n\nSome of the more striking and picturesque of the numerous \nbowlders scattered over the ground have been suffered to \nremain in their natural state. One of the most remarkable \nof these groups is in the lot of Gen. William H. Sumner, on \nthe western slope of Mount Warren, where stands a statue of \ngreat beauty', representing the Angel of the Tomb protecting \nthe ashes of the dead. The Sumner shield and arms, also a \nmedallion head, ornament the base of the statue. \n\n\n234 FOEEST HILLS. \n\nAmong the eminent men wbose ashes repose in this ceme- \ntery are Gen. \"Warren, Gen. Heath, and Admiral \"Winslow. \nMan}' superb monuments and simple inscriptions attest alike \nthe taste and skill of the sculptor, and the strong affection of \nsurviving kindred. The \"Ascending Angel,\" on the Gould \nlot, \" Memory,\" on Lake Avenue, and those of Dwight, Per- \nkins, and Lovering, are especially noticeable. From such a \nbewildering multitude of marbles, it is a relief to turn to the \niv3^-mantled bronze tablets, let into the natural rock, commem- \norating those patriotic young soldiers, \"Wilder and Howard \nDwight. On the summit of Mount \"Warren, in a lot in the \nshape of a half-moon, the ashes of Gen. \"Warren with others \nof his family have been reinterred, after being taken from \ntheir original resting-places. In the soldiers' lot is a statue \nin bronze of a volunteer soldier, by the sculptor Milmore. It \nis nearly seven feet in height, on a pedestal of six, and is a \nmemorial of the volunteers from Roxbury in the war for the \nUnion. \n\nOne has but to place in imagination this beautiful cemetery \nside b}' side with the neglected and dilapidated Eustis Street \ngraveyard of thirty j-ears ago, to appreciate the beneficent \nlabors of the man who-eleeps on j'onder hill. The Dearborn \nmonument, on the summit of Mount Dearborn, near the lot \nin which the general was interred, is an elegant Corinthian \ncolumn of white marble, on a base w^hich extends b}^ scrolls \non each side to smaller pedestals bearing funeral urns. The \nshaft is surmounted b}- a funeral urn with flame. On the front \nof the base is a raised tablet inscribed as follows • — \n\nH. A. S. DEABBORX, \nObiit Julii 29, 1S51, \n\n^TAT 67. \n\nAnd on the opposite side : \n\n\" 08SA IN TERRA \n\nQUAM DILEXIT, COLUIT, ORNAVIT, \n\nGIVES ET AMICI MCERENTES \n\nCOXDIMUS.* \n\n\nMOUNT HOPE CEMETERY. 235 \n\nAt the corner of Walk Hill and Canterbury Streets is an \nold house, now owned b}' E. M. Fowler, which was built b}'' \nStephen AVilliams more than a century ago. The old house, \nnow Lambert's, once the Isaac Williams house, stands on the \nopposite side of Canterbury Street, a little east of Fowler's. \nAnother Williams mansion of a later date is that on Back \nStreet, in which lived Benjamin Payson WiHiams, a man of \nhigh character, and who filled with credit numerous public \nstations. \n\nMount Hope Cemeter}', on Canterbury Street, a little south \nof Forest Hills, lies partly in Dorchester, and contains over \none hundred acres. It was consecrated on June 24, 1852, \nand on Jul}' 31, 1857, its proprietors transferred it to the city \nof Boston. This cemetery is located in an attractive valley, \nand besides the natural beauty of the grounds and their \nfloral and other embellishments, contains some fine monu- \nments, notalil}' the army and navy monument, and the Odd \nFellows' Memorial, a group representing David and Jonathan, \nby Thomas Ball. \n\n\n236 SMELT BROOK. \n\n\nCHAPTER VII. \n\nMEETING-HOUSE HILL. \n\nSmelt Brook.— Dudley Estate.— Thomas Dudley.— Joseph Dudley.— Paul \nDudley. — Isaac Winslow. — Town House. — Hourlies. — Roxbury Com- \nmon.— Siege of Boston. — Gen. Thomas. — Roxbury Camp. — Annals \nof the Siege. — The First Church. — Church Music — Eliot's Church \nRecord. \n\nHAVING hitherto\" followed the old highway from Boston \nover the Neck, to a point where the natural configuration \nof the ground admitted of lateral roads, that to Dorchester on \nthe left, and tlie Cambridge road on the right, we find our- \nselves at Smelt Brook, a small stream, that, flowing in a \nnortherh' direction across Dudley Street, through the home \nlots of Heath, Weld, Denison, and Johnson, finalh' lost itself \nin the marshes near the mouth of Stony River. This stream, \nonce so considerable, and whose waters supplied with pisca- \ntory delicacies the scantily furnished tables of the early set- \ntlers, has wholh' disappeared from view, if we except that of \nthe poet, who asserts that \n\n\" Men may come, and men may go, \nBut I flow on forever,\" \n\nand its bed lies buried twenty feet below the present level of \nthe street across which it originally ran. To the westward of \nit, and south of the Cambridge road, lay the Dudley estate \nand Meeting-House Hill. \n\nThe Uuiversalist Church covers the site of Gov. Dudle3''s \nmansion, and his well, the sole remaining memento of it, is \nstill in existence beneath that edifice. Rumor has it that \nthis mansion was the one originally erected at Newtown \n\n\nTHE DUDLEY ESTATE. 237 \n\n(Cambridge), removed thence on the governor's change of \nresidence in 1636, and concerning which Gov. Winthrop \ncharged him with extravagance in having it wainscoted. \nDudley replied to the charge, that the extravagance com- \nplained of was \" onl}' for the warmth of the house, and the \ncost small, and that the wainscoting consisted only of clap- \nboards nailed to the wall in the form of wainscoting.\" In its \nda}-, this was one of the best houses in the town. It con- \ntained two parlors, a parlor chamber, a hall chamber, stud}', \nand other rooms. The library, consisting principally of \nrehgious treatises and law books, contained also a few vol- \numes of histor}', and a poem, \" Y® Vision of Piers Plowman.\" \nFew of the earl}- settlers could afford the luxury of books, \ntheir scant collections consisting mainly of the writings of \nPuritan divines. \n\nThe old mansion was razed to the ground a few days after \nthe battle of Bunker's Hill, and its brick basement walls, \nfacing north and east, made the angle of the work that was \nerected here by the Americans. The entrenchments at this \npoint included the garden, and extended to the hill east of \nthe meeting-house. These were ploughed down soon after \nthe close of the war, by Gov. Sumner, who for some years \nprevious to his decease enjoyed possession of the land in right \nof his wife. In making the necessary excavations for the \nchurch, the wine cellar of the mansion was unearthed, and, \nstrange as it may seem, the liquors were, after a lapse of forty- \nfive years, found intact. \n\nMiantonomoh, the great sachem of Xarragansett, came \nhere in 16-40, and was \" well entertained\" by Gov. Dudley; \nbut refusing to treat by a Pequod interpreter, — and no \ngreater insult could have been offered to the proud warrior, \n— departed for Boston \" in a rude manner,\" says Winthrop, \n'• without shewing any respect or sign of thankfulness to the \ngovernor for his entertainment.\" A contemporary tells us \nthat this sachem \"was a very good personage, of tall stature, \n\n\n238 \n\n\nMIANTONOMOH. \n\n\n;i^^ \n\n\nsubtile and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty \nin his designs.\" AVhen before the Court at Boston, he was \nver}' deliberate in his answers, '^shewing a good understand- \ning in the principles of equity and justice, and great ingenu- \nit}'.\" He demanded that his accusers be brought liefore him \nface to face, and if the}- failed in proof then to lie made to \n\nsuffer what himself, if he had \nbeen found guilty, deserved, \n1 e., death. Defeated in a \nl)attle with Uncas, a rival \nchieftain, whom he had at- \ntacked unawares, he was \nmade prisoner, being unable \nto escape on account of the \narmor with which his friend \nSamuel Gorton had provided \nhim for the security' of his \n^ person. The haughty sachem \ndisdained to ask for his \nlife, and Uncas, who was disposed to bur}' the hatchet, acting \nupon the advice of the magistrates and ministers of the col- \nony, buried it in the skull of his defenceless captive. At \na later period Gov. Shute was, on his arrival in Boston, for \na time the guest of Chief- Justice Paul Dudley, and we may \nbe certain that during the entire colonial period no New \nEngland mansion entertained a larger number of visitors of \ndistinction. \n\nThe Dudley homestead, containing between five and six \nacres, lay between what are now Washington and Bartlett \nStreets on the south, and Roxbur}- Street on the north, ex- \ntending from Guild Row to Putnam Street, the eastern \nboundary of the land of the First Parish. Smelt Brook \nwas originally the eastern boundary of the homestead. \n\nThomas, eldest son of Col. William Dudley, came in pos- \nsession of the estate on the death of Judge Paul Dudley, it \n\n\nDEATH OF IIIANTONOIIOH. \n\n\nTHE DUDLEY ESTATE. 239 \n\nbeing entailed on the first male heir. He had several children, \nbut his brother Joseph had none, and wished him to take \nthe paternal estate, and keep up the style of the family. \nThomas, whose habits were those of a rough farmer, declined \ndoing this, professing his iuabilit}' to take charge of the estate \nin the way desired b}' his brother, telling him that if he in- \nsisted on his residing there and supporting the ancient man- \nner of living, he should put his oxen into the governor's \ncarriage instead of the family horses. Joseph urged the mat- \nter, and Thomas tried the experiment, and to show his con- \ntempt for ceremony or style, actually told his coachman to \nj'oke his oxen into the family carriage, and then getting into \nit ordered him to drive to Wood's, the pewterer, in Roxbury \nvStreet, where he bought a pewter cider mug, and then directed \nhim to \" gee round \" and return home. This laughable esca- \npade threw so much ridicule on the famil}' honors, that it in- \nduced Joseph to exchange \" the good farm in the woods,\" the \nresidence of Col. \"William Dudley, with his brother for the \nold homestead. The entail was accordingly broken in his \nfavor, and he occupied the family mansion until his removal \nto Boston, when it became the residence of Isaac \"Winslow, \nEsq. B}' his will, dated June 13, 1767, Joseph entailed it \nfor the benefit of his nephew, William Dudle}'. \n\nMr. Hyslop, the father-in-law of Increase Sumner, pur- \nchased of Joseph a portion of the estate, and gave it to his \ndaughter, who held possession until 1806, when Joseph, \neldest son of William Dudlej', recovered it bv a suit at law. \nAt this period, these acres, now covered with handsome \nbuildings, were an open field, with a pretty high hill where \nthe Eliot Church stands. In 1811 that part of Dudley Street \nwest of Washington was laid out through the estate and \naccepted b}' the town with its present name, and in 1825 the \nland on both sides of it having been alienated b}' Col. Dudley, \nits unthrifty owner, was cut up into house-lots and sold. \n\nThe distinguished family who flourished here for a century \n\n\n240 THOMAS DUDLEY. \n\nand a quarter, aud whose name and fame are inseparably \nconnected with Roxbmy, pkyed in its time an important part \nin the affairs of New England. It furnished two of its gov- \nernors, a chief justice, and a S^Deaker of the House, besides \nother less prominent but useful and honored citizens, and \nnumbers among its descendants man}' personages of note. \nA few onl}' of the name now remain in Eoxbury. \n\nThomas Dudle}^ second governor of Massachusetts, and one \nof the most eminent of the Puritan settlers of New England, \nwas the son of Capt. Roger Dudle}\", who was \" slaine in the \nwars.\" Brought up a page in the family of the Earl of North- \nampton, he was afterwards a clerk in the ofBce of Judge \nNichols, a kinsman of his mother, thus obtaining a knowl- \nedge of the law which was of great service to him in his after \ncareer, and early exhibited unusual inteUigence, courage, and \nprudence. These qualities procured for him at the age of \n\ntwent3'-one the captaincy of an \nEnglish company, which he led at \nthe siege of Amiens, under the heroic \nHenry of Navarre, and later on, the \nstewardship of the estate of the Earl of Lincoln, which he suc- \nceeded, by judicious management, in freeing from a heavy \nload of debt. A Puritan, and a parishioner of the famous John \nCotton, he with four others undertook, although he was then \nfifty years of age, the settlement of the Massachusetts Colonj^ \nand came OA^er with the charter as deputy governor in 1630. \nHis letter to the Countess of Lincoln depicts clearly and forci- \nblj'' the trials and obstacles that beset the pioneers to the \nwestern wilderness. Dudlej' at first settled in Newtown, but \nremoved to Rosbmy to place himself under the spiritual \ncharge of Eliot and Welde.' In 164:4, at the age of sixty- \neight, Dudley was chosen sergeant major-general, the highest \nmilitar}' office in the colonies. He was governor in 1634, \n1640, 1645, and 1650, and deputy governor or assistant in \nthe intervening years, and from the time of his arrival until \n\n\n^u) \n\n\nTHOMAS DUDLEY. 241 \n\nhis death, which took place at his home in Roxbuiy, on Jnly \n31, 1653, in his seventy-seventh year. \n\nDudley was a man of sound judgment, inflexible integrit}', \ngreat public spirit, and exemplar}- piety. How strongl}' he \nwas imbued with the intolerance of his age, is evident from \nthe prominent part he took in the banishment of Roger Wil- \nliams, Wheelwright, Anne Hutchinson, and others. \"I am \nfully persuaded,\" said he, '• that Anne Hutchinson is deluded \nb}- the devil.\" To an inquir}- from Holland, whether those \nthat differed from him in opinion, \" yet holding the same \nfoundation in religion, as anabaptists, antinomians, seekers, \nand the like, might be permitted to live among you,\" he \nmade this short answer : ' ' God forbid our love to the truth \nshould be grown so cold that we should tolerate errors.\" In \nhis will he bears this testimon}', \" I have hated and doe hate \nevery false way in religion, not oncly the old Idolatry and \nSuperstition of Poper}-, which is Avearing awa}', but much \nmore (as being much worse) the more heresies, blasphamies \nand error of late sprung upp in our native country of England \nand secretly received and fostered.\" Time brings his re- \nvenges, and it is worth noting, that on the site of the dwelling \nof Thomas Dudley, one of the most intolerant of men, now \nstands a Uuiversalist Church. After his death these lines \nwere found in his pocket : — \n\n\" Let men of God in courts and churches watch \nO'er such as do a toleration hatch, \nLest tliat ill egg bring forth a cockatrice \nTo poison all with heresy and vice. \nIf men be left and otherwise combine, \nMy epitaph 's, I dy'd no libertine.\" \n\nIt was said that Dudley carried prudence in laaone}' matters \nto an extreme bordering on '' close-fistedness,\" and that a \ntoo great eagerness for pecuniary gain was an obvious trait \nin his character. If so, it explains what Gov. Belcher is \nsaid to have written of him : — \n16 \n\n\n242 THOMAS DUDLEY. \n\n\" Here lies Thomas Dudley, that trusty old stud, \nA bargain 's a bargain, and must be made good.\" \n\nSterner, more exclusive, and less conciliatorj' in his manner \ntlian his contemporary, Winthrop, he doubtless suffered b}- \nthe comparison. Such was his independence that he \"with- \nstood magistrates and ministers when he thought them worthy \nof reproof,\" and would yield to no popular opinion to gain \nhonor and authorit}-. A dispute he had about a mortgage of \nland with Edward Howe, of \"Watertown, \" an occasion of \ngrief to godly minds and of reproach to the Court,\" led to the \nwholesome law for recording all deeds of conve^'ance. \n\nIt is amusing to read the account of the quarrel between \ntwo such patriarchs as Winthrop and Dudley. Winthrop is \nhimself the relator. He had accused Dudley of extortion \nand usury, because he had sold seven and a half bushels of \ncorn to receive ten for them after harvest. Dudley replied \nthat he had done nothing illegal, and among other \" hot words \nabout it,\" told the governor that if he had thought that he \nhad sent for him to his house to give him such usage, he would \nnot have come there. He, in turn, complained that Winthrop \nhad exercised too much authority, and demanded of him \nhow he had derived such power, whether from the patent or \notherwise. The governor smartly replied that he had not \nexceeded his authority, and \" speaking somewhat apprehen- \nsively,\" as he himself says, the deputy began to be in a pas- \nsion, and told the governor that if he \" were so round he \nwould be round too.\" Then the governor \"bade him be \nround if he would.\" So the deputy' rose up in great fmy and \npassion, and the governor grew very hot also, so as the}' both \nfell into bitterness, but by mediation of the mediators they \nwere pacified. \n\nThe differences that had long subsisted between them ter- \nminated, as it was most fit thej'' should, at Concord. Win- \nthrop's Journal, under date of April 24, 1638, presents us \nwith this charming picture of mutual concession and fraternal \nlove : — \n\n\nTHOMAS DUDLEY. 243 \n\n\" The governor aud deputy went to Concord to view some laud for \nfarms, and going down the river about four miles they made choice \nof a place for one thousand acres for each of them. They offered \neach other the first choice, but because the deputy's was first granted \nand himself had store of land already, the governor yielded him the \nchoice. So at the place where the deputy's land was to begin there \nwere two great stones, which they called the 'Two Brothers,' in \nremembrance that they were brothers by their children's marriage, \nand did so brotherly agree, and for that a little creek near those \nstones was to part their lands.\" \n\nHis daughter, Anne Dudley, who married Gov. Bradstreet, \nbecame quite celebrated as a poet. A volume from her pen, \nprinted in 1650, is the first book of poetry published in \nAmerica. Among her descendants, inheritors of her poetic \ngenius, two names occur well known to American literature, \n— Oliver Wendell Holmes and Richard H. Dana. In her \nelegy on her father are these lines : — \n\n\" One of the founders, him New England know, \nWho staid thy feeble sides when thou wast low, \nWho spent his state, his strength, and years with care \nThat after comers in them might liave share; \nTrue patriot of this little commonweal, \nWho is 't can tax thee aught but for thy zeal? \nTruth's friend thou wert, to error still a foe, \nWhich caused apostates to malign thee so. \nLet maUce bite and envy gnaw its fill. \nHe was my father, and I '11 praise him still. \" \n\nThis epitaph is also from her pen : — \n\n\"Within this tomb a patriot lies. \nThat was both pious, just, and wise. \nTo truth a shield, to right a wall, \nTo sectaries a whip and maul; \nA magazine of history, \nA prizer of good company, \nIn manners pleasant and severe. \nThe good him loved, the bad did fear; \nAnd when his time with years was spent, \nIf some rejoiced, more did lament.\" \n\n\n244 JOSEPH DUDLEY. \n\nJoseph, son of Gov. Thomas Dudle}', was born in Roxbur}', \nJul3^23, 1647, after his father had attained the age of sev- \nenty. He was educated for the ministr}', but soon turned his \nthoughts to civil affairs, early devoting himself to public \nbusiness with distinguished abilit}' and diligence. Possessing \ntalents of a high order, he held many public offices. He was \npresent at the battle with the Narragansetts in December, \n1G75, and as one of the commissioners, dictated the terms of \na treaty with that once-powerful tribe. He was a member of \nthe General Court from 1673 to 1675 ; one of the commis- \nsioners for the United Colonies from 1677 to 1681 ; an \nassistant from 1676 to 1685 ; president of New England, by \na commission from James II, dated 27th September, 1685, \nuntil December, 1686 ; president of the council and chief \njustice of the Supreme Court in 1687-89 ; chief justice of \nNew York in 1691-92 ; deputy governor of tlie Isle of Wight, \nEngland, from 1694 to 1702 ; member of the British Parlia- \nment for Newton, England, in 1701; and finally closed his \nlong official career as governor of Massachusetts from 1702 \nto 1715. \n\nDudley then retired to his rural liome in Roxbury, where \nhe died on April 2, 1720. \" He was buried,\" sa3'sthe \"Bos- \nton News Letter,\" \"on the eiglith, in the sepulchre of his \nfathers, with all the honors and respect his country was \ncapable of doing him. He was a man of rare endowments \nand shining accomplishments, a singular honor to his coun- \ntry. He was early its darling, alwa3's its ornament, and in \nage its crown. The scholar, the divine, the philosopher, and \nthe law3'er all met in him.\" Two regiments of infantry and \ntwo companies of cavalry took part in his funeral, minute- \nguns were fired from the Castle, and all the bells in Boston \nwere tolled. This excessive eulogy and these public funeral \nhonors, taken in connection with the intense hatred his earlier \npolitical conduct had excited, mark him out as an extraordi- \nnary^ man, and such, indeed, he was. \n\n\nJoseph Dudley. \n\n\nJOSEPH DUDLEY. 245 \n\nWhen the final effort was made, in 1682, to save the charter \nof the colon}', Joseph Dudley and John Richards were sent to \nEngland as its agents. \" Necessit}' and not duty,\" wrote \nRandolph, the English commissioner, \"hath obliged this \ngovernment to send over two agents. They are like to the two \nconsuls of Rome, Caesar and Bibulus. Major Dudley, if he \nfinds things resoluteh' managed, will cringe and bow to any- \nthing.\" The agents found on arrival, that his Majest}' was \n\" greatl}- provoked \" at the long dela}' of the colony in send- \ning them, and as thej' were instructed not to give up the \ncharter, could effect nothing. Dudley, whose advice for its \nsurrender had cost him his popularity at home, remained, \nbecame a prominent candidate for the chief magistracj', and \nreturned with the coveted commission, which he retained \nuntil superseded by Andros, in December, 1686. As presi- \ndent of the council in the oppressive government then sot up, \nand all the more as a native citizen upon whom the}' had \nheaped their honors, he incurred the extreme resentment of \nthe people, and on its overthrow in April, 1689, Dudle}', who \nas chief justice was upon the circuit of Narragansett, was \nseized at Providence, brought to Boston, thrust into jail, \nand treated with great severit}'. \n\nIn his letters and petitions to the council for enlargement, \nDudley makes no attempt to excuse his political conduct, but \nartfully appeals to their sympathies, urging his \" unsteady \nhealth,\" and the \" ruine \" to his affairs, having a great family \nto support, desires their Christian consideration of these \nthings, and professes to have no other interest nor desire but \nsuch as should promote ' ' the security of religion and liberty \nin the English nation.\" Those familiar with Dudley's \ncharacter, — and the men he addressed knew it well, — must \nhave received the latter assurance with no little incredulity. \nThe}', however, were wiUing to mitigate the hardships of \nwhich he complained, but the people would not consent, and, \nas we shall see, promptly and effectually reversed their action. \n\n\n246 JOSEPH DUDLEY. \n\nDudle3''s case was taken into consideration by the General \nCourt, which resolved, on June 28th, \" that Mr. Jo. Dudley \nis not baylable,\" but a little later arrived at this more lenient \nconclusion : — \n\n\" Upon the several motions of Mr. Joseph Dudley, aud in consid- \neration of his great indisposition of body. It 's ordered that he \nshall be forthwith removed from the prison and confined to his own \nhouse at Roxbury till further order, not to go out of his said house \nor precincts of his yard or backside adjoining, at any time except to \nthe publique worship of God on the Sabbath and lecture days, and \nthat under a sufficient gard to conduct him from his own house to \ny«= said meeting and back again, which gard is to be ordered and \nappointed by the captain of the Foot company in Eoxbury. And he \nthe said Mr. Dudley to give bond to the value of 10,000 pounds with \nsufficient sureties, to be and remain a true prisoner according to the \ncontents and true meaning of this order, until he shall be released by \norder of law, or otherwise disposed of by direction from the gov- \nernment of the Mass. colony.\" \n\nHaving given the required bond, his prison doors were \nopened aud he hastened home, happy to exchange its gloomy \nwalls for those of his comfortable mansion in Roxbur}'. His \nenjoj'ment, however, was of very brief duration, for, — \n\n\" About twelve o'clock at night, being Saturday night, about two \nhundred or three hundred of the rabble, Dearing and Soule ' heading \nof them,' went and broke open his house and brought him to town. \nThe keeper of the jail would not receive him, aud they took him \nto Mr. Paige's (whose wife was a sister of Dudley's). Monday \nnight, the 15th, they broke into Mr. Paige's house, smashing bis \nwindows in the search for Dudley, who promised to go to prison \nagain, and remain until the fury of the people should be allayed. \nThe 16th iust. Mr. Dudley walked to the prison, accompanied with \nseveral gentlemen, there being no stilling the people otherwise.\" \n\nA letter of October 4 shows Dudley still dissatisfied with \nprison life and fearful for his health. He writes : — \n\n\"I have sufi'ered neer six mouths' imprisonment to y* very great \nhurt of my health and occasions necessary for y« support of a gi'eat \n\n\nJOSEPH DUDLEY. 247 \n\nfamily. Above twelve weeks since, at y« direction of Mr. Adding- \nton, and as he acquainted mee by order of yourselves, I gave a very \nextraordinary and unusual bond to obtain but the sight of my family \nand the benefit of so much air as was necessary to save me from \nperishing, which lasted me but three or four hours, when I received \na very urgent letter from Mr. Bradstreet for my return to y\" prison \nto save y« rage of y» people at that instant. I have since been \noften told that a very few days should bring me that ease and rest \nwhich I desire, but the time is passed hitherto and now the winter \nis approaching, the inconveniences whereof I am unable to bear. I \nentreat you at large to consider and resolve what may be agreeable \nto reason and justice and not to see my destruction and mine, but to \nshew me the kmdness of a bi'other, as God knoweth I am. I have \nno interests nor hopes but what is in common with my country, \nwhose present sufferings I take my share of, and hope that nobody \nprofessing religion can take pleasure in these strange methods of \nlate used towards mee.\" \n\nThe boon he had so often prayed for was at last accorded, \nand on Jan. 7, 1690, after an imprisonment of nearly nine \nmonths, Dudley was permitted to go under guard to his family \nto settle his affairs, and on the 9th of February following, \nSailed with his fellow-prisoners for England. He was favor- \nabh' received there, and the appointment of chief justice of \nNew York was conferred upon him, but after holding it less \nthan two jears he was suspended from oflSce on account of his \ncontinued residence in Roxbur^-. \"While occupying this posi- \ntion, the trial and condemnation of Jacob Leisler for proceed- \nings similar to those by which the patriots of Massachusetts \nhad rid themselves of Andros, occurred, increasing his un- \npopularity at home. Returning to England in 1693, he con- \ntinued his efforts to obtain the government of Massachusetts, \nrenewing them on the death of Sir William Phips, and again, \nthis time with success, on the decease of Lord Bellomont in \n1701. Dudley had been tr3'ing to reconcile his countrymen \never since the Revolution. His famil}^ interest was large. \nStoughton, the lieutenant-governor, retained his friendship \nand secretly corresponded with him. By his superior sense \n\n\n248 JOSEPH DUDLEY. \n\nand polished manners he acquired the notice and esteem of \nmany considerable persons at Court. \n\nSir Richard Steele, one of the famous coterie of wits of \nQueen Anne's reign, and the daily companion of Dudle}' dur- \ning his last residence in London, acknowledged that \" he \nowed an abundance of those fine thoughts and the manner of \nexpressing them, which he has since presented to the world, \nto his happy acquaintance with Col. Dudle}', and that he had \none quality which he never knew any man possessed of but \nhim, which was, that he could talk him down into tears when \nhe had a mind to it by the command he had of fine thoughts \nand words adapted to move the afiections.\" To the dissenters \nin England he recommended himself b}- a grave, serious de- \nportment, recovering also the favor of man}' of the New Eng- \nland ministers, and even had the address to reconcile himself \nto Rev. Cotton Mather, from whom he obtained a letter favor- \ning his cause, which he made known to the king, and which \nremoved his objection to Dudley on the score of his being so \nobnoxious to the people. His income was moderate, yet with \neconomy he made a decent appearance in England, and edu- \ncated several of his children there. \n\nOne of the last of the official acts of William III was to \ncommission Joseph Dudlej' governor of the colony of Mas- \nsachusetts Ba}'. \" It was a proud day for Joseph Dudley,\" \nsays the historian Palfre}', \" when, after ten j'ears of uneasy \nabsence from home, he landed from the ' Centurion ' man-of- \nwar, under a salute that shook the town, and went up King \nStreet to the Province House to assume the government for \nQueen Anne.\" Though received with marks of respect, the \nprejudices against him were great, and for the first seven \n3'ears he had no rest. So unpopular was he, even in his native \ntown, that the people of Roxbur}' would not have Mr. John \nBarnard, afterwards so eminent as the minister of Marble- \nhead, for their minister, because that excellent man had \naccepted some particular attentions from the governor. His \n\n\nJOSEPH DUDLEY. 249 \n\npolic}'' of gaining over his enemies (for he was sure of his \nfriends) at length brought him ease and quiet, so that the last \ndays of his administration were his best da3-s. \n\nDudley paid an earl}' visit to Rev. Cotton Mather. A let- \nter-writer of the period tells us, \" Mr. Dudley hath been with \nthe 3'oung pope, who hath absolved him of whatever hath \nbeen amiss, so that now he is a very good man.\" At this \ninterview, Mather advised him not to come under the influ- \nence of B3-field and Leverett. \"The wretch,\" says Mather, \nin his diar}', \" went unto these men and told them that I had \nadvised him to be in no ways advised b}' them, and influenced \nthem into an implacable rage against me.\" Mather had set \nhis heart upon the presidency of Harvard College. After the \nchoice of Leverett to fill that office, a choice that Dudley had \npromoted, there was war to the knife between Dudley and the \nMathers, father and son. Both wrote him angry letters, \ncharging him with unrighteousness ; with plotting against tlie \nliberties of the province ; with the \" guilt of innocent blood \" \nin the cases of Leisler and Milburu ; with \" covetousness, \nthe main channel of which has l)een the reign ofhribery which \nyou, sir, have set up in the land where it was hardl}' known \ntill j'ou brought it in fashion \" ; and with spending his Sundaj' \nafternoons with some persons \" reputed very ungodly.\" \n\nThe governor replied in a calm and dignifled manner, reprov- \ning them for the spirit and temper of their letters in which he \nwas treated with an air of superiority and contempt, and for \ntheir great credulity in raking together whatever had been \nimputed to him '\"these man}' years the bruit of the town,\" \neither through prejudice or mistake, as a foundation for such \ngrave charges. \" Why,\" asks he, \" have you been so long \nsilent, and suffered sin to lie upon me year after year ? It is \nvain to pretend Christian love and respect, or zeal for the \nhonor of God, or public good, vain to pretend pressure of \nconscience just at this season. Every one can see through the \npretence, and is able to account for the spring of these letters. \n\n\n250 JOSEPH DUDLET. \n\nand how they would have been prevented without easing any \ngrievances j'ou complain of. Your wrath against me is cruel, \nand will not be justified.\" He well knew what was the root \nof their bitterness, and closes his letter by thus exposing it : \n\" The college must be disposed against the opinion of all the \nministers in New England except j-ourselves, or the governor \ntorn in pieces. This is the view I have of your inclination.\" \n\nApplying himself with great diligence to the public business. \nGov. Dudley conducted the wars with the French and the \neastern Indians, terminated in 1713 bj' the treat}^ of Utrecht, \nwith good judgment; but the death of the queen in 1714, and \ntlie accession of a new sovereign who knew not Joseph, paved \nthe wa}^ for his retirement, which took place in November, \n1715. \n\nNo native of New England has ever experienced so many \nvicissitudes, and enjoyed so many public honors and oflSces, \nas Joseph Dudley. In private life he was amiable, affable, \nand polite, elegant in his manners, and courteous in his \nintercourse with all classes. Had he remained in this sphere \nhe would have been justly esteemed. His person was large, \nand his countenance open, dignified, and intelligent. The \n\"News Letter\" of April 11, 1720, says, \"'He was a very \ncomely person, of a noble aspect and a graceful mien, hav- \ning the gravity of a judge and the goodness of a father. \nIn a word, he was a finish't gentleman of a most polite \naddress, and had uncommon elegancies and charms in his \nconversation.\" Ambition was his ruling passion, and in \nattaining his ends, means were a secondary' consideration. \nHis cringing to Randolph, when at heart he despised him, \nwas a blot on his character, and his secret insinuations to the \ndisadvantage of his country were a greater, both being for the \nsake of recommending himself to court favor. Grave and \ndignified on the bench, he managed the affairs of the prov- \nince with success, and supported the dignity of a governor at \nthe same time that he added largely to his patrimonial estate \n\n\nPAUL DUDLEY. 251 \n\nby his excellence as au economist. He was the first native \nof New England to sit in the British Parliament. \" Of all the \nstatesmen,\" saj's President Quinc}', \" who have been in- \nstrumental in promoting the interests of Harvard College, \nJoseph Dudle}' was the most influential in giving to its con- \nstitution a permanent character.\" Besides his benefactions \nto the college, he gave £50 b}- will to the Roxbury school, for \nthe support of a Latin master. \n\nPaul, son of Gov. Joseph Dudley, was born at the old \nhomestead in 1675, and after graduating at Harvard College, \nin 1690, went to London and studied law at the Temple. \nWhen in 1702 his father was made governor, he accompa- \nnied him hither with the commission of attorney-general of \nthe province. He was afterwards a member of the Legislature, \nand of the Executive Council, and Speaker of the House. In \n1718 he became a justice of the Supreme Court, and from \n1745 until his death, which took place on Jan. 25, 1751, was \nchief justice of Massachusetts. He was a thorough and \naccomplished lawj'er, and on the bench displa^-ed quick \napprehension, uncommon strength of memory, and extensive \nknowledge. The manner of the celebrated jurist. Lord Mans- \nfield, is said to have been like his. When he spoke it was \nwith such authorit}' and peculiar energy of expression as \nnever failed to command attention and deeply impress the \nminds of all who heard him. \" Thus,\" sa^-s Chief-Justice \nSewall, his successor, \"while with pure hands and an upright \nheart he administered justice in his circuit through the \nprovince, he gained the general esteem and veneration of the \npeople.\" \n\nBeginning his career with great zeal on the side of the \nCrown, and sustaining measures tending to abridge colonial \nprivileges, he became unpopular, and shared with his father in \nthe bitter animosit}' of the Mathers. His talents and inde- \npendence in office gradual!}' reinstated him in the favor of the \npeople. To him may be traced many of the reforms which \n\n\n252 PAUL DUDLEr. \n\nobtained in the practice of the courts and the mode of admin- \nistering justice. That he was at times inclined to be arbi- \ntrary is evident from a tradition, that having one day driven \nalong as far as Increase Sumner's, on his -way to Boston, he \nstopped and demanded of a laboring man who was passing, \nthat he should go to his (the judge's) house and fetch a law- \nbook he had left behind. The man seemed astonished at the \ndemand, but asked, \"Can one fetch it, sir?\" \"Oh, yes,\" \nsaid Dudley. \" Then go yourself,\" was the repl}'. \n\nPaul Dudley was one of the few Americans who have been \nhonored by an election to the Royal Society of London, to \nwhose \"Transactions\" he contributed materials for the nat- \nural history of New England. He was a benefactor of \nHarvard College, and in his will provided for the annual \n\" Dudleian \" lecture to be delivered before it. These lectures \nhave of late been discontinued. One of the four subjects to \nbe treated was, — \n\n\" The detecting aud convicting and exposing the idolatry of the \nEomish Church, their tyrannous usurpations, damnable lieresies, \nfatal errors, abominable superstitious, and other crying wicked- \nnesses in their high places, and finally that the Church of Eome is \nthat mystical Babylon, that man of siu, that apostate church spoken \nof in the New Testament.\" \n\nAt a town meeting held in March, 1720, the selectmen of \nRoxbur}' were desired to return thanks to the Hon. Paul \nDudle}' for building the upper stone l)ridge over Smelt Brook \nin the town street, and that henceforth it be called by the \nname of \"Dudley's Bridge.\" The flood of time has swept \nthis memorial into oblivion. Other and more durable monu- \nments of his beneficence still remain in the old milestones yet \nextant in Roxbury, marked with the initials \" P. D.\" Judge \nPaul, and Col. WilUam Dudley, his brother, were, with Col. \nFitch, the original proprietors of what is now the town of \nDudle}', Mass., then a tract of land lying between Oxford \nand Woodstock, on the Connecticut line, fift^'-five miles west \nof Boston. \n\n\nPAUL DUDLEY \n\n\n253 \n\n\nlu 1703, soon after his return to his native country, he \nmarried Luc}', daughter of Col. Joliu Wainwright, of Ips- \nwich. A specimen of the epistolary courtship of that da}' is \n\n\nPAUL DTTDLET. \n\n\npreserved ni a letter he addressed to Mrs. Davenport, the \nsister of his \"divine mistress.\" As we peruse it in cold \nblood, it is easy to believe that the lady to whom it was ad- \n\n\n254 \n\n\nPAUL DUDLEY. \n\n\ndressed '• smiled all along\" as she read this ardent outpour- \ning of his '-most sincere, passionate, dutiful!, and constant \nsoul.\" Here it is : — • \n\n\n\" Dear Mada:\\i, — It is Impossible but that you must take notice \nof that most aflfectionate Respect and Dutiful Passion I Bear to your \nmost charming and amiable Sister, and you as easily Guess at my \nDesign in it, which I Blush at the thought of But the just Honour \nand Regard I have and ought to have to Col \"Wainwright and His \nlady in this affair, forbids my pursuing it any further till I have \n\nmentioned it to them ; for \nWhich Reason it is that \nI am now going Hither \n(Tho' with a Trembling \nand heavy heart) and \nCarry with me a letter \nfrom the Governour to \nyour Father that he \nwould please allow me to \nwait upon my Sweetest, \nfairest Dearest Lucy. \nBut Unless My Dearest \nDame will assist and \nmake An Interest for me \nI Cant Hope for Success. \nI Confess I have no \ngrounds To ask or Ex- \npect such a favor from \nyou, unless it Be by re- \nminding you of The many \nobligations you have al- \nready laid Me Under, and this is an argument that goes a great way \nwith Noble and Generous minds, and I am sure if you did but know \nwhat I Undergoe Both Day and Night, You would Pity me at least, \nI must beg of You, therefore. If you have any Regard to my Health \nand happiness, I might say to my life. You would show j^our Com- \npassion and friendship To me in this matter ; and Hereby lay such \nan obligation upon me as shall not, cannot Ever Be forgotten.* I \nBeg a thousand Pardons of my Dame for this freedom; And Pray \nher not to Exijose my folly to any one, tho\" If She thinks it proper, \nor that it will Doe me any Service, She may Read (to the mark \n\n\n\"yh. \n\n\nLUCY DUDLEY. \n\n\nISAAC wmsLOW. 255 \n\nabove) to my Divine Mistress ; I know you have smiled all along, \nand By this time are weary of my Scrawle. I'll have Done, there- \nfore, when I have asked the favour of you to present, as on my \nknees, my most Sincere, passionate, DutifuU, and Constant Soul to \nMy Charming Nymph, \"With whom I hope to find It upon My Re- \nturn, of which I shall be most Impatient. \n\n\"Dear Madam, I once more beg pardon of You, and pray You to \nthink me in Earnest in what I Write, for Every \"Word of it Comes \nfrom the Bottom of My Soul, and I Hope Before I have done to \nConvince My Dearest Lucy of the truth of it tho' as yet She Believes \nnothing that I say to her. Madam, I am, with all aflection and \nEespect your most obliged tho' now Distressful Humble Servant, \n\n\"PAUL DUDLEY. \n\n\"You may show all of this letter if you think fit, Mrs. Daven- \nport.\" \n\nMrs. Lucy Dudle}' died Oct. 24, 1756, aged seventj'-two. \nIn a funeral sermon preached b}^ Eev. Amos Adams, this \ntribute is paid to her exalted character : \"She, for abilities \nof mind, for wisdom, knowledge, prudence, discretion, a \nheavenly temper, pure morals, unaffected piet}', shining \ngraces, and an unsullied character, has been rarel}' equalled \nby any of her sex among us.\" \n\nThe last occupant of the Dudley mansion was Isaac Win- \nslow, Esq., a gentleman highty esteemed for his benevolence \nand other virtues. He was third in descent from John, \nbrother of Gov. Edward Winslow, graduated at Harvard \nCollege in 1727, then entered the counting-room of James \nBowdoin, a principal merchant of Boston, and subsequentl}-, \nwith his brother Joshua, carried on an extensive and profita- \nble business in that city. With the proceeds of consignments \nfrom Bristol, England, vessels were built in Boston and \nloaded with fish for Leghorn, or some other foreign port, \nreturn cargoes being taken for Bristol. They also became \nconsiderable shipowners, and had one ship constantly' in the \nLondon trade. Joshua was one of the consignees of the \nfamous tea destroyed in Boston Harbor in 1773. Isaac retired \n\n\n256 ISAAC WINSLOW. \n\nfrom business in 1753, when he became a resident of Rox- \nbur}', occup}ing at first a house on the north side of Roxbury \nSti'eet, nearly opposite the Universalist Church, and after the \ndeath of Madam Lucj Dudle}', the widow of Judge Paul, in \n1756, made Dudley house his home. In June, 1760, he \nreceived the thanks of the town for a gift of land near Meet- \ning-House Hill. \n\nWinslow seems at first to have taken part with his country- \nmen in their resistance to the mother country,\" for in 1772 he \nwas made chairman of the Eoxbury Committee of Correspond- \nence. He was, however, too conservative to suit the temper \nof the times, and the committee's first report, saj's the old \nrecord, \" made great uneasiness in the meeting, and numbers \nof the inhabitants withdrew.\" We next find him a \"man- \ndamus councillor,\" one of a body of advisers of the governor, \nformerly chosen by the province, but now appointed by Gage, \nthe roj'al governor. Andrews's diar}^ under date of Aug. 29, \n1774, says, \"It is rumored this morning that a comjaany or \ntwo has marched for Roxbur}', as there is to be a town meet- \ning this day.\" Next day he says, \" They (the townspeople) \nmet with no interruption in the business of their meeting, \nsave that Isaac Winslow attended, and declared his entire \nwillingness to resign his councillorship ; made an apology for \nhis acceptance of it, and said it was more owing to the per- \nsuasions of others than to his own inclination.\" \n\nSays the \"Boston Gazette\" of Sept. 5, 1774: \"We are \nable to assure the public, upon good authority', that Isaac \nWinslow, Esq., one of the latel}' appointed councillors, waited \non Gov. Gage last Monday, when he made an absolute and \nfull resignation of his place at the board, since which, he has \nnot appeared in council, but given the strongest assurances \nthat he never will act in that station.\" \n\nThough a loj'alist, his moderation and his character as a \nman made him far less obnoxious than his Tory townsmen, \nAuchmuty, Hallowell, Hutchinson, and Loring. His virtues, \n\n\nUNIVERSALIST CHURCH. 257 \n\nhowever, could not save him, and immediately after the Lexing- \nton affair, he took refuge in Boston. The Committee of Safet}* \nvoted on April 30, 1775, \" That a permit be required for Mr. \nIsaac Winslow's effects to be carried into the town of Boston \nfrom Roxbur}-, to-morrow.\" Xext da}- the}* order Col. Ger- \nrish to deliver permits for such as desire to enter Boston \nwith their effects, at the house of Mr. John Greaton, Rox- \nbury. \" All such, to be protected from any injury or insult \nwhatever, in their removal.\" In March, 1776, with his family \nof ten persons, he accompanied the royal army to Halifax, \nand died in New York in the following year. His first wife, \nLucj', daughter of Gen. Samuel Waldo, died in Roxbur}' in \n17G8, at the age of forty-three. A fine large oil painting, by \nBlackburn, representing the family in the garden of the Dud- \nle}' house, is now in the possession of Mr. Samuel Winslow, \na great-grandson of Isaac. \n\n1820-1 is a marked year in the history of religious opin- \nions in this town, for it is the date of the formation of two \nparishes in Roxbur}', the Baptist and the Universalist, both \nat that time considered heretical, and both largely made up \nof seceders from the First Church, then the only religious \norganization east of Jamaica Plain. The first Universalist \nsermon ever heard in Roxbury was delivered in the First \nChurch, with Dr. Porter's permission, by Elhanan \"Winchester, \nin 1798. Twenty years later. Rev. Hosea Ballou began a \ncourse of Sunday-evening lectures in Roxbury, assisted on \nalternate weeks by Rev. Paul Dean. These, as well as the \nbusiness meetings of the parish, were held in the Town Hall \nuntil the completion of the church edifice. \n\nThe First Universalist Society in Roxbury was incorporated \nFeb. 24, 1820, on the petition of Samuel Parker, William \nHaunaford, W. J. Newman, Samuel S. Williams, and others. \nPurchasing its well-selected site for one thousand dollars, the \npresent commodious building was completed in December, \nand on Jan. 4, 1821, Rev. Hosea Ballou preached the dedi- \n17 \n\n\n258 \n\n\nUNIVERSAI.IST CHURCH. \n\n\ncation sermon, since which time services have been regularly \nheld within its walls. When the corner-stone was laid, the \nRev. Dr. Porter participated in the services, and walked in \nthe procession arm-in-arm with Father Ballon. At the instal- \nlation of its first pastor, Rev. Hosea Ballon, 2d, on July 2(3, \n\n1821, an original hymn, \nof considerable merit, was \ncontributed by Mr. John \nHowe, of Roxbur}-. A \nchurch of twenty -two mem- \nbers having been gathered, \nit was publicly recognized \non Jan. 4, 1822, and a ser- \nmon was preached on the \noccasion by Rev, Edward \nTurner. During ]Mr. Ry- \nder's administration one \nhundred and thirty - six \nmembers were added, and \n'the edifice was renovated \nand repaired. The high \npulpit was taken down, and \nthe old square pews made \nway for the more graceful \ncircular seats of to-da}'. \nIn March, 18GG, the chapel, erected in 1841, was greatly en- \nlarged and improved. \n\nIntemperance was very prevalent in this section sixty ^-ears \nago. \" Roxbury Neck\" was then, and for some time after, a \ngeneral rendezvous for marketing. A portion of what is \ncalled the \" Point\" was especially riotous and drunken. Dr. \nBallon found in a layman of the town, Edwin Lemist, a faith- \nful co-worker in the warfare against intemperance and dis- \norder, and succeeded in impressing his views and feelings so \nthoroughly upon the entire parish that its work, both for tem- \n\n\n■UNIVERSALIST CHURCH. \n\n\nTOWN HOUSE. 259 \n\nperance and religion, lias ever since been well and faith- \nfully done. \n\nRev. Mr. Patterson, in his historical discourse, from which \nman}' of these facts have been gathered, refers thus to the \n\"manly man\" who for many 3'ears collected and disbursed \nthe revenues of the society. Says Mr. Patterson : — \n\n\" If ever there was a faithful official, Joseph W. Dudley was that \nofficial. It was one of the fuudameutal doctrines of his religion \nthat the minister is a man needing food and raiment and shelter \njust like other men; that the laborer is worthy of his hire, and that \na failure to receive it at tlie appointed and expected time may em- \nbarrass him, just as it would any other man. When we thanked \nhim for a payment, as it was our pleasure to do, he would respond, \n' No thanks ; it 's yours ; j'ou 've earned it ' ; often adding, ' I wish it \nwas more,' and sometimes saying, with a bright twinkle in his eye, \nthat when he ' hired a man and paid him promptly, he expected him \nto stay at home and do his own work, and not be running off and \nsending some bungler in his place.' \" \n\nPASTORS OF THE FtKST UNIVERSALIS! SOCIETY. \n\nHosEA Ballou, 2d, D. D., 26 July, 1821, 23 April, 1838. \n\nAsHER Moore, January, 1839, 1840. \n\nCyrus H. Fay, January, 1841, 26 March, 1849. \n\nW.M. H. Ryder, D. D., November, 1849, January, 1859. \n\nJ. G. Bartholomew, D. D., 19 July 1860, 1 Jan., 1866. \nAdoxir^\\3I J. Patterson, D.D. September, 1866. \n\nCol. Joseph Dudley-, in 1810, gave a portion of his patrimo- \nnial estate as a site for a Town House. A two-story brick \nbuilding was erected, and was so far completed in February, \n1811, that a town meeting was then held there. The use of the \nupper story was granted by the town in 1818 to the Norfolk \nGuards, for an armory. A grammar school was subse- \nquently kept there, and in 1826 its basement was leased to \nNathaniel Dorr for a market. After 1846 it was known as \nthe City Hall. Latterly it was used as a Court House, hav- \ning cells for prisoners in its basement. Since its demolition, \nin 1873, to make room for the Dudley School building, the \n\n\n260 TOWN HOUSE. \n\nhuge pineapple that formerly surmounted the edifice has \nadorned a paint shop on Bartlett Street. \n\nAn entry in the town records in 1683 of money paid John \nEuggles for \" mending the Town Hous,\" imphes that at that \ntime such an edifice existed, though all knowledge of its \nlocation has lono- been forgotten. Town meetings were in \n\n\nTOWN HOUSE. \n\n\nthe olden time usuall}' held in the old meeting-house, parish \nand town affairs being transacted at the same time and \nl^lace, no distinction being made between them. In the \nearliest days, \"Brother John Johnson's house\" was occa- \nsionally the place of meeting. While the First Church was \nrebuilding in 1803—4, meetings were held in the brick build- \ning since known as Ionic Hall ; and from March, 1805, until \nthe completion of the Town Hall, the room over Nathaniel \nRuggle's store, on Centre Street, served the purpose. The \ntown meeting and the pulpit were in those days almost the \nsole agencies in the formation of public opinion. \n\nBy the fire in Capt. John Johnson's house in April, 1G45, \n\n\nTOWN HOUSE. 261 \n\nall the records of the town were destroj-ed. The earliest \nexisting volume begins with a memorandum respecting the \ngarrison at the Castle, dated 1647. Then follows a note of \nthe five men chosen to \" order town afi'airs,\" the appoint- \nment of a committee to repair the church, and references to \nthe fining of such as have no ladders to gain access to their \nhouse-tops in case of fire ; these are all previous to 1652, since \nwhen the records have been regularl}' kept. The Record of \nHouses and Lands contains this memorandum : — \n\n\"We whose names are underwritten being chosen by the towue \nupon the 29th of Jan. fifty four to examine tlie transcript wliich \nEdward Denisou was to write out according to the coppies deliv- \nered to him, having examined the said transcript upon the llth of \nFeb. fifty four, we find that he hatli performed exactly according to \nthe coppies committed to his charge what he was entrusted with to \nwrite for the towne so far as we are able to discerne. Witness our \n\nhands \n\n\"John Johnson \n\nWilliam Parke \n\nGriffin Craft \n\nEdward Eig\" \n\nThere is also an earl}' volume containing the record of \nbirths, marriages, and deaths. The other original sources of \ninformation concerning the town are the records of the \nchurches, more especially those of the First Parish and those \nof the old grammar school, and the colonial records. \n\nThe institution of towns with their government of select- \nmen had its origin in Massachusetts. They were established \nby the act of the General Court, granting a tract of land to a \ncompany of persons understood to be capable of supporting a \nminister. This land was held b}' them at first as proprietors \nin common. Each town had quite early a board of select- \nmen, a clerk, a treasurer, one or more surveyors of highways, \na constable, and one or more tithiug-men. They transacted \nthe joint business. — to build the meeting-house, to choose \nand support the minister, admit new associates, distribute \n\n\n262 SELECTMEN. \n\nthe lands among^ individuals, make the roads, preserve order, \nmake by-laws, to assess and collect taxes for town expenses, \nto apprentice the children of pauper parents, and to regulate \na variet}' of miscellaneous affairs. The constable's duties \nappear to have embraced those of treasurer, town crier, \nkeeper of the peace, and sheriff. \n\nIn 1649 the town voted that \" Y^ five men shall have for \ny® present 3'eere full power to make and execute such orders \nas they in their apprehension shall think to be conducing to \nthe good of the town.\" They were also empowered \" to \norder and dispose of all single persons and inmates within \nthe town who lived an idle and dissolute life to service or \notherwise,\" — an admirable regulation, and one the re-enact- \nment of which would be most salutary. These \" selectmen\" \nwere for a long time the onl}' town oflScers. In 1G65 five \npounds a year was allowed them towards their loss of time \nand expenses. Refusal or neglect to accept a town office was \npunished bj^ a fine of forty shillings. By the colonial law of \n1631, none but church members could become freemen or \nvoters, — a state of things that ceased with the abrogation of \nthe old charter by Charles II. Subsequently, a single rate \nor tax on £20, besides poll tax, was required. In voting, \neach kernel of corn counted in the affirmative and each bean \nin the negative. Notices of town meetings and official proc- \nlamations were affixed to the meeting-house door as the most \npublic place. Ballot stuffing or other \"little irregularities\" \nhaving crept in, the town in November, 1670, — \n\n\" Voated, that for the better regulating aud maiutaiuing order in \nour yearly elections for time to come, that none but the selectmen \nin being and the constables shall take in voates for election of town \nofficers and they may examine the persons that bring in voats for \nothers, and if they see Ne(e)d they may look over every mans per- \ntikuler voats that so no decaite may be used for corrupting our \nelections, and these only to be the men to looke over the voats from \nyeare to yeare.\" \n\n\nTOWN WATCH. 263 \n\nThe instructions to the town watch, which was set at nine \np. M. and dismissed at five a. ji., have a Httle of the Dogbcr- \nrian flavor : — \n\n\"If after ten o'clock they see lights, to inquire if there be war- \nrantable cause ; and if they hear any noise or disorder, wisely to \ndemand the reason ; if they are dancing and singing vainly, to ad- \nmonish them to cease ; if they do not discontinue after moderate \nadmonition, then the constable to take their names and acquaint \nthe authorities therewith. \n\n\"If they find young men and maidens not of known fidelity \nwalking after ten o'clock modestly to demand the cause, and if they \nappear ill-minded to watch them narrowly, command them to go to \ntheir lodgings, and if they refuse, then to secure them till morning.\" \n\nAll towns were required l\\y law to be provided with stocks \nand a whipping -post. The \nstocks were a wooden frame of \nsmall timber that could be opened \nor shut, wherein persons disor- \nderly on Sabbath or town \nmeetings were confined during \nmeeting as a punishment for mis- \nbehavior. This, as well as the \n\"cage,\" or place of detention stocks. \n\nfor persons arrested, was near the meeting-house. In 1692 \nthe watch-house was in the town street, and it was voted in \ntown meeting that one should be built on Meeting-House Hill. \n\nA constantly recurring subject and a prolific source of con- \ntention at town meetings was the running at large of cattle, \nswine, etc. A vote against turkej-s going at large was \npassed in 1656, though not without an earnest protest being \nrecorded, it being ordered \"that they shall be counted tres- \npassers in corne, as liable to pay damages as well as other \ncattle.\" AVarnings by the constable to temporary visitors to \ndepart the town are ver}' frequent. According to the old \nEnglish system brought over by our ancestors, of mutual \n\n\n264 HOURLY COACHES. \n\nsecurity or frankpledge, dating back of the Norman Con- \nquest, no stranger might abide in any place save a borough, \nand onh' there for a single night, unless sureties were given \nfor his good behavior, thus preventing tramps from becoming \na burden to the town. To prevent forestalling, the town in \n1723 voted that \" no person nor slave shall bu}' up any pro- \nvisions going to Boston market, except for their own use, \nunder penalty.\" In 1734 the town voted to fine any person \nwho runs or gallops a horse in a calash, chaise, chair, cart, or \nsled in the town, or from Boston Line to Mr. Jarvis's (the \nGreyhound Tavern), or in the road to the lower county \nbridge by the mills, or round the Square and b}' Mr. Samuel \nWilliams's. A centur}' ago the usual pleasure drive was \n\"round the Square\"; that is, through Roxbur}' Street, \nround the meeting-house, through the lane now Bartlett \nStreet, and through Dudley' and Eustis Streets to the Neck. \nThe lower part of Warren Street was not then opened. In \n1768 the town voted \" not to do anything to prevent people \nplaying football in Roxbury Street.\" \n\nIn 1666 the town for the first time chose a \" clarke,\" who \nwas to keep the town records, and have everything exactly \ntranscribed, \" unlesse such things as either are ridiklus or \ninconvenient.\" Since the days of Edward Denison, the first \ntown clerk, several eminent citizens have from time to time \nfilled this post, prominent among whom for fidelity and \nlength of service were Deacon Samuel Gridley, Dr. N. S. \nPrentiss, and Joseph W. Tucker, Esq. Among the able and \nfaithful town treasurers we find the names of Col. Joseph \nWilhams, Noah Perrin, and Joseph W. Dudley. \n\nOn the 1st of March, 1826, Brooks Bowman commenced \nrunning an hourly stage-coach from the Town House to the \nOld South Church, Boston ; fare each wa}'' twelve and a half \ncents. Prior to this a two-horse stage-coach, leaving once in \ntwo hours and carrying fortj'-five passengers per day both \nwaj's, was the only public conve3'ance between the two \n\n\nMEETING-HOUSE HILL. 265 \n\nplaces. A post-horn was blown to notif\\' passengers to be \nin readiness. Tiie \"Governor Brooks,\" of Bowman's line, \nbuilt at Troy, N. Y., was the first omnibus seen in Boston. \nIt was liberall}- patronized, and the '• Xorthender \" was soon \nadded to the line. With the growth of the town the hourlies \ngave place to the half-hourlies, and in 1856 these were in \nturn supplanted by horse railroads. \n\nThe gun-house of the artillery company was located on \nland belonging to the First Parish, in the rear of the present \nDudley School and fronting Roxbury Street, on what is now \nPutnam Place. The first, coeval with the organization, gave \nplace to a new structure in 1836. All the meetings of the \ncompany were held here until its transformation to an infan- \ntry company in 1857. \n\nThe elevation beyond the Dudley estate has from time \nimmemorial been known as \" Meeting-House Hill.\" It was \nalso called \" Roxbmy Hill,\" and just before the Revolution, \nfrom the fact of Isaac Winslow and other friends of tlie \nBritish government residing on or near it, it received the name \nof \" Tory Hill.\" Putnam Street, its eastern limit, was given \nto the town by the First Church. Its western slope touched \nStony River. Eliot Square was of course included, and this \npart of the hill, anciently called '-Roxbury Common,\" was \nthe public square in which upon great occasions the people as- \nsembled. After the training-field was disposed of in 1762, this \nspot was for years devoted to militia trainings, musters, etc. \n\nCotton Mather relates of John Eliot, who continued to \npreach while his strength lasted, that, going up this hill to \nhis church in his old age, with much feebleness and weariness, \nhe said to the one who led him, \" This is very like the way \nto heaven, 'tis up hill ; the Lord, b}- his grace, fetch us up.\" \nSpying a bush near him, he instantly added, \"And trulj' \nthere are thorns and briers in the wa}', too.\" \" Here,\" say3 \nMather, \"is something for the good people of Roxbur}' to \nthink upon when the}' are going up to the house of the Lord.\" \n\n\n266 \n\n\nEOXBURY COMMON. \n\n\nNo doubt mail}- of them have spontaneously made similar re- \nflections while toiling up under a July sun, notwithstanding \ntheir pathway has been smoothed by the blasting and removal \nof rocks, and the clearing away of thorns and briers. As for \ngliding smoothl}' up the acclivity in a horse-car, the good Eliot \nwould as soon have expected to be translated to heaven on the \ntail of a comet. Bears were uncommonly numerous in the win- \nter of 1725. In one week in September, no less than twenty \nwere killed within two miles of Boston. Paul Dudley's inter- \nleaved almanac, under date of June 7, 1740, saj^s, \"A good \nfat bear was killed on our meetinghouse hill, or near it.\" \n\nOn the 14th of August, 1773, a scene of unusual interest \nwas here presented. A large number of invitations, printed \non the backs of playing-cards, had been sent to prominent \ncitizens of Boston and vicinity. A copy of one of these, \nnow in the possession of Mr. Jeremiah Colburn, is here \ngiven : — \n\n\n^^o 384 \n\nrmS TICKET admits the BEARER to the \nFESTIVITY of the Sons of LIBERTY to \nbe celebrated on Roxbury Common on SAT- \nURDA Y the Fourteenth Instant. \n\ni^. B. Dinner precisely Ten Minutes before \nOne ; and the Company to break up exactly \nat Five O'clock. \nAugust 10, 1773. (Cs.) \n\n\nA coutemporar}' chronicler says : — \n\n\" On Saturday last, being the anniversary of the memorable 14th \nof August, 17C5, when the primitive, free, and independent spirit \nof uncorrupted British subjects in America made a second successful \neffort against tyranny and oppression, the sons of Liberty, with their \nfathers and friends from this and the neighboring towns, convened \non Eoxbury common to the number of four hundred. There was a \nsuperb tent erected, sufficiently capacious to contain the numerous \nguests. Early in the morning a number of the friends of Liberty \n\n\nROXBURY CO>IMON. 2fi7 \n\nassembled under a spacious elm (near Stony Eiver), which they \nornamented by hoisting a large union flag thereon, and named said \nElm. Liberty Tree, by fixing an inscription on the trunk. \n\n\"Unfortunately the forenoon was wet, which prevented a con- \nsiderable number of gentlemen who had engaged their company \nfrom sharing in the festivity of the day. But at the hour of dinner \nit ceased to rain, and two ranges of tables were filled. During the \nentertainment a select band of music patrolled the tent and gladdened \nthe hearts of the patriots with the celebrated song of the farmer. \nThe banquet was worthy the occasion. \n\n\"Mirth and decency shook hands during the whole festival; \nsmiling joy animated every countenance; a determined resolution \nto oppose to death every attempt to rob or enslave them, gave a \nsuperlative dignity to the whole. Patriotic toasts were drunk, \nenlivened by a feu de joie from the cannon, and the soft sympathy \nof collected music. \n\n\"At six o'clock the company retired, having by their deportment \nthrough the day established this sacred character, that the enemies \nto usurpation and oppression are the great examples of order and \ndecency.\" \n\nUpon this hill were encamped the patriot forces assembled \non the Lexington alarm, and here was the main post of the \nright wing of the army during the siege of Boston. Its first \ncommander was Gen. John Thomas, whose headquarters \nwere in the parsonage house opposite. \"When in July, Gen. \nWard took command of the right wing at Roxbur}-, Thomas \ncommanded a brigade under him, and continued so to do \nwhile the siege lasted. This excellent officer, a native of \nMarshfield, Mass., was born in 1725. He attained distinc- \ntion as a medical practitioner, was surgeon of a regiment sent \nto Annapolis Royal in 1746, became colonel of a provincial \nregiment in 1759, and served under Amherst in the following \ncampaigns, ending in the conquest of Canada. Made a pro- \nvincial brigadier, Feb. 9, 1775, he was appointed to the same \nrank b}' Congress, June 22, and to that of major-general, \nMarch G, 177G. On the evening of March 4, 1776, he, with \nthree thousand men, occupied and fortified Dorchester \n\n\n268 MEETING-HOUSE HILL. \n\nHeights, throwing up in a single night such formidable works \nas to compel the evacuation of Boston by the enemy, and \nterminating the siege. Intrusted soon afterward with the \ncommand in Canada, he joined the army before Quebec on \nMay 1, 1776, but an attack of small-pox, then fearfulh' prev- \nalent and fatal in his army, carried him off, near Chamblee, \non the river Sorel, on the 3d of June. \n\nThe siege of Boston, the most important event in her \nannals, opened here with the march of Lord Percy to Lexing- \nton on the memorable 19th of April, 1775, and virtually \nclosed with that of Gen. Thomas, from this point to Dor- \nchester Heights, on the night of March 4, 1776. It lasted \nnearly' eleven months, during which, Roxbur}', barring the exit \nof the enemy from the beleaguered town by land, bore the brunt \nof the conflict, and suffered severel}' from the enemy's cannon, \nand also from the devastation caused b}' militar}- occupation. \n\nIt was estimated that on the 20th of April, at least ten \nthousand men had assembled in arms around Boston. The \nmilitia regiments of Prescott, Warner, Learned, and Heath \nwere already on the ground. Major-Gen. Artemas \"Ward, \nsenior Massachusetts officer, took the chief command at \nCambridge, and held it until the arrival of \"Washington on \nJul}' 2. Aided b}- Generals Thomas, Heath, and Putnam, he \nstrove to bring order out of confusion, and all had their \nhands full. After a few daj's' continuance before Boston, \nmany of the minute-men, who had left home so hastily as to \nbe wholly unprovided for a campaign, and who had in many \ncases left their families equally uncared for, returned home, \nleaving the land entrance to Boston almost unguarded. Col. \nLemuel Robinson, of Dorchester, with onh' six or seven \nhundred men, held this important pass for several days. \n\" For nine da^'s and nights,\" saj's Gordon the historian, \n\" the colonel never shifted his clothes nor laj' down to sleep, \nas he had the whole dut}' upon him, even down to the adju- \ntant, as there was no officer of the day to assist. The offi- \n\n\nMEETING-HOUSE HILL. 2G9 \n\ncers in general had left the camp in order to raise the required \nnumber of men. The colonel was obliged, therefore, for the \ntime mentioned, to patrol the guards everj- night, which gave \nhim a round of nine miles to traverse.\" \n\nSays the diarj' of a British officer in Boston, under date of \nMa}' 9, \"At Roxbur}' there must be between two and three \nthousand men. Upon the hill where the church is they have \nfour guns ; the}' have plenty of others, but I don't find they \nhave any batteries.\" \n\nSuch was the weakness of the besiegers at the ver}' key to \ntheir position that on the 4th of May, two weeks after the \nsiege had begun, the Committee of Safety wrote to the gov- \nernments of Connecticut and Ehode Island a pressing request \nfor three or four thousand men \"to secure a pass of the \ngreatest importance to the common interest,\" and on the \nDth, strong fears being entertained of a sally from Boston, a \ncouncil of war requested of the committee a force of two \nthousand men to reinforce the troops at Rosbury. The com- \nmittee at once ordered the commanding oflScer of the ten \nnearest towns to muster \" immediately one half of the militia \nand all the minute-men and march forthwith to Roxbur}', \nso that the British troops might not come and possess them- \nselves of that post.\" Before it was property strengthened \nGeneral Gage entertained such a design. Gen. Thomas \ngained information of what was intended on the day it was \nto be executed. \n\n\"His whole force,\" says Gordon, \"consisted of only seven hun- \ndred men. The post included a large, broad, high hill. A road led \nto the top of it, visible in some parts to persons at tlie entrance into \nBoston. It passes over the hill and descends into a hollow, from \nwhence you can turn off, and passing circuitously enter again upon \nthe said road. [This is the hill upon which Mr. N. J. Bradlee's \nresidence and observatory now stand.] The general took advan- \ntage of this circuit and continued marching round and round the \nhill, by which he multiplied their appearance to any one who was \nreconnoitring them at Boston. The dress of the militia wag \n\n\n270 EOXBURY CAMP. \n\nextremely various, and consisted of tlieir common clothiug, which \nprevented the discovery of a deception that might otherwise have \nbeen soon detected had they worn uniform and possessed regular \nensigns. Breastworks were at once ordered to be erected at diifer- \neut places to prevent the enemy's passing into the country from \nBoston Neck.\" \n\nLet us glance for a moment at the American camp. \nGreene, on arriving at the Rhode Island camp, Jamaica \nPlain, two weeks before the Bunker's Hill battle, found it \n\" in great commotion \" ; the men \" a factious set\" ; the offi- \ncers unable to control them ; several companies with clubbed \nmuskets upon the point of starting for home ; the commissa- \nries beaten off; and \"an excitement which in a few daj's \nmore would have proved fatal to the campaign.\" Applj'ing \nhimself strenuously to the task of checking the confusion and \nin exercising and disciplining his brigade, his success was \nsuch, that on the 28tli of June he was able to write, that \n\"though raw, irregular, and undisciplined,\" his men were \nunder much better government than any around Boston. \n\nThe Southern riflemen furnished a picturesque element to \nthe camp. They were dressed in white hunting-shirts orna- \nmented with a fringe, round hats, on which appeared the \nmotto, \" Liberty or Death,\" buckskin breeches, Indian moc- \ncasins and leggins, also ornamented with beads and brilliantly \ndyed porcupine quills, and were tall, stout, and hardy men, \ninured to frontier life. They were armed with rifles, toma- \nhawks, and long knives, the latter worn in the wampum belt \nthat confined the hunting-shirt to the waist. At a review, a \ncompan}' of them, at a quick advance, fired three balls into \nobjects of seven inches diameter, at two hundred and fift}' \n3'ards. With them it was a disgrace to shoot their game au}'- \nwhere except in the head, and the}' inspired such terror in \nthe British camp that thev were there spoken of as \" shirt- \ntail men, with their cursed twisted guns, the most fatal widow \nand orphan makers in the world.\" Daniel Morgan's com- \n\n\nKOXBUKY CAMP. 271 \n\npany marched from Winchester, Va., to Cambridge, a dis- \ntance of six hundred miles, in twenty-one days without losing \na man by sickness or desertion on the route, Otho Holland \nWilliams, afterwards Greene's able coadjutor at the South, \nwas a lieutenant in one of these companies. \n\nThe greatest obstacle to the establishment of good disci- \nphne was found in the officers rather than the men. The \nsocial equalit}' and familiarity that had subsisted at home \nbetween the men and their officers was continued in the \ncamp. An illustration of this is furnished b}' a visitor to \nEoxbur}', who overheard tlie following dialogue: \"Bill,\" \nsaid a captain to one of his privates, \"go and bring a pail \nof water for the mess.\" \" I sha'n't,\" was the reply; \"it's \nyour turn now, captain, I got the last,\" A more illustrious \ninstance was that of Col, Rufus Putnam, the chief engineer \nof the army in Roxbur}-. \" What ! \" says a person meeting \nhim one daj' with a piece of meat in his hand,\" carrying home \n3'our rations 3'ourself, colonel?\" \"Yes,\" says he, \"and I \ndo it to set the officers a good example.\" \n\nWashington, upon his arrival at camp, on Jul}- 3, 1775, \nfound himself at the head of a force of about fifteen thousand \nmen, — \"a rabble in arms\" is the contemptuous phrase of a \nBritish officer, — lax in discipline, impatient under the neces- \nsary restraints of military life, without much organization, \ndestitute of powder, and without uniformity in dress, weap- \nons, or equipment. Officers and men were scarcely distin- \nguishable b^' an}' outward insignia of rank. \" Imagine such \nan arm}-,\" says a writer, \" without artillery or effective small \narms, without magazines or discipline, and unable to execute \nthe smallest tactical manoeuvre should their lines be forced at \nany point, laying siege to a town containing ten thousand \ntroops, the finest in the world. It was, moreover, without a \nflag, or a commander having absolute authority, until Washing- \nton came. Picture to yourself a grimy figure behind a rank of \ngabions, his head wrapped in an old bandana, a short pipe \n\n\n272 ROXBURY CAMP. \n\nbetween his teeth, stripped of his upper garments, his lower \nlimbs encased in leather breeches, yarn stockings, and hob- \nnailed shoes, industriously plying mattock or spade, and \nj'our provincial soldier of '75 stands before you.\" \n\n\"With all its deficiencies, there were some compensations in \nthe American camp. A common feeling of patriotism gave \nit unity of action, and almost all were familiar with the use \nof fire-arms in hunting and fowling, and not a few had served \nin frontier campaigns against the French and Indians. The \neffect of \"Washington's arrival, and of the energetic measures \nhe at once adopted to ti-ansform these improvised forces into an \narm}', is thus graphical!}- described by Chaplain Emerson : — \n\n\" There is great overturning in the camp as to order and regu- \nlarity. New lords, new laws. The strictest government is taking \nplace, and great distinction is made between officers and soldiers. \nEvery one is made to know his place and keep in it, or be tied up \nand receive thirty or forty lashes, according to his ci'ime. Thou- \nsands are at work every day from four till eleven o'clock in the \nmorning. It is surprising how much work has been done. It is \nvery diverting to walk among the camps. They are as different in \ntheir form as the owners are in their dress, and every tent is a por- \ntraiture of the temper and taste of the persons who encamp iu it. \nSome are made of boards, and some of sail-cloth ; some partly of \none and partly of the other. Again, others are made of stone and \nturf, brick or brush, some are thrown up in a hurry, others cun- \nningly wrought with doors and windows, done with wreaths and \nwithes in the manner of a basket. Some are your proper tents and \nmarquees, looking like the regular camp of the enemy. In these \nare the Rhode-Islanders, who are furnished with tent equipage and \neverything in the most exact English style. However, I think this \ngreat variety is rather a beauty than a blemish in the army.\" \n\nMeeting-House Hill Common was the grand parade of the \narm}'. Here the guards for the advanced lines on the Neck, \nfor the main guard in Roxbury Street, for Lamb's Dam, Mill \nCreek, and for the other forts and redoubts, and the fatigue \nparties employed on the fortifications, were formed every \nmorning and inspected by Thomas, Spencer, or Greene. The \n\n\nROXBURY CAMP. 273 \n\nRhode-Islanclers were stationed at Jamaica Plain, the Con- \nnecticut brigade was on Parker's Hill, the Massachusetts men \nat the lines, on Meeting-House Hill, and in its vicinity. The \nvacated estates of the loyalists, Loring, Auchmuty, Hutchin- \nson, Bernard, and Hallowell, were all in military occupation. \n\nOf those who in the Roxbury camp were already known to \nfame, or were soon to achieve distinction, were Thomas, \nalready mentioned ; Heath, a native of the town, sturdy, hon- \nest, and patriotic, and well read in military science ; Spencer, \nof Connecticut, a man past sixt}', \" a most respectable citi- \nzen, but, from inexperience, not qualified for councils of war\" ; \nGreene, of Rhode Island, who, after Washington, was per- \nhaps the best officer in the patriot army ; Knox, a native of \nBoston, young, ardent, and active, whose skill as an engineer, \nand whose enterprise and fertility of resource, signally dis- \nplayed in his feat of transporting heavy cannon and stores in \nthe dead of winter from Ticonderoga to the camp, contributed \nmaterially to the success of the siege ; Morgan, afterwards \nthe celebrated leader of the rifle corps, and the conqueror of \nthe dreaded Col. Tarleton ; Greaton, another native of Rox- \nbury, whose faithful services were rewarded at the close of the \nwar with the rank of brigadier-general, and who returned home \nonly to lay his bones in the old burying-ground, literally worn \nout in the service ; and Crane, the commander of the Massa- \nchusetts artillery throughout the entire contest. \n\nThe adjutant of Spencer's Connecticut regiment was John \nTrumbull, son of the patriotic governor of that State, after- \nward celebrated as a painter, and whose historical pictures \nadorn the Rotunda of the Capitol at Washington. In his \n\" Autobiography \" he says : — \n\n\" The regiment reached the vicinity of Boston early in May, and \nwas stationed at Roxbury. The parade and alarm post was a field \non the hill between the meeting-house and the then road, in full \nview of the enemy's lines at the entrance of Boston. Our first occu- \npation was to secure our own positions by constructing field works \n18 \n\n\n274 bunker's hill. \n\nfor defence. The euemy occasionally fired upon our working par- \nties, and in order to familiarize our raw soldiers to this exposure, a \nsmall reward was offered in general orders for every ball fired by \nthe enemy which should be picked up and brought to headquarters. \nThis soon produced the intended effect, — a fearless emulation among \nthe men ; but it produced also a very unfortunate result, for when \nthe soldiers saw a ball roll sluggishly along, they would attempt to \nstop it, by which means several brave lads had their feet badly \ncrushed, whereupon the order was withdi'awn. \n\n\"From the upper windows of Thomas's headquarters, near the \nmeeting-house, Charlestowu was in full view, though at too great a \ndistance for the naked eye to discern what was doing on the day of \nthe Bunker's Hill battle. When the firing became frequent and \nheavy, the troops in Eoxbury were ordered under arms and to theii \nposts. Gen. Spencer's regiment was drawn up on their parade ii \nfull view of the enemy's lines, and it was not long before we attracted \ntheir attention and their fire. Sevei-al of their heavy shot passed \nover us, and we were soon ordered to fall back to the hill behind the \nmeeting-house. It was my duty as an adjutant to bring up the rear \nand pick up stragglers. In crossing a stone fence, which the regi- \nment in their retreat had nearly levelled, a soldier was on my right, \nnot more than two feet distant, when I heard the rush of a heavy \nball, and the poor fellow at my side fell, and cried out that he was \nkilled. He was taken to the rear and soon died. There was no ex- \nternal wound, but the body over the region of the heart was black \nfrom extravasated blood. The regiment fell back to the summit of \nthe hill, and we there passed the night on our arms. Charlestown, \nwhich lay full in our view, was one extended line of fire. The \nBritish were apparently apprehensive that their obstinate enemy \nmight rally and renew the action, and therefore kept up during \nthe night a frequent fire of shot and shells in the direction of Cam- \nbridge. The roar of artillery, the bursting of shells (whose track \nlike that of a comet was marked on the dark sky by a long train of \nlight from the burning fuse), and the blazing i*uins of the town, \nformed altogether a sublime scene of military magnificence and \nruin. That night was a fearful breakiug-in for young soldiers, who \nthere for the first time were seeking repose on the summit of a bare \nrock surrounded by such a scene.\" \n\n\"While the British were attacking Bunker's Hill,\" says Heath, \n\" a furious cannonade and throwing of shells took place at the lines \non the Neck against Eoxbury, with intent to burn that town, but \n\n\nANNALS OF THE SIEGE. 275 \n\nalthough several shells fell amoDg the houses aud some carcasses \nnear them, aud balls Avent through some, no other damage was sus- \ntained than the loss of one man killed by a shot driving a stone \nfrom a wall against him.\" \n\nThe diaries of Gen. Heath, of Samuel Bixby of Col. \nLearned's regiment, of Samuel Hawes of Capt. Pond's \nWrentham compan}-, Ezekiel Price, and others, contain some \nincidents of interest respecting Roxbur3-'s part in the siege. \nThey are placed in chronological order : — \n\n'■'■May 5, 1775. Col. Learned's regiment pitch their tents in \nRoxbury, near the meeting-house. \n\n\" 30. Capt. Pond's company moved to Commo. Loring's house. \n\n'* June 5. A barge and four men belonging to a man of war, cap- \ntured and taken to Cambridge, was this day brought toEosbury in a \ncart. Its sails were up, and three sailors in it with their oars, row- \ning, made diversion for the country people. It was marched round \nthe meeting-house, while the engineer fired the cannon for joy. \n\n\"17. Battle of Bunker's Hill. \n\n*' 18. Sunday. Paraded at the burying-yard. Firing continued \nat Charlestown and Cambridge. The Rhode-Islanders laid out a \npiece of ground for an intrenchment, and went to work intrenching. \nGen. Thomas ordered them to cease work, but they swore they \nwould not, and he thought best to let them go on with it. \n\n\" 19. Our men are ordered to another place to entrench. \n\n\" 21. A fatigue party cut fascines for the fort. \n\n\"22. We are still intrenching here. We have thrown up a \nstrong work across the street, and also one across the road to \nDorchester. \n\n\" 23. We are still building the fort. \n\n\"24. A house near our intrenchment was ordered to be taken \ndown, as it might be set on fire by a bombshell, and render the \nintrenchment too hot for us. A party soon began the work, and the \nBritish opened fire upon them with shot and shell. Our soldiers \nwould go and take up a burning bomb, and take out the fuse. Two \nAmericans, attempting to set Brown's barn on fire, were killed. In \nthe evening two heavy cannon were brought to the work on Work- \nhouse Hill. Major Crane fired seven shots into the British works \non the Neck, and drove the regulars from Brown's house precipi- \ntately. Two houses in Roxbury were set on fire by shells. \n\n\n276 ANNALS OF THE SIEGE. \n\n\" 26. A party of the British about daybreak advanced and fired \non the American sentinels near the George Tavern. The picket \nguard turned out, and after sharp firing the British retreat. \n\n\"27. We are building defences on Dorchester Neck. \n\n\" 30. Last night the Rhode-Islanders, under Lieut. Drury, went \ndown to the guard with a field-piece and fired nine times at the reg- \nulars, who returned three shots. \n\n\" Juhj 1. We are fortifying on all sides, and naaking it strong as \npossible round the fort on the hill by the workhouse. We have two \n24-pound cannon, and forty balls to each. We have hauled apple- \ntrees, with limbs trimmed and sharp, and pointing outward from the \nfort. We finished one platform, and placed the cannon on it just at \nnight, and then fired two balls into Boston, that hit the barracks of \nthe regulars. This night works are to be opened near Gates's bank, \nin Brookline. \n\n\"2. In the morning, a brisk cannonade from the British lines, \nand some shells thrown. A carcase set fire to the house of Mr. \nStephen Williams, the tinman, near Roxbury burying- place, which \nwas burnt down. By the activity of the troops, the flames were \nprevented from spreading, although they had to work in the face of \na constant and heavy fire from the enemy. There is scarcely a house \nin the lower part of Roxbury that is not much injured by shot and \nbombs. Our people have lost only one man by them, which is very \nremarkable, as one hundred at least were fired into Roxbury during \nthe week. \n\n\" 5. Both of the new generals, Washington and Lee, came into \nRoxbury to-day. In the evening a regular, said to be a trumpeter \nin the Light Horse, with a flag, came from the intrenchments on \nBoston Neck, blowing his trumpet till he came to the American sen- \ntinels, whom he passed, and got through Roxbury Street as far as \nthe foot of Roxbury Hill, where he was stopped, blindfolded, and \nthen carried to headquarters. [He came out under pretence of Gen. \nBurgoyne's hearing that Gen. Lee had a letter for him.] \n\n' ' 8. Last night we planted two pieces of artillery within range \nof the enemy's outpost on the Neck. Brown's house burnt. \n\n\" 9. The regulars, last night, made an advanced battery (a half- \ncircle work) near Brown's, on the Neck, and moved a floating bat- \ntery up in the Bay so as to cover the right flank of their works on \nthe Neck. Sunday we cut down and trimmed the limbs of some \napple-trees, sharp, and built a sort of breastwork across the road \n(Roxbury Street), with their points toward Boston, to stop the \nLight Horse should they come to attack us. \n\n\nANNALS OF THE SIEGE. 277 \n\n\" 2J. This moruing a party of our men burnt Brown's store, \n•yhich escaped the flames last week. The regulars, upon the ap- \nproach of our men, quitted their advanced work with precipitation. \nPart of a work this day traced out on Col. Williams's hill [where \nthe Stand-Pipe is], and a strong abatis completing from the marsh \nland back of Capt. Davis's house across the road into Lamb's \nmeadow. \n\n' ' 12. In the forenoon Col. Greaton with one hundred and twenty- \nsix men went in whale-boats to Long Island, burnt the house on it, \nand the barns, with a large lot of hay intended for the British cav- \nalry. One armed schooner and several barges put off after the \nAmericans, and some of the ships of war near the island cannonaded \nthem, but though they narrowly escaped being taken. Col. Greaton \nand his daring band gained the shore. One man of the detachment \non shore that came to the assistance of Greaton was killed. Thirty \nodd whale-boats were this day brought from Dorchester on men's \nshoulders. The bell on the meeting-house tower taken down this \nday and carried away by the parish committee. \n\n\"i5. Works in the meadow, near the George Tavern, go on \nbriskly, although a heavy cannonade all the forenoon from the lines \nand the floating battery, and a number of shells thrown, but no \ndamage done. Generals Washington and Lee visited the Eoxbury \ncamp. \n\n\"■14. This day a fortress was begun on Col. Williams's hill, \nback of the works on the hill near the workhouse. We were amused \nwith a heavy fire of cannon and mortars from the lines of the I'egu- \nlars on the Neck, and from one of their floating batteries, against \ntwo hundred of our men, who were throwing up a breastwork in \nfront of the George Tavern and within a few rods of the regulars' \nadvanced guard. Our people kept at their work, and never returned \na shot. Three bombs burst near them without injuring a man. \nMost of the cannon-shot were taken up and brought to the general. \n\n\" 15. Last night two hundred men were ordered to march \nquietly down to George's Tavern, and throw up a breastwork on \nthe marsh \n\n'■'■18. In the evening a strong party took possession of an \nadvanced post in Roxbury, and the next day there was an incessant \ncannonade kept up on the works. There was an appearance of a \nsortie by the British during this cannonade, but they disappointed \nGen. Thomas, who made excellent dispositions to receive them. \n\n\"52. Our guard near George's Tavern were drove in. Tavern \n\n\n278 ANNALS OF THE SIEGE. \n\nand barn burnt, 'cannon roared like thunder' in all directions. \nShells fly into Roxbury, but generally went over us. \n\n\" Aug. 1. The floating battery is brought up towards Brookline \nfort. Our men at Col. Read's fort (Mill Creek) fired on her till \nthey drove her back to her old place. The same day they fired \nfrom Roxbury Hill fort, and it was said that they fired through their \nbarrack. Bixby says, ' we fired the twenty-four pounder in the great \nfort above the meeting-house three times. One ball went into Bos- \nton, two struck their breastwork.' \n\n\"2. Our men were to begin an intrenchment this night near \nLamb's Dam, and it was expected that the regulars would oppose \nthem. \n\n\"5. Morgans riflemen arrived. \n\n\"15. Being Sunday, we went to hear Mr. Willard, and after \nmeeting, our men went to intrench down at the George Tavern, and \nabout break of day they got home. Learned's men began to intrench \n' down by Roxbury burying-yard, on each side of the street, one in \nthe orchard at the right hand, and one at the left hand, down towards \nGeorge's Tavern.' Being fired upon ' we mind it not.' \n\n\"15. The field-pieces placed near Lamb's Dam fired upon the \nintrenchments of the regulars on the Neck. They returned the fire, \nand wounded one man in the head slightly. Lieut. -Col. Putnam \nordered to take down the fence that enclosed the George Tavern. \n\n\"15. Behold their spite! This morning before sunrise the \nenemy fired on our working party on the Neck, this side the George \nTavern. Our riflemen fired at them, and it is thought killed two of \nthem. Notwithstanding all their firing of balls and bombs, yet \nthere was not one man wounded on our side. \n\n\"19. Ordered, that as the general has lately been informed that \nthe enemy contemplates erecting a battery somewhere near Brown's \nhouse and the George Tavern, a picket consisting of two hundred \nmen be raised for the night, and continue till further orders, to \ndrive them back whenever they may attempt to raise such a battery. \n\n'■'22. Col. D. Brewer ordered to remove his regiment to War- \nren's grounds. \n\n\" 24. Three hundred men ordered to intrench at the lower end \nof Roxbury Street last night, and three hundred men stationed at \nLamb's Dam to protect them. \n\n\" 27. Ordered that the alarm-post for Col. Danielson's regiment \nbe the new works to the left of where the main guard is posted. \n\n'■'29, A company of riflemen arrive to-day. \n\n\nANNALS OF THE SIEGE. 279 \n\n•' 31. Six hundred men with canteens of water are ordered to \nparade in the orchard west of Blaney's store, to be employed as Col. \nPutnam may direct. \n\n\"Sept. 2. This morning we spied the enemy intrenching at \nBrown's chimneys and fired at them from the lower fort, and with a \nfield-piece went down to the right hand of the burying-place, and \nhad not been there long before we were ordered off, and the cannon \nbegan to play upon the enemy from Roxbury fort on the hill and \nthe field-pieces from the breastwork in the thicket. The occasion \nof our men's firing on them was this : They had advanced about \nthirty or forty rods this side their breastwork on the Neck and \nwere intrenching there. They fired at us, but did no damage. At \nnight a platform was carried down to the thicket in order to mount \na cannon there. \n\n\" 6, Our fatigue parties are at work on both sides below George's \nTavern and at Lamb's Dam. Our men went down below the tavern \nas a safeguard for the sentries. The works advanced beyond the \nGeorge Tavern without any molestation. \n\n\" 7. The commanding officer of the main guard is not to permit \nany person to carry any boards, spars, or rails to the right and left \nof the burying-ground, as in case of bombardment or cannonading \nfrom the enemy, the troops would be greatly exposed thereby. \n\n\" S. Our fatigue party building a fort on the hill above Lamb's \nDam fired on by the enemy. They fling six or seven balls and two \nshells. \n\n\"5. At night our men carried several cannon down to the thicket \nto the breastwork there. The redoubt at Lamb's Dam nearly fin- \nished, and mounted with four eighteen-pounders. \n\n\" 12. Major Crane is directed to post a detachment of the train \nin the fort near Lamb's Dam, to guard, superintend, and conduct \nthe ordnance in those works. Our men intrenching at Lamb's Dam \nnot above half a mile from the enemy's breastwork. All the cattle and \nhorses in and about Roxbury common, and on the lauds unimproved \nby the owners, to be removed from thence, and the cattle and sheep \nlately come from Rhode Island, for the use of the army, to be pas- \ntured there. \n\n\"19. As there are six large boats now lying before Col. Fellows's \nquarters which are exposed to great injury from the weather, the \nquartermaster-general is directed to order a sufficient number of \nteams to carry said boats from the above-named place to the Mill \nCreek, under the care of Col. Read. Enemy firing upon Roxbury \n\n\n280 ANNALS OF THE SIEGE. \n\ndaily, fire returned. Capt. Poulett, of the 59th British Eegiment, \nhad his leg shot off as he was sitting at breakfast at the lines. \n\n\" 21. Prisoners confined at the main guard having been exposed \nto the enemy's fire, in future to be immediately removed to the \nguard at the meeting-house. \n\n^^23. The enemy began to fire about nine o'clock. They fired \nabove one hundred balls, but through the good hand of Divine \nProvidence they did not kill one man. One or two men slightly \nwounded. Our men fired three cannon from our breastwork near \nLamb's Dam. One of the balls went into Boston among the houses. \n• Last Saturday,' says Henry Knox, ' let it be remembered to the \nhonor and skill of the British troops, that they fired one hundred \nand eight cannon-shot at our works, at not a greater distance than \nhalf point blank shot, — and did what? Why, scratched a man's \nface with the splinters of a rail fence ! ' \n\n\" Oct. 2. The regiment commanded by Col. Greatou turned out \nand was reviewed, made a fine appearance and performed their \nexercise well. One of the new boats was launched, several others \ncompleted. \n\n\" 5. Col. Eead to take charge of the ordnance and ordnance \nstores at Read's battery until further orders. The creek guard to \nconsist of thirty privates, which guard is to keep Gentries at Read's \nbattery. This morning the enemy discharged nine cannon at our \nmeeting-house where about two thousand men were collected, but \n'hurted ' not one man. \n\n\"25. Went to Roxbury with the general ofiicers, and the com- \nmittee from Congress [Dr. Franklin, Messrs. Lynch, Harrison, and \nothers] to dine on turtle.\" — Heath's Diar>j. \n\n^^ Nov. 24. Orders came last night from Washington to Gen. \nThomas for every man to lie by his arms and with his clothes on, as \nan attack was expected from the enemy, who had given out word \nthat they would take supper with us in Roxbury on Thanksgiving \nnight. \n\n\"25. Main guard will in future parade in the street from Howe's \nbakehouse to the guard-house. The drums and fifes to beat down \nthe street from the colonel's quarters as far as his right every morn- \ning at sunrise, and at one hour before sunset, to call the troops to \nprayers. \n\n\" Dec. 6. Main guard to parade from Howe's bakehouse to Dr. \nDavies's great house. \n\n\"277^, Jan. 3. Twenty men out of each regiment in Roxbury \nto cut fascines. ' I believe we have it bv and bv.' \n\n\nANNALS OF THE SIEGE. 281 \n\n\" March 1, 2, 3. A uumber of mortars moved to Roxbury. \nScrewed hay brought from Chelsea, and great preparations mak- \ning. Heavy cannonade. Col. David Mason, chief engineer at \nLamb's Dam, injured by the bursting of a ten-inch mortar. \n\n\"4^. At one o'clock I was at Roxbury; it seemed as if it had \nbeen raining men for some time. The general had ordered over two \nregiments from Cambridge, and had called out five regiments of \nminute-men, and as many more almost had come in volunteers, well \narmed and ready to take part in the conflict. To the honor of the \nmilitia in the neighborhood, it was said they behaved nobly on this \noccasion ; for when those who had teams were called on for their \nassistance, not the least excuse was made, but one and all, with one \nvoice, said, 'Yes, I am ready; I will go with my team,' and many \nmore came than could be made use of. A little before sunset we \nmarched ofl\" from Roxbury, but for more than half a mile before we \ncame to Dorchester lines we overtook teams in great plenty, nor did \nwe find any vacancy till we came to the lines. In some places they \nwere so wedged in together we were obliged to leave the road to \nget forward. Reached the lines at seven o'clock, where we waited \nhalf an hour for orders, when a signal was given, and the cannonade \nbegan at Lamb's fort, and was immediately answered by a very \nwarm fire from the enemy's lines. Our party, consisting of about \ntwo thousand four hundred men, with three hundred teams, were \ncrossing the marsh on to the Neck, which, together with a fresh \nbreeze at S. W., concealed us from the enemy until they could see \nour works by daylight. The division to which I was assigned, \ncommanded by Col. \"Whitcomb, was ordered on to the northerly \nhill, where in one hour's time we had a fort enclosed with fascines \nplaced in chandeliers, and we immediately employed as many men \nintrenching as could be advantageously used for that purpose. A \nlarger party was assigned the high hill, where they erected a larger \nfort, built much in the same manner as ours. There were also four \nother smaller forts and batteries erected this night on other emi- \nnences on the Neck. \n\n\" 5. Our party, under the immediate command of Gen. Thomas, \nwere relieved by a detachment of three thousand men from Roxbury \nlines without the notice of the enemy. Our division marching ofl' in \nthe rear of the whole, crossed the marsh a little before sunrise, but \nyet we escaped the shot of the enemy and came to our quarters, sun \nabout an hour high, weary and hungry. The excessive cannonade \nand bombardment of last night did no other damage than mortally \n\n\n282 THE FIRST CHURCH. \n\nwounding Lieut. Mayo, of Learned's regiment. He lately belonged \nto Roxbury ; liis father, and friends now living in this town, were \nwith him when he died. \n\n\"6. A little before noon we were alarmed by a signal at the \nmeeting-house that the enemy were landing at Dorchester. The \nI'egiment turned out, and was kept in readiness throughout the day, \nbut the alarm happened somehow through mistake. \n\n\"16. Nook's Hill fortified. \n\n\"27. Sunday. Alarmed while at breakfast by the drum's beat- \ning to arms, and the regiment immediately turned out. I went up \nto the north of Ruggles's fort, where I observed some very peculiar \nmovements of the shipping. They continued falling down the har- \nbor, many of them surrounded with great numbers of boats, till \nabout noon, when I hear the selectmen of Boston came out to Rox- \nbury and informed the general that the British troops had all em- \nbarked and left the town. \n\n\" 25. Went up to our upper fort, from which I saw a part of the \nBritish fleet under sail. \n\n\"1777, Aug. 14. This day a sixth part of the militia in Rox- \nbury were drafted to serve in the army until the last of November. \n\n\"1775, Dec. 31. This day a duel was fought in a pasture near \nRoxbury meeting-house between Mr. Robert Gates, son of Major- \nGen. Gates, and Mr. John Carter. Mr. Gates discharged his pistol \nat Mr. Carter, but not hitting him. Mr. Carter told him he could \ntake his life, but would not do it, and did not fire.\" \n\nNo more interesting spot can be found in Roxbury than \nMeeting-House Hill, upon which, in the summer of 1632, the \nfirst meeting-house was built. As it was one of the first \ncares of our pious ancestors to provide a place of worship in \nwhich to settle \"an able orthodox minister,\" to have been \ndestitute of one for the first two j'ears of their settlement was, \nwe may well imagine, no small privation. During this period \nthey were assessed for the support of the Charlestown church, \nand joined themselves to that of Dorchester. Here the life of \nthe old town centred, and for many j-ears the church was the \ntown, and the town the church. At first, in anticipation of \nIndian attacks, all persons were ordered to live within half a \nmile of the meeting-house, and the men, or a portion of them, \n\n\nTHE FIRST CHURCH. 283 \n\nwere required to attend public worship completely armed. \nTown meetings were held here ; here for near a century all \nmarriages, funerals, and baptisms were solemnized ; and here \nthe apostle Eliot preached for nearly sixty 3-ears. It is this \nministry, inseparably connecting her with the beneficent mis- \nsionary labors of the grand old apostle to the Indians, the \nfame of which extended throughout Christendom, — this it is \nthat constitutes the crowning glory of the Roxbury church. \nThe present house, though b}' no means a beautiful structure, \nis conspicuous from its elevated site and venerable for its \nassociations. The spacious, grassy slopes around it have \nEliot Square upon the west, Roxbury Street upon the north, \nDudley Street upon the south, and Putnam Street upon the \neast. \n\nThis is the fifth church edifice erected here, the second \nhaving been built in 1674, the third in 1741, the fourth in \n1746, and the last in 1804, this having stood longer than \neither of its predecessors. The first was a rude and \n\" unbeautified \" structure with a thatched roof, destitute of \nshingles or plaster ; without gallery, pew, or spire, and prob- \nably similar to that of _ ^^^_^^ \n\nDedham in its dimensions, ^-^^^^^^= ^S^s. \n\nthe latter being thirty-six :-^ \"^^^ \" /.\"^^\"^T^f\"' \n\nfeet long, twenty feet wide, ---'\"\"=^=!i\" 1^ ' ^^gg-^A. \n\nmidal form covered with a eaklt chukch. \n\nbelfry ; accordingl}- the bell-rope hung down to the centre of \nthe floor, and the sexton stood half-way between the princi- \npal door and the pulpit while summoning the worshippers \ntogether. The people sat on plain benches, the men and \n\n\n284 THE FIRST CHURCH. \n\nwomen on opposite sides of the house. In 1646 the first \nhouse was put in \" safe repaire,\" and in 1656 the ends were \nclapboarded. It is lamentable to think how many must have \nowed their death to exposure during our rigorous New Eng- \nland winters in these unplastered, unwarmed, and comfortless \nstructures. The record says : — \n\n\"Jan. 12, 1658. It was agreed that the meeting-howse be re- \npayred for the warmth and comfort of the people ; namely, that the \nhowse is to be shingled and also two galleries built, with three seats \nin a gallery, one at the one end of the howse and the other at the \nother end. Also the howse to be plastered within side with plaster \nand haire ; also for the setiug out of the howse, — that some pinakle \nor other ornament be set upon each cud of the howse ; also the bell \nto be removed in some convenient place for the benefit of the town, \nand the charge to be borne by the several inhabitance by way of a \nrate. For which worke Lieut. John Remington is to have twenty- \ntwo pounds; more, if the worke deserveth more; lesse, if the worke \ndeserveth lesse.\" \n\nNothing could have been more abhorrent to our early Puri- \ntans than a step in the direction of poper}', yet we find on \nrecord the following: ''Jan. 28, 1666. It was voated for \nmaking more ' Rome ' in the meeting-house, that there should \nbe another seate added to the men's gallery.\" The original \nhouse being constantly in need of repairs, on Dec. 10, 1672, \nit was, \" after much debate with love and condescending one \nto another, concluded by voate to build a nue meeting-house \nas near the other as convenienth' ma}' be\" ; and on April 14, \n1674, \" the selectmen and the committee met at Sergt. Rug- \ngles's, and there toke account of the number of hands that \nwere hired to help 'rare' the nue meetiug-house.\" To its \nconstruction the people of Brookline contributed £104 5s., \nand worshipped there until the erection of their own church \nin 1715, one fifth part of the church being allotted to them, \nthe}' contributing in that proportion towards the parish ex- \npenses. The first meeting in the new house was on Nov. 15, \n\n\nTHE FIRST CHURCH. 285 \n\n1674, onh' four clays before the death of Rev. Mr. Danforth, \nEliot's colleague. In 1693 permission was given to build \npews around the meeting-house, '\"except where the boys \ndo sit, upon the charge of those who desire the same, \nand this only to be granted to meet persons.\" In 1721 it \nwas voted that the bell belonging to the meeting-house may \nbe rung for the town ever}' night, \" provided any person \nappear to pay for the same and the selectmen appi'ove of the \nringer.\" \n\nThe third edifice, built in 1741, was destroyed by fire in \nMarch, 1744, and the use of foot-stoves, to which the confla- \ngration was attributed, was, on that account, thereafter pro- \nhibited. \" So as not to intrude on the pews in the west gal- \nleries,\" a corner in them was allotted to the negroes to sit in. \nTowards the building of the fourth house, completed in 1746, \nupon the same plan as its predecessor, aid was received \nfrom the neighboring churches, and meetings were meanwhile \nheld in the brick schooihouse. Judge Paul Dudley pro- \nvided a handsome porch, and Col. Joseph Heath gave a \nclock. In 1763 the three seats to the right of the clock in \nthe centre of the galler}' were appropriated for \"those \nwho may be inclined to sit together for the purpose of sing- \ning.\" \n\nThe main entrance of this house, in front of which was a \nlarge, flat, circular stone, faced the south, and was in the cen- \ntre of the building. The tower and belfry were as at present, \nthe gallery entrance being also there. The pulpit was then \non the northerly side. The pews were square, and the \nseats so made as to fold up when the people stood up at \npra3'er, at the close of which they would come down with a \nclatter, — fun for the bo3's, who thus responded to the \namen. Its high pews make one share the feelings of the \nlittle girl who, when taken to church for the first time, com- \nplained that she had been shut up in a closet, and made to \nsit upon a shelf. In front, the place of honor, were two body \n\n\n286 \n\n\nTHE FIRST CHUECH. \n\n\npews, so called, assigned to strangers and the poor of the \nparish. \n\nJoseph Heath's plan of the interior of the proposed meet- \ning-house, and the names of the occupants of pews in 1736 \nare here siven : — \n\n\n22 1 PULPIT \n\n\nL \n\n\n25 : 24 \ni £6 I 23 \n\n\n1 E7 j 29 ; : 37 ; \n\n' 1 \n\n1- — ; J ► 1 \n\n1 7 \n\n1 26 I 30 ; 1 33 ; \n\n: \n\n- - ' ' \n\ni 8 \n\n1 II i 10 I e \n\ni ' ' ■ \n\nsriFns ' \n36 \n\nPLAN OF \n\nPEWS, \n\n1. \n\nThe minister. \n\n21. \n\nEleazer Williams. \n\n2. \n\nPaul Dudley. \n\n22. \n\nCol. Joseph Heath. \n\n3. \n\nCol. Lamb. \n\n23. \n\nNoah Perrin. \n\n4. \n\nRalph Holbrook. \n\n24. \n\nN. Williams. \n\n5. \n\nJona. Seaver. \n\n25. \n\nJohn Bowles. \n\n6. \n\nJos. Warren. \n\n26. \n\nStephen Williams. \n\n7. \n\nJ. Williams, Sen. \n\n27. \n\nJohn Goddard. \n\n8. \n\nEbenez. Cheney. \n\n28. \n\nLt. Isaac Curtis. \n\n9. \n\nEdw. Sumner. \n\n29. \n\nJohn Williams. \n\n10. \n\nLieut. Sam'l Williams. \n\nSO. \n\nJonathan Williams \n\n11. \n\nCapt. Sam'l Stevens. \n\n31. \n\nShed. \n\n12. \n\nEus. John Holbrook. \n\n32. \n\nEns. Ebenezer May. \n\n13. \n\nMr. Joseph Williams. \n\n33, \n\nEbr, Pierpont. \n\n14. \n\nEben Davis. \n\n34. \n\nDea. Ed. Kuggles. \n\n15. \n\nJ. Ptuggles. \n\n35. \n\nCaleb Stedman, \n\n16. \n\nCapt. John Eichardsou. \n\n36. \n\nEbenezer Dorr. \n\n17. \n\nJo. Euggles. \n\n37. \n\nEbenezer Warren. \n\n18. \n\nEben. Craft. \n\n38. \n\nEbenezer Seaver. \n\n19. \n\nMrs. Dorothy Williams. \n\n39, \n\nJames Mears. \n\n20. \n\nLt. Samuel Heath. \n\n40. \n\nSamuel Grigga. \n\nTHE FIRST CHURCH. 287 \n\n\nCALLERT. \n\n6. Mrs. Wm. Bosson. 9. Edward Dorr. \n\n6. Thomas Baker. 10. Mrs. Eaton. \n\n7. Jno. \"Woods. 11. Samuel Gore. \n\n8. Dea. Samuel Gridley. \n\nNo meetings could be held here while the siege lasted, \nand the building was used as a signal station for the arm}*, \nthe parsonage close by being the headquarters of Gen. \nThomas. \n\nFrom the church belfiy were shown the signals that trans- \nmitted to the countrj' the joyful intelligence that the British \ntroops were evacuating Boston, and that the long siege had \nbeen brought to a successful termination. The pews and the \nbell had been taken out by the parish committee, and the \ncommunion plate carried bj' Rev. Mr. Adams to Medfield. \nIt is greatl}' to be regretted that this old communion plate \ncould not have been kept as a sacred memento of the apostle \nEliot and of the founders of the church. Having become \nmuch worn, it was sold in 1789, and a new piece purchased \nwith the proceeds. A constant and conspicuous target for \nthe British cannon, the church was pierced through in many \nplaces, one ball passing through the belfry. At the close of \nthe siege, when the meetings were resumed, £200 were ex- \npended in necessary repairs. \n\nThe engi-aving of the old edifice and its surroundings \n(facing the title-page) is copied from an oil painting, by Pen- \nniman, the Roxbury artist, now the property' of Mr. Horace \nHunt, of Boston. It is taken from the residence of Deacon \nMoses Davis, on \"Washington Street, which constitutes the \nforeground, and exhibits the church and the hill with the \nhouses at that time (1790) upon it. Of those now standing, \nthe Mcars house on the left, the Lambert house next the \nchurch, and the parsonage are the most prominent. The \nold grocery store on Eliot Square is also seen, and a good \n\n\n288 THE riEST CHURCH. \n\nidea can be formed of this part of the town at the beginning \nof this centur3\\ \n\nIn 1802 the parish decided to erect a new building of wood \nupon the plan of the Newburj-port meeting-house. During \nits construction, in the following year, services were held in a \nnew unfinished brick building on Roxbury Street, owned by \nCapt. Stoddard, since known as Ionic Hall. The plan of \nrebuilding encountered opposition. Heath's manuscript jour- \nnal, under date of April 18, 1803, saj's: \" This day the meet- \ning-house in the First Parish of this town was begun to be \npulled down. It was not half worn out, and might have \nbeen repaired with a saving of $10,000 to the parish. It has \nbeen sold for S600. \"Whether every generation grows wiser \nor not, it is evident they grow more fashionable and extrava- \ngant.\" Our own generation has so far advanced in these \ndirections that it can not onl}' build more fashionably and \nextravagantlj^ than its predecessors, but does so almost wholly' \nupon borrowed capital. The present house was dedicated on \nJune 7, and services were first held here on June 10, 1804. \nUnderneath the west corner-stone of the building there was \ndeposited with appropriate ceremonies a circular silver plate \nwith the inscription : — \n\nTHIS \nBUILDING DESIG- \nNED FOR THE PUBLICK \nWORSHIP OF GOD, WAS FOUN- \nDED WITH HARMONY AND \nLOVE BY THE FIRST PARISH \nIN \nROXBURY, MAY 2D 1803. \n\nLAUS DEO. \n\nTen 3'ears later, and soon after a discourse by Rev. Dr. \nPorter, from Acts xviii, 17, this identical plate, which had \nbeen surreptitiousl}- removed from its place, was handed by \nMr. Ebenezer Brewer to Capt Jonathan Dorr, one of the \nparish committee. Upon the back of the plate when returned \n\n\nTHE FIRST CHURCH. \n\n\n289 \n\n\nthere was found written, \" This Tallent which the slothful \nservant hid in tlie earth, mite have been sold for six shilhngs \nand seven pence, and given to the poor, — ' but Galho cared \nfor none of these things.'\" \n\nBy vote of the parish in 1805, town meetings in the church \nwere interdicted, and as a result a town house was built soon \nafterwards. In April, 1806, the new clock was set up in \nthe tower by Mr. Simon Willard, its inventor and maker. \n\n\nTHE r I F.ST cur ECU. \n\n\nThe sale of pews in the new house left, after paying for the \nbuilding, a surplus of $7,706.02. This sum, on the proposi- \ntion of Gen. Heath in town meeting, was divided among the \ntax-payers of the parish, i»-o rata. In 1857 four of these \npew-holders were yet living, and also twenty-five of the \ndescendants of the 'original founders of 1632. In that year \nthe edifice was repaired, its interior greatly improved, and \nthe horse-sheds, so long an eyesore to the neighborhood, \nremoved. A handsome chapel has recently been erected on \ntiie Putnam Street side. \n\nThis is one of the oldest as well as one of the largest and \nmost influential religious societies in New England, being \n10 \n\n\n290 THE FIRST CHURCH. \n\nfifth in the order of time, those of Salem (1629), Dorchester \n(1630), Boston, and Watertown (1632) having alone pre- \nceded it. It was gathered in July, 1632, George Aicock, \nWiUiam Parke, William Pjnchon, John Johnson, Thomas \nLamb, Wilham Denison, Thomas Rawlings, Robert Cole, \nSamuel Wakeman, and William Chase being its principal \nfounders. \" Until such time as God should give them oppor- \ntunity to be a church among themselves, the people of Rocks- \nborough joyned to the church at Dorchester, and chose Aicock \nfor their Deakon.\" \n\nWhen the opportunity came, through the large accessions \nmade to their number in the summer of 1632, Mr. Thomas \nWelde was ordained teacher, and John Eliot, pastor of the \nchurch and society. Welde's engagement is thus quaintly \ndescribed : \" After many imparlances and days of humiliation \nby those of Roxbury to seek the Lord for Mr. Welde his dis- \nposing, and the advice of those of Plymouth being taken, he \nresolved to sit down with them of Roxbury, the diligent peo- \nple thereof early preventing their brethren of other churches \nby caUiug him to be their pastor.\" \n\nOf the manner of Eliot's settlement here, in pursuance of \nhis agreement with his Nazing friends, he tells us in his \nchurch record : — \n\n\" Mr. John Eliot came to N. E. iu the 9 month 1631. He left his \nintended wife in England to come the next year. He adjoyued to \nthe church at Boston, and there exercised iu the absence of Mr. \nWilson the Pastor who was gone back to England for his wife and \nfamily. The next summer Mr. Wilsou returned and by yt time the \nchurch at Boston was intended to call him to office, his friends were \ncome over and settled at Rosborough to whom he was foreingaged \nyt if he were not called to office before they came he was to joyne \nwith them, whereupon the church at Roxborough called him to be \nteacher in the end of the summer, & soon after he was ordained \nto yt office in the church. Also his wife came along with the rest of \nhis friends the same time, & soon after their coming they were mar- \nried.\" \n\n\nANTINOMIAN CONTROVERSY. 291 \n\nFrom that da}- to this, uninterrupted harmony has prevailed, \nif we except the period of the so-called antinomian contro- \nversy in 1637. This struggle for intellectual freedom against \nthe authorit}' of the clergy was ablj' sustained by Mrs. Anne \nHutchinson, backed by her brother, John Wheelwright, the \n3'oung governor, Harr}\" Vane, and by some among the schol- \nars, magistrates, and members of the General Court. So \ngreat was the excitement occasioned by it that the pious \nJohn Wilson climbed into a tree to harangue the people, and \nit even interfered with the levy of troops for the Pequod war. \nThe clerical party triumphed, Hutchinson and Wheelwright \nwere exiled from the territorj' of Massachusetts as \" unfit \nfor the society- \" of its citizens, and their adherents were dis- \narmed, for having signed a petition stigmatized as '\"a \nseditious libel,\" wherein they had affirmed Mrs. Wheel- \nwright's innocence, and that the court had \" condemned the \ntruth of Christ.\" \n\nMrs. Hutchinson, who is described by her bigoted oppo- \nnents as \" a woman of a haughty and fierce carriage, of a \nnimble wit and active spirit, and a very voluble tongue,\" had \nsubmitted with impatience to the regulation debarring women \nfrom the privilege of joining in the debates at the private \nreligious meetings of the brethren. She therefore set up a \nmeeting of the sisters also, that was soon largely attended, \nand she was sustained and approved by the excellent John \nCotton and Henry Vane. The jealousy of the clergy was \nsoon excited against her, and at the first synod held in \nAmerica, assembled in 1637 at Newtown, no less than eighty- \ntwo errors were enumerated and condemned, and she was, \nin the following November, sentenced by the court to banish- \nment. To realize fully the magnitude of a schism that so \nnearly toppled over the framework of the Puritan church, it is \nonly necessary to know that the \" dangerous errors \" taught \nby her and especially named were, first, \" that the person of \nthe Holy Ghost dwells in a justified person,\" and second, \n\n\n292 ANTINOMIAN CONTROVERSY. \n\n' ' that no sanctification can help to evidence to us our justifi- \ncation.\" While in the custod}' of Capt. Joseph Weld, at \nhis house in Roxbury, as we learn from Winthrop, \" divers \nof the elders and others resorted to her, and finding her to \npersist in maintaining those gross errors before mentioned \nand many others, to the number of thirty or thereabouts,\" \nshe was called before the church at Boston, where, \" though \nher errors were clearly confuted, yet she held her own so \nas the church agreed she should be admonished,\" and her \nexcommunication was speedily pronounced. \n\n\"The church at Koxbury,\" says \"Winthrop, \"dealt with divers \nof their members there who had their names to the petition, and \nspent many days in pubUc meetings to have brought them to see \nthe sin in that as also in the corrupt opinions which they held, but \ncould not prevail with them. So they pronounced to two or three, \nadmonitions, and when all was in vain they cast them out of the \nchurch.\" \n\nThe Roxbury men disarmed were William and Edward \nDenison, Richard Morris, Richard Bulgar, and Philip Sher- \nman. The reason of this extraordinary proceeding is thus \nset forth in the colonial records : — \n\n\" Whereas the opinions and revelations of Mr. \"Wheelwright and \nMrs. Hutchinson have seduced and led into dangerous errors many \nof the people here in New England, insomuch as there is just cause \nof suspition that they, as others in Germany in former times, may \nupon some revelations make suddaine irruption upon those that dif- \nfer from them in judgment, for prevention whereof it is ordered,\" \netc. \n\nNo wonder that in those days the sajing was current in \nConnecticut that if a man was too bad to live with here in \nMassachusetts they sent him to Rhode Island, and when they \nfound one a little too good they sent him to Connecticut, \nwhile the remainder, who were tolerable and of average \northodoxy and respectability, were allowed to remain. Of \nthree citizens of Roxbury driven hence at this time, two, \n\n\nREV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD. 293 \n\nJohn Coggeshall and Henry Bull, were afterwards governors \nof Rhode Island ; while a third, Philip Sherman, became a \ndistinguished citizen and founder of that colony. \n\nAn interesting event was that which took place at the old \nchurch in Roxbury on the thirteenth of the fourth month, \n16o4. All the neighboring elders and fathers of the church \nhad assembled, together with Eliot's Indian converts, who \nwere to be examined with a view to the formation of an \nIndian church. The number examined was eight, \" so many \nas might be first called forth to enter into church covenant, \nif the Lord gave opportunity.\" It was thought best, how- \never, to make haste slowly, and that Indian teachers should \nbe trained up and instructed for the work, so that the first \nIndian church, that at Natick, was not formed until 1660. \n\nGreat was the excitement when the celebrated Whitefield \npreached here. He was well received b}' the clergy of Bos- \nton, with the single exception of Dr. Cutler, rector of Christ's \nChurch, who met him one da}' on the street, and said to him, \n\" I am sorry to see you here,\" and to whom Whitefield quietl}' \nremarked, \"So is the devil.\" In his diary, under date of \nFriday, Sept. 26, 1740, he mentions preaching at Roxbur}- in \nthe morning to \" man}' thousands of people who flocked in \nfrom all parts of the country,\" and whom he must have ad- \ndressed from the open space in front of the church, after- \nwards dining with Judge Paul Dudle}'. \n\nPublic services in the church were frequently suspended \nduring the Revolution, the people having been very much \nscattered at the time of the siege. This, as well as the \nimpoverishment occasioned by the war, prevented for some \ntime a resettlement, and the pastoral office remained vacant \nuntil peace was declared. The pulpit was, however, usually \nsuppHed, Christian ordinances were administered, and various \ncandidates for the ministry were heard on probation. \n\nMost of the primitive churches being destitute of bells, the \npeople were summoned by beat of drum. Once a year a \n\n\n294 EAELY CHURCH CUSTOMS. \n\ncommittee was chosen \" to seat the meeting-house.\" Indi- \nviduals were not pew or seat owners, the house belonging to \nthe town, and the committee in the discharge of their duty de- \ncided in what seats or pews certain persons should sit when at- \ntending public worship. The}' were seated according to their \nage and estate ; families were divided, men and women sitting \napart on then* respective sides of the house, while boj's had a \nplace separate from both, with a tithing-man to keep them in \norder. This was alwa3s some staid and vigilant person who \nmade frequent rounds ; the badge of his office was a pole, with \na knob at one end and a tuft of feathers at the other ; with \nthe one he rapped the heads of the men, and with the other \nhe brushed the women's faces when he caught them napping. \nAs late as 1774, persons were fined for non-attendance at \npublic worship. Excommunication was a common punish- \nment for drunkenness and crime. \n\nA church fully furnished had a pastor and a teacher, the \ndistinctive function of the former being private and public \nexhortation, and of the latter, doctrinal and scriptural expla- \nnation. This practice went gradually into disuse. Each \nchurch had also one or more \" ruling elders \" and deacons, \nwho had the charge of prudential concerns and of providing \nfor the poor. They, as well as the teaching elders, were \nconsecrated to their trusts with religious solemnities. Several \nentries on the church records tell us how the ministers \" dews \nshall be raysed.\" One would rather like to understand the \ndistinction implied in this : ' ' the deacons to have liberty for \na quarter of a 3'eare to git in every man's sume, either in a \nchurch way (?) or a Christian wa^', as he seeth cause.\" \n\nSermons were usually of an hour's length, measured by an \nhour-glass that stood upon the pulpit. Preaching with notes \nor reading sermons was very little practised in the first cen- \ntury. The reading of the Bible in the public worship, with- \nout exposition, was generally disapproved and stigmatized by \nthe term \" dumb reading.\" The singing was without instru- \n\n\nSUNDAY SCHOOLS. 295 \n\nmental accompaniment. As a most efficient means of pro- \nmoting the religious education of their children and in the \nbuilding up of the church, the Sunda}' school, commonly sup- \nposed to be a modern institution, was by no means overlooked \nby the pious founders of New England. \"This day,\" say \nthe chiu'ch records (Dec. 6, 1679), •' we restored our primitive \npractice for the training up our youth. First, our male \nyouth, in fitting season after the evening services in the pub- \nlic meeting-house, where the elders will examine their remem- \nbrance that da}', and any fit point of catechism ; second, that \nour female youth should meet in one place, where the elders \nmay examine their remembrance of j'esterday, and about \ncatechize or what else may be convenient.\" \n\nEarly in this century the Congregational churches were in \na quasi-conserv^ative state, few besides aged persons appear- \ning at the communion-table, conversions among the young \nbeing rare and very noticeable when they occurred. Saj's an \neminent authorit}', \"Moderate Calvinism was professed by \nmanj' of the clergy, and very moderate it certainly was.\" \nOur own Revolution and that of France, with the general \nshalving up and overturn of old ideas and established usages, \ncontributed largel}' to this result. The change of the First \nChurch from the Calvinistic to the Unitarian faith took place \nabout the commencement of this century. \" The interest in \nreligion had so far declined,\" wrote an observer in 1820, \n• ' that although there are in the First Parish in Roxbury com- \npleted and building three churches within the compass of a \nfew rods, those who prefer to spend their Sabbath in regular \nworship to lounging about taverns and pilfering in the fields, \nbut half fill a single one.\" It was at this very time that two \nyoung men, to close a drunken nocturnal frolic, broke into \nRev. Dr. Porter's church, tore the cushions in pieces, de- \nstroyed the Bible, removed the hearse from the graveyard, and \nperformed other acts equally disgraceful. A radical change \nin our religious sj'stem was effected in 1833, when an amend- \n\n\n296 BAY PSALM BCMDK. \n\ninent to the Bill of Rights provided that the support of religion \nshould no longer be a matter of obligation, but should be \nentirely voluntary. A member of any religious society or \nparish can now withdraw at will, and cease to be liable for \nsociety or parish expenses. \n\nThe first book printed in the English colonies, the New- \nEngland version of the Psalms, generally known as \" The \nBay Psalm Book,\" was the joint production of Eliot and \nWelde, of this church, and Richard Mather, minister of Dor- \nchester. It was printed in 1 639, taking the place of Ains- \nworth's version and that of Sternhold and Hopkins, contin- \nuing in use down to the period of the Revolution. When on \nSunday, July 9, 1758, this version gave place to that of Tate \nand Brady, \"some people,\" says the church record, \"were \nmuch offended at the same.\" \n\n' ' \"Welde, Eliot, and Mather mounted the restive steed \nPegasus,\" says Rev. EUas Nason, \" Hebrew psalter in hand, \nand trotted in hot haste over the rough road of Shemitic roots \nand metrical psalmodj\". Other divines rode behind, and after \ncutting and slashing, mending and patching, twisting and \nturning, finally produced what must ever remain the most \nunique specimen of poetical tinkering in our literature.\" Its \ntype was unusall}- poor, and its punctuation such as to remind \none of Lord Timothy Dester's pepper-box. An edition was \nprinted with a few tunes, the first music engraved in this \ncountry, in 1696. The music was in two parts, treble and \nbass, and a few directions were given for setting these tunes \nwithin the compass of the voice, so that the people could sing \nthem \" without squeaking above or grumbhng below.\" \n\nThis book is of such rarity that an original copy brought a \nthousand dollars at a recent auction sale. Many editions of \nit were printed in Edinburgh, and it enjoys the distinction of \nbeing, in booksellers' parlance, the first book \" pirated \" from \nAmerica. Rev. Thomas Shepard, of Cambridge, who thus \ncriticises the poetical efforts of his brethren, does not exhibit \n\n\nCHURCH MUSIC. 297 \n\na very marked superiority over them in his verses upon the \noccasion : — \n\n\"Ye Roxbury poetis, keep clear of the crime \nOf missing to give us very good rhyme ; \nAnd you of Dorchester, your verses lengthen, \nBut with the text's own words you will them strengthen.\" \n\nThe early settlers of New England always sung congrega- \ntionally. The whole number of tunes known to them did not \nexceed ten, and few congregations could go beyond five. \nRising in their seats, they stood facing the pastor, and sang \nin unison each line as it was \" lined out,\" or \" deaconed off.\" \nThe rule was to sing a note of \" Old Hundred\" to a beat of \nthe pulse, which was at least one third quicker than we now \nrender it. Rev. Thomas Walter, the pastor of this church, \nin his \" Grounds and Rules of Musick Explained,\" complains \nthat \" for a want of a standard to appeal to in all our sing- \ning, our tunes are left to the mere}' of ever}' unskilful throat \nto chop and alter, twist and change, according to their suffi- \nciently diverse and no less odd humors and fancies.\" As for \nthe singing of the congregation, '• it sounded like five hundred \ndifferent tunes roared out at the same time,\" and so little \nattention was paid to time that the}' were often one or two \nwords apart, producing noises \"so hideous and disorderly, \nas is bad beyond expression.\" The manner of singing, also, \nhad become so tedious and drawling that he himself had \npaused to take breath twice in one note. \n\nEbenezer Fox, a Roxbury lad, has furnished this reminis- \ncence of the music of this old church in 1775: \"Deacon \nCrafts, grandfather of Mr. Eben Crafts, used to read aloud \none verse at a time of the psalm or hymn, which the choir \nwould sing, and then wait till he had read another. Hymn- \nbooks were not in general use ; they were, some time after, in \nthe pews of the wealthy. At a subsequent period fuguing \ntunes were introduced, and they produced a literally fuguing \neffect upon the elder people, the greater part of whom went \n\n\n298 eliot's church record. \n\nout of church as soon as the first verse was sung.\" Our pious \nforefathers would not tolerate musical instruments in the \nsanctuary', not even a pitch-pipe being permitted in the early \ntimes. It was almost as hard sometimes to set the psalm as \nto raise the meeting-house. The tuner was assisted in his \nofficial duties b}' a comical instrument constructed something \nlike a mouse-trap, called a pitch-pipe. It was introduced into \nthe churches stealthily, kept out of sight, and passed along \nfrom lip to lip as slyly as a bottle of brandy in a stage-coach. \nThe bass-viol, or the \" Lord's fiddle,\" as they called it, \ncame in later and incurred far more serious opposition. Dr. \nEmmons left his church and refused to preach because the \nsingers persisted in its use. \" I very well remember,\", says \nFox, \" the first Sabbath that the bass-viol was used as an \naccompaniment to the singing. The old, pious people were \nhorror-struck at what they considered a sacrilegious innova- \ntion, and went out of meeting in high dudgeon. One old \nchurch-member, I recollect, stood at the church door and \nshowed his contempt for the music b}' making a sort of \ncaterwauling noise, which he called ' mocking the banjo.' \" \n\nThe first volume of the records of the Fn'st Church, chiefly \nin Eliot's handwriting, contains \" a recorde of such as ad- \njoyned themselves unto the fellowship of this church of Christ \nat Roxborough ; as also of such children as they had when \nthey joyned, & of such as were borne vnto them vnder the \nholy covenant of this church who are most properly the seede \nof this church.\" In it are many curious and interesting partic- \nulars respecting the earl}' inhabitants of the town. A few \nonly of the more quaint or characteristic of these notices can \nbe here given. The first name in it is that of the principal \nfounder of the church and town : — \n\n\"Mr. William Pinchon came iu the first company in 1630. He \nwas one of the first foundation of the church at Roxboi'ough ; was \nchosen an assistant yearly so long as he lived among us. His wife \ndyed soon after he landed in New England. He brought four chil- \n\n\neliot's church record. 299 \n\ndren to New England, — Ann, Maiy, John, Margaret. After some \nyears he married Mris. Frances Sanford, a grave matron of the \nchurch at Dorchester. When so many removed from these parts \nto plant Connecticut Eiver, he also with other company went \nthither and planted at a place called Agawam, and was recom- \nmended to the church at \"Windsor in Connecticut until such time as \nit should please God to provide y* they might enter into church \nestate among themselves. . . . Afterwards he wrote a dialogue \nconcerning justification, which was printed anno 1650, stiled ' The \nMeritorious Price,' a book full of errors and weakness and some \nheresies, which the General Court of y« Massachusetts condemned \nto be burnt, and appointed Mr. John Norton, the teacher at Ipswich, \nto refute y« errors contained therein. \n\n\" ^Mrs. Mary Dummer, the wife of Mr. Richard Dummer. She was \na godly woman, but by the seduction of some of her acquaintances \nshe was led away into the new opinions in Mrs. Hutchinson's time, \nand her husband removing to Newbury, she there openly declared \nherself &, did also (together with others indeavor) seduce her hus- \nband & persuaded him to return to Boston, where she being going \nwith child and ill, Mr Clark (one of the same opinions) unskilfully \ngave her a vomit, which did in such manner torture and torment \nher, yt she dyed in a most uncomfortable manner. But we believe \nGod tooke her away from worse evil which she was falling unto, \nand we doubt not but she is gone to heaven.\" \n\n'•Richard Lyman, came to N. E. in the 9^ month 1631. He \nbrought children Phillis, Richard, Sarah, John. He was an ancient \nChristian but weake, yet after some time of tryal & quickening \nhe joyned to the church. When the great removall was made to \nConnecticut he also went and underwent much affliction, for, going \ntoward winter, his catle were lost in driving &, some never found \nagain, and the winter being could & ill provided, he was sick & mel- \nancholy yet after, he had some revivings through God's mercy & \ndyed in the year 1640. \n\n\"John Moody came to the land in the yeare 1633. He had two \nmen servants yt were ungodly, especially one of them who in his \npassion would wish himself in hell & many desperate words, yet had \na good measure of knowledge. These two servants would goe to \nthe oister bank in a boat & did against the counsel of their governor, \nwhere they lay all night & in the morning early when the tide was \nout, they gathering oisters did unskilfully leave their boat afloat in \nthe verge of the channel, & quickly the tide carried it away so far \n\n\n300 eliot's church record. \n\ninto the channel y* they would not come neare it which maide them \ncry out and hollow, but being very early and remote were not heard \ntill the water had risen very high upon them to the armpits as its \nthought, and then a man from Rocksborough meeting house heard \nthem cry and call & he cryed and ran with all speed, & seeing their \nboat swam to it & helped to them, but they were both so drowned \nbefore anybody could possibly come, a dreadful example of God's \ndispleasure against obstinate servants. \n\n\"Phillip Sherman came into the land in 1633, a single man and \nafter married Sarah Odding, the daughter of the wife of John Por- \nter by a former husband. This man was of a melancholy temper. \nHe lived honestly and comfortably among us several years. Upon \na just calling went for England & returned again with a blessing. \nBut after his father in law John Porter was so carryd away with \nthe opinions of familisra & seism, he followed them & removed \nwith them to the (Rhode) Island. He behaved himself sinfully in \nthese matters (as may appear in the story), & was cast out of the \nchurch. \n\n\"Elizabeth Stow the wife of John Stow. She was a very godly \nmatron attending not only to her family but to all the church, & when \nshe had led a Christian conversation a few years among us, she dyed \nand left a good savor behind her. \n\n\" Henry Bull, a man servant came to the land in 1635. He lived \nhonestly for a good season, but on a sudaine (being weake & affec- \ntionate), he was taken and transported with the opinions of Fami- \nlism, & running in that scisme he fell into many and grosse sins of \nlying (as may be seen in the story), for which he was excomuuicated, \nafter which he removed to Ehode Island.\" (Afterward governor \nof Rhode Island.) \n\n\" William Frankling, in whom we had good satisfaction in his \ngodlynesse, yet it pleased God to leave him to some acts of rigor \nand cruelty to a boy his servant who dyed under his hand. But \nsundry sins he was guilty of and the scandal so great y* he was ex- \ncomuuicated yt day month, the 21st of the 2d mo. 1644 & shortly \nafter executed.\" (Winthrop's Journal tells us that \"the church in \ncompassion to his soul after his condemnation, procured license for \nhim to come to Roxburj', intending to receive him in again before \nhe died, if they might find him truly penitent. But though presently \nafter his condemnation he judged himself and justified God and the \nCourt, yet then he quarrelled with the witnesses and justified him- \nself, and so continued even to his execution, professing assurance \n\n\nELIOT'S CHURCH RECORD. 301 \n\nof salvation aucl that God would never lay the boy's death to his \ncharge, but the guilt of his blood \"would be upon the country.\") \n\n\" Mris. Barker, a gentlewoman that came from Barbadoes hither \nfor the gospel's sake. We found her not so well acquainted with \nher own heart & the ways and workings of God's spirit in con- \nverting a sinner unto God, yet full of sweet affection, and we feared \na little too confident. \"We received her not without fcare and \njealousy. \n\n'• Sister Cleaves (alias Stebbins), was publicly admonished for \nunseasonably entertaining & corrupting other folks' servants & \nchildren, & hath corrupted Mr. Lamb's negro, who in a discontent \nset her master's house on fire in the dead of night, and also Mr. \nSwan's. One girl was burned and all the rest had much ado to \nescape with their lives.\" (This occurred on the night of July 12, \nICSl, and on Sept. 22d the incendiary, a woman, was burnt to death \npublicly in Boston, — the first to suffer such a death in New \nEngland.) \n\n\" Webb, the wife of William Webb. She followed baking, \n\n& through her covetouse mind she made light weight. After \nmany admonitions & after sundry rebukes of a court & officers in \nthe market, & after her speciall promise to the contrary, yet was \nagain scandalously discovered in the open market as also for a habit \nof lying & shifting, after much admonition & also for a gross ly in \npublic flatly denying yt after she had weighed her dough she never \nuimed off bitts from each loaf, Avhich yet was by four witnesses tes- \ntified, and after appeared to be a common if not a constant px-actice, \nfor all wh. gross sins she was excommunicated Oct. 23, 1642, her \nways having long been a grief of heart to her godly neighbors. But \nafterward she was reunited to y church & lived chrystianly & dyed \ncomfortably. \n\n\" Stebbins, the wife of Martin Stebbins. She was so vyo- \n\nlent in her passion that she offered vyoleuce to her husband, which \nbeing divulged was of such infamy y' she was cast out of church, \nbut sooue after she humbled herself & was received in again.\" \n\nIt is noteworthy that the term of service of four of the \npastors, Eliot, Xehemiah \"Walter, Porter, and Putnam, extends \nover a space of two hundred and nineteen years, covering the \nentire period of its history from the foundation to the present \ntime, with the exception of twenty-seven years. It is little \n\n\n302 \n\n\nSUCCESSION or PASTORS. \n\n\nless remarkable iu these da^-s of change that, with the excep- \ntion of \"Welde, who went back to England, and the present \npastor, all have begun and ended here their ministerial career, \nspending their lives in the service of this church. The suc- \ncession of its pastors follows : — \n\n\nThomas Welde, \n\nJuly, 1632, \n\nd. \n\nEngland \n\n, Mar. 23, \n\n1661 \n\nJohn Eliot, \n\nNov. 5, 1632, \n\n(( \n\nRosbury \n\n, May 20, \n\n1690 \n\nSamuel Danforth, \n\nSept. 24, 1650, \n\n\" \n\nNov. 10, \n\n1674 \n\nNehemiah Walter, \n\nOct. 17, 1688, \n\n\" \n\nSept. 17, \n\n1750 \n\nThomas Walter, \n\nOct. 19, 1718, \n\n<( \n\nJan. 10, \n\n1725 \n\nOliver Peabody, \n\nNov. 7, 1750, \n\n(C \n\nMay 29, \n\n1752 \n\nAmos Adams, \n\nSept. 12, 1753, \n\n(( \n\nOct. 5, \n\n1775 \n\nEliphalet Porter, \n\nOct. 2, 1782, \n\nit \n\nDec. 7, \n\n1833 \n\nGeorge Putnam, \n\nJuly 7, 1830, \n\n(( \n\nApr. 11, \n\n1878 \n\nJohn Graham Brooks \n\nOct. 10, 1876. \n\nSMELT BROOK. 303 \n\n\nCHAPTER VIII. \n\nSMELT BROOK TO THE PUNCH-BOWL. \n\nSmelt Brook. — Roxbury Street. — Revolutionary Incident. — Gilbert Stu- \nart. — Cabot Street. — Deacon Gridley. — Dr. Prentiss. — Laban S. \nBeecher. — Thomas Lamb. — Ionic Hall. — Parsonage. — Rev. Amos \nAdams. — Rev. Dr. Porter. — Old Grocery Store. — Lexington Alarm. \n— Burrill's Tavern. — \"Waitt's Mill. — Gore Homestead. — Grosvenor. — \nTide MUl. — Pierpout. — Brinley Place. — Ward's Headquarters. — Gen. \nDearborn. — Craft's Homestead. — Mill Dam. — Dr. Downer. — Punch- \nBowl Tavern. \n\nJOHN DANE, afterwards of Ipswich, came here in 1638. \nAmong other matters related b}- him in the ' ' Remarka- \nble Providences \" in his life is this : ' ' M3' first cuming was to \nRoxburey. There I toke a pese of ground to plant of a frind, \nand I went to plant and having cept (kept) long in the shep \n(ship), the weather being hot I spent m3-self, and was veary \nwearey and thurste}'. I cam bj' a spring in Roxburj' Street, \nand went to it and drunk and drunk againe and againe manie \ntimes, and I never drank wine in my life that more refresht \nme, nor was more pleasant to me, as I then absolutel}^ \nthout.\" \n\nThis delicious spring was undoubtedly Smelt Brook, which \ncrossed the street in front of the Universalist Church, and \nwhich has long since disappeared. The old Cambridge Road \nhere bends sharply to the west, and at this point the brook \nwas formerly crossed b}' a bridge. Near the junction of \nDudley and Washington Streets, in the rear of Institute Hall, \nthere was also, in the early daj's, a spring of excellent water. \nAnother noted spring was located not far from the northwest \ncorner of Williams Street and Shawmut Avenue. This avenue, \n\n\n304 REVOLUTIONARY INCIDENT. \n\nfrom Boston to the Universalist Church, was constructed clur \niiig Ma3'or Ritchie's administration. Roxbury Street, from \nthis point, laid out in 1652, was m 16C3 described as \"the \nhighway from the upper end of the lane towards the meeting- \nhouse, and so down by the old mill, and so forward to \nMuddy River.\" It was also called the highway to Dedham, \nas far as the road now known as Centre Street, then as the \nCambridge Road, afterwards as the Worcester Turnpike, and \nlater as Washington and Tremont Streets. \n\nMany persons will recollect the old house that stood oppo- \nsite the Highland Railway station on Shawmut Avenue, and \nwhich was taken down in 1875, and a car-house erected on its \nsite. It formerl}' stood where the brick block now is, oppo- \nsite the green in front of tlie church, and was removed in \n1851. Built in 1751 by an Englishman named Bell, a con- \ntractor for supplies to the king's troops in North America, it \npassed through various hands, Gardiner Greene, of Boston, \nhaving once owned it, and was in 1825 purchased by Edward \nSumner, who, however, never lived there. The land, origi- \nnally Elder Isaac Heath's, afterwards the propert}' of his son- \nin-law, John Bowles, came into the possession of Edward \nBromfield, whose heirs sold it to Bell. A Revolutionar}^ inci- \ndent connected with this house is related b}' Mr. Edward \nSumner, of Dedham : — \n\n\"The road to Boston, until 1808, passed close to the eastern side \nof the house which was its front. Opposite the door there stood, \nin 1776, a large pear-tree. A sliot from the South Battery in Boston \ntook off a limb of the tree, and, glancing, killed Lieut. John Mayo, \nwho was getting his men in readiness to march to Dorchester \nHeights, on the ground where the church stands, then occupied by \nthe Americans, and covered with breastworks. This was the only \ncasualty attending that important movement. In the autumn of \n18iO an old, gray-haired man was seen examining this tree. He told \naa occupant of the house that he was a soldier in Mayo's company, \nand that he had never uutil now had an opportunity of revisiting \na scene which had so deeply impressed him.\" \n\n\nGILBERT STUART. 305 \n\nJust beyond Shawmut Avenue is a large, square house, \nbuilt about the begiuuing of the centur}- by Dr. John Bart- \nlett, and subsequently' owned and occupied by Dr. P. G. \nRobbins, father of Rev. Chandler Robbins. Gilbert Stuart, \nthe greatest of American portrait-painters, the latter part of \n■whose life was passed in Boston and Roxbur}', resided here \nduring the war of 1812, and while here painted full lengths \nof Commodores Hull and Bainbridge, now in the City Hall, \nNew York. Portraits by him are found in man}' of the man \nsions of this vicinity, his skill being in constant requisition. \nAmong them are those of Gen. Henry Dearborn, and his sou, \nGen. H. A. S. Dearborn, Gov. Eustis, Mr. and Mrs. Sted- \nman \"Williams, Capt. Aaron Davis, Dr. John Bartlett and \nwife, Benjamin Bussey, and Elisha Whitney. \n\nIn person, Stuart was rather large, and his movements in \nthe latter part of his life were slow and heavy, but not un- \ngraceful. His features were bold and leonine, and a stranger \nwould, on passing, mentally exclaim, \" That is no ordinary \nman.\" His manner was of the old school and exceedingly \nwell-bred, and his conversational powers remarkable. He \npossessed gi'eat conviviality and wit, and \"every kind of \nsense but common-sense.\" He was a pupil of Benjamin \nWest, whose portrait, painted by Stuart, is in the National \nGallery at London. West introduced him to the celebrated \nDr. Johnson as a j'oung American from whom he might derive \nsome information. After some conversation, the doctor ob- \nserved to West that the young man spoke very good English, \nand turning to Stuart rudely asked him where he had learned \nit. Stuart promptly replied, \" Sir, I can better tell you where \nI did not learn it, — it was not from your dictionary.\" John- \nson seemed aware of his own abruptness, and was not offended. \nDuring Stuart's London life he was dissipated, and was more \nthan once taken from a sponging-house by his friend Water- \nhouse, who paid the debts for which he was confined. \n\nStuart generally produced a likeness before painting in the \n19 \n\n\n306 BICKNELL. — GIBBS. — ALLEN. \n\neyes. On one occasion, when a pert coxcomb had been sit- \nting to him, the painter gave notice that the sitting was \nended, and the dandy exclaimed on looking at the canvas. \n\" Whv, it has no eyes!\" Stuart replied, \"It is not nine \ndays old 3'et.\" Said a sitter to Sir Joshua Reynolds, \" \"Whom, \nSir Joshua, excepting yourself, do j'ou regard as the best \nportrait-painter in England?\" He replied, \"There is a \n3'oung American artist here, named Gilbert Stuart, who is the \nbest head painter in the world, not excepting Sir Joshua \nReynolds.\" \n\nBe3-ond the Bartlett mansion are several houses dating \nback to the commencement of the centur}', the first, now \ngreatly dilapidated, having been occupied successively by \nDr. Lemuel LeBaron and Humphrey Bicknell, a mason by \ntrade and captain of the artillery companj'. Next comes the \nhouse of Joseph Seaver, afterwards occupied by Major Alex- \nander H. Gibbs, founder and first captain of the Norfolk \nGuards and commander of the Ancient and Honorable Artil- \nlery Company in 1823, a man of remarkably fine appearance \nand soldierly bearing. Jacob Allen's house is at the corner \nof Allen Place. The estate opposite, upon which the brick \nbuilding known as the Washington Schoolhouse stands, was \nbought by the town in 1840. The house was finished in \nDecember of that year, and was the first grammar-school \nbuilding erected for the purpose in Roxbury, always except- \ning the old Free School. \n\nCabot and Ruggles Streets formed the old town wslx that \nled to Gravelly Point. This way was laid out in 1663 between \nthe lands of Rev. Samuel Danforth, formerly Capt. Joseph \nWeld's, and the heirs of Samuel Hagborn, over what was \nsometimes called \" Hagborn's Neck.\" The Point ran out \ninto the bay towards Cambridge, from where the old stone \nmill stood on Parker Street, at the mouth of Stony River. \nWhere Sumner Place enters Cabot Street a battery was \nerected in the early da^^s of the siege, upon rising ground \n\n\nDEACON SAMUEL GRIDLEY. 307 \n\noverlooking the marshes. It was connected by an abatis con- \nstructed of young apple-trees from Edward Sumner's orchard \nclose by, with the American lines of defence, whose right \nextended across the Neck to Lamb's Dam. The Roxbury \nshore, wherever a boat-landing was practicable, was similarly \nprotected, at the expense of the orchards and shade trees of \nthe neighborhood. Edward Sumner owned the twelve acres \nof upland between Roxbury and Ruggles Streets, extending \nfrom Washington to Cabot. \" Ned's Hill,\" the site of the \n'• House of the Angel Guardian,\" was a part of his land, and \nfifty years ago was used as a training-field. \n\nThe house on the west corner of Linden Park and Cabot \nStreets has been the home of two well-known residents of the \ntown, Deacon Samuel Gridley and Dr. N. S. Prentiss. It \nhas been greatlj' altered in our da}', but its frame is nearl}' a \ncentury and a half old. The estate of three acres was bought \nin 1727 of Timoth}- Parker, by Samuel Gridley, \" cord- \nwainer,\" of Pomfret, Conn., who was of the same family as \nGen. Richard Gridley, the engineer, so conspicuous at Louis- \nburg, Quebec, and Bunker's Hill. The name of Deacon \nSamuel Gridley, many years town clerk and selectman, is \nfrequently met with in the records of the town, and is \nappended to man}' of the patriotic acts and resolves of Rox- \nbur}- of the ante-revolutionary period. He filled this post \nuntil the 3'ear before his death, when \" on account of old age \nand decay of nature,\" he requested the town by letter to find \nsome one to take his place. The soul of this honest man \nand sterling patriot took its fiight amid the roar of the cannon \nthat covered the successful occupation of Dorchester Heights. \nWhen the siege was over, the old house, which had been occu- \npied by the troops, had to be cleared, and the fences and \nwalls rebuilt, so that the widow could live in it His son, \nWilliam Gridlej^, afterwards improved it for a tavern. \n\nDr. Nathaniel Shepherd Prentiss, who taught the old \ngrammar school in 1801-7, was a selectman five years, a \n\n\n308 DR. NATHANIEL S. PRENTISS. \n\nrepresentative three j-ears, and town clerk thirty years, \nbeing re-elected yearly b}' an almost unanimous vote, and \ndied Nov. 5, 1853, aged eight}-- seven. His first residence \nwas on \"Warren Street, where Munroe, the painter, lives. \nWhile teaching the gi-ammar school he usually had about one \nhundred scholars, who stood ver}\" much in awe of him. One \nof his pupils was the Rev. Samuel Newell, a pioneer mission- \nary to India. He taught a private school at his last resi- \ndence, and in October, 1825 opened a school for education \nin the higher branches, on Dudle}- Street. For more than \nfort}' years, as teacher and officer, he labored with zeal and \nenergy in the local affairs of Roxbury, where he was uni- \nversally respected for his wisdom, integrity, prudence, and \npatriotism. In later life his tall, robust, and noble presence, \nlocks white as snow, and open, pleasing countenance, always \nattracted the attention of strangers. His name stands first \non the list of founders of the Eliot Church. \n\nA story is told that illustrates the tact and good judgment \nof the Doctor. It was long the custom to elect newly mar- \nried men to the useful but onerous office of hog-reeve. As \na practical joke on the master, who had recently committed \nmatrimony, and who in accordance with the time-honored \ncustom had been elected to that dignity, some of the boys \nplaced the carcass of a hog against the schoolroom door, \nwhere it was found when school opened. After the school \nexercises were over, the Doctor inquired who were the perpe- \ntrators of the deed. No one spoke, and he then declared \nthat he would punish all unless the guilty ones came forward, \nat the same time appealing to their sense of justice by asking \nif they would allow those who were innocent to be punished. \nThis had the desired effect. The culprits came forward. A \nprocession was formed. Each delinquent was required to \ntake hold of a leg or other part of the deceased porker and \nassist in carrying the remains to a distant field, where, under \nthe supervision of a committee of the boys, they were finally \nburied. \n\n\nTHOMAS LAMB. IONIC HALL. 309 \n\nLaban S. Beeclier, who resided on Linden Park, was the \nartist who carved the bust of Gen. Jackson as a figure-head \nfor \" Old Ironsides,\" the frigate \" Constitution.\" Anything \nmore obnoxious to the poHtical opponents of the President in \nBoston coukl hardly be imagined, and after various means \nhad been fruitlessly employed to stop the work and the bust \nhad been placed on the ship, it was sawed off one stormy \nnight, at the risk of his life, by Capt. Dewe}', a Boston ship- \nmaster. Beecher also carved busts of Hull, Bainbridge, and \nStewart to ornament the frigate's stern. Gilbert Stuart New- \nton, the painter, at that time the pupil of his uncle, Gilbert \nStuart, resided here in 1815. He was an excellent colorist, \npossessing humor, genius, and pathos. He painted portraits \nof John Adams and Washington Irving. \"The Dull Lec- \nture \" is one of his best known works. Luther Richardson, \nEsq., a prominent lawyer, who in the 3'ear 1800 delivered the \nFourth of July oration before the town authorities, resided \nhere at the beginning of the century. \n\nThomas Lamb came with the first settlers to Eoxbur}- in \n1G30, bringing with him his wife Elizabeth, and two chil- \ndren. By a second wife, Doroth}- Harbittle, he had several \nchildren. His homestead of eighteen acres lay between Meet- \ning-House Hill and Stony River, west of the home lots of \nIsaac Heath and John Johnson. His son Joshua, an enter- \nprising and wealthy citizen of Roxbur}', died in 1G90. His \nwife was Marj', daughter of Dr. John Alcock, Lamb, with \nothers of Roxburj', was at one time a proprietor of Lambs- \ntown, now Hardwick, Mass., purchased of the Indians in \nDecember, 1686, for £20. Leicester was in 1713 granted b}^ \nthe General Court to Col. Joshua Lamb, grandson of Thomas. \nLamb's Dam, near the present line of Northampton Street, \nand noted in the annals of the siege, was erected bj' Col. \nJoshua Lamb as a protection to his marsh land and works at \nthe \" Salt Pans.\" \n\nIonic Hail, one of the earliest of the brick mansions of \n\n\n310 \n\n\nTHE PARSONAGE. \n\n\nRoxbury, was built about the year 1800 by a Capt. Stoddard, \nof Hingham, for his daughter, Mrs. Hammond. It has since \nbeen put to a variet}' of uses, having been temporarily occu- \npied by the First Religious Society while their present house \nwas building in 1804, and is now known as St. Luke's Home \nfor Consumptives. It was at one time the residence of Judge \nLeland, and was formerly of two stories only, addition^ Jiav- \ning been made to it by Mr. Theodore Otis. William Lee, \nEsq., long United States Consul at Bordeaux, was once its \noccupant. \n\nOn the north side of Eliot Square, fronting the church and \nwell back from the road, with some fine old trees before it, is \n\nthe parsonage built by \n\n\nRev. Oliver Peabody, a \npreacher of acknowledged \nabilit}', the successor of \nNehemiah AV alter, and \nwhose brief life and min- \nistry closed in 1752. It \nw a s subsequently, f o r \nabout eighty years, ten- \nanted by his successors. \nPorter. It is in excellent \n\n\nTHE PAESONAGE. \n\n\nRev. Amos Adams and Rev. Dr \npreservation, and is now owned and occupied by Charles K. \nDillaway, Esq. The parsonage, together with much other \nland north and west of it, belonged to Col. Joseph Heath. \n\nHere, without doubt, was the headquarters of Gen. John \nThomas. \" The exigency of the times,\" that compelled the \nremoval of Rev. Mr. Adams and his family at the commence- \nment of the siege, was the occupancy of the hill for the main \npost of the army. The headquarters having, as we know, \nbeen on Meeting -House Hill, this would naturally be a most \neligible situation, as from its rear windows Boston, the British \nworks on the Neck, and even the heights of Charlestown were \nin full view. The battle of Bunker's Hill and the confla2;ra- \n\n\nKEV. AMOS ADAMS. 311 \n\ntiou of Charlestown were witnessed from its upper windows by \nthe general and his officers. Here, too, we find, a little later, \nour old friend Enoch Brown, whose house and shop on the \nNeck having been destroyed, had removed his wares and \nbusiness to Cambridge, and who, now that the siege was over, \nhaving \" 3'et left on hand a few valuable articles,\" sought here \nanother opportunit}'\" for business. Benjamin Duick, victualler, \nand family, from Brookline or Cambridge, moved in in 1786. \n\nRev. Amos Adams, the sixth minister of the First Church, \na native of Medfield, Mass., gi-aduated at Harvard College \nin 1752, and was ordained here Sept. 12, 1753. His wife was \nSarah, daughter of the eminent Dr. Charles Chauncy, of the \nFirst Church in Boston. Mr. Adams was a very energetic \npreacher, his voice was uncommonly sonorous and plaintive, \nand though some were disgusted with his plainness of speech \nand the length of his sermons, yet he was popular in the \npulpit and had great influence over his people. He was an \nardent patriot from the first, earnestly co-operating in the \nefforts of the people to stop importation from the mother \ncountry and to encourage domestic manufactures. An in- \nstance of the spirit that pervaded all \nclasses at that time is found in the \nfact that one day in September, 1768, \nnearh' sixty 3'oung women of Rox- \nburj' met together at the minister's \nhouse, and gave Mrs. Adams the \nmaterials for and the spinning of \nabout one hundred score of linen \nyarn. '\" Such an unusual and beau- \ntiful appearance,\" says the chronicler, spinning-wheel. \n'' drew a great number of spectators from town and country, \nwho expressed the highest satisfaction at such an example of \nindustry.\" Mr. Adams was scribe of the convention of min- \nisters at Watertown, which, in Ma}', 1775, recommended to \nthe people to take up arms. Assiduous in his labors, he not \n\n\n312 REV. ELIPHALET PORTER. \n\nonlj' visited his own scattered parishioners, but also the sol- \ndiers stationed among them. It is said that after preaching \nall day to his own people, he addressed a regiment in the open \nair, and that his death, which speedily ensued at Dorchester, \non Oct. 5, 1775, was occasioned b}' a fever brought on by this \nextra exertion and exposure. Dr. Eliot, the biographer, says \nhe fell a victim to the then prevalent camp dysenter}', which \nspread more than tweutA' miles in the environs of Boston. An \nobituary notice of Mr. Adams in the ' ' Boston Gazette \" sa^'s : \n\n\" He spent his time and strength with pleasure in the service of \na grateful people, till, by the distress of the times, they were dis- \npersed, and he himself obliged to leave his habitation and pulpit, \nfrom which time his labors were increased, but through an aflection \nto the people of his charge, he weut through them with cheerfulness, \nattending the small remainder of his flock every Sunday, though his \nfamily was removed to a distance among his friends. At the time \nhe was seized with his last sickness he was engaged as chaplaiu to a \nreguneut in the Continental army, who paid the funeral honors to \nhis remains on the following Saturday.\" \n\nRev. Eliphalet Porter, D. D., was the son of a clergyman \nin North Bridgewater, who prepared him for the ministry. \nHe was ordained Oct. 2, 1782, and died here Dec. 7, 1833, \nafter a pastorate of fifty-one 3-ears. In October, 1801, he \nmarried Martha, the onlj^ child of Major Nathaniel Ruggles. \nAt the time he began his ministry there had been a vacancy \nof seven j-ears in consequence of the destruction and distress \noccasioned by the war ; yet under his labors the church pros- \npered, and he lived to witness the growth of what was then a \nsmall and scattered village into a populous and thriving town. \n\nHe was a sound, instructive, and practical, rather than a \npopular preacher, generall}' saving the right thing in the \nright manner and at the right time. Judge Lowell, who was \nlong one of his constant hearers, remarked that of all the \npreachers he was accustomed to hear, there was no one who \nfurnished more food to his intellect than his own pastor. As \n\n\nREV. ELIPHALET PORTER. \n\n\n313 \n\n\na citizen he was influential, and was frequently called upon \nto assist in town affairs and in the support and management \nof charitable and other institutions, filling various offices of. \ntrust with wisdom, prudence, and fidelity. \n\nPerhaps the most prominent event in Dr. Porter's life was \nhis preaching the annual sermon at the convention of the \nCongregational ministers of Massachusetts, in 1810, This \nsermon was a surprise \nLoth to the Orthodox \nand the Unitarians, as \nit contained a bold \nand earnest defence of \nli))eral principles, the \ndoctor having gi-ad- \nually abandoned the \nCalvinistic ideas in \nwhich he had been \neducated. It pro- \nduced great excite- \nment at the time, and \nhas been accounted ' \nthe ablest of his print- \ned productions. On \nthe 7th of October, \n1832, he preached a half-century discourse, containing some \nhistorical sketches of his parish and a review of his own min- \nisterial labors. \n\nDr. Porter, who is remembered l)y many persons now liv- \ning, was of common stature, erect and well proportioned in \nfigure, and grave and dignified in manner. The movements \nof both his mind and body were marked In' great deliberation. \nThough usually taciturn, he was, among his intimate friends, \na cheerful and agreeable companion, and though he looked \nso sedate and grave, had a good deal of dry wit or humor, \nand great shrewdness and adroitness in parr\\iug a pleasant \n\n\nKEV. ELIPHALET PORTER. \n\n\n314 DR. PORTER AND \" SQUIRE \" SEAVER. \n\nthrust. Rev. Charles Lowell, who when a child attended \nhis ministrations, was one day talking with him about the \nMedical Faculty, concerning whom the doctor's praise was \nsomewhat stinted. \"Honor a physician,\" etc., was quoted. \n\"Oh!\" said he, \"that is in the Apocr3'pha. I do not \nremember just now an^'thing the Bible has said about them, \nexcept in reference to the woman who was vexed with many \nphj'sicians and grew nothing better, but rather worse.\" \n\nIn those da3's party politics ran high, but once a year the \nleading men of both political parties would take a fishing \nexcursion down the harbor, when all disturbing topics were \ndropped, and all \" went in for a good time,\" the customary \npurse being made up for the first successful angler. Like \nmost of the clergy of that period Dr. Porter was a warm \nFederalist, while Hon. Ebenezer Seaver, \" the Squire,\" as he \nwas called, was the leading Democrat of the town, and repre- \nsented the district in Congress. After angling unsuccessfully \nfor a long time, the latter hauled in the first fish. Skinning, \nbeheading, and disembowelling his prize, he carried it, dan- \ngling at the end of a string, to where the doctor was diligentl}' \npursuing the apostolic avocation, and holding it up before \nhim exclaimed triumphantly, \" There, doctor, there's a good \nhonest Democrat for you ! What do you think of that ? \" \n\"Think?\" said the doctor, with his usual deliberation and \nwith the most imperturbable gravity, \" why, I think it served \nhim about right.\" The Squire, amid the roars of laughter \nfrom all sides that this remark elicited, disappeared into the \ncabin, and was dumb for the remainder of the daj'. \n\nThe old store, now Faunce & Putnam's, just beyond the \nparsonage, has alwaj'S been a grocery store or a tavern, and \nhas had a variety of owners. Before the Revolution it was \nkept by Blaney & Baker. Sharp practice in trade is not an ex- \nclusively modern invention, and the partners soon found that \nsome envious competitor had been endeavoring to injure them. \nThe \"Gazette \" of May 24, 1773, has this advertisement : — \n\n\nLEXINGTON ALARM. 315 \n\n\" Blaney & Baker offer their stock of Liverpool ware, West India \ngoods, etc. at their usual low rate, notwithstanding the false and \nmalicious report of some ill-natured person that they had been mis- \ntaken in the cost of their goods, and had lately discovered their \nerror and advanced the prices.\" \n\nHere, during the siege, was the commissar}- store of Aaron \nBlaue}-, an assistant commissary of issues to the arm}'. \nAbout the beginning of the century it was the store of Joseph \nand Nathaniel, nephews of Major Nathaniel Ruggles, who \ndid a ver}- large business here. Overhead was a large room, \nsometimes used as a hall, and in which town meetings were \nheld between 1804 and 1811, the intei'val between the demoli- \ntion of the old meeting-house and the completion of the Town \nHall. The old store was enlarged in 1853. \n\nDescending the hill and leaving on our left the Parting \nStone, a mute witness of the stirring scenes of the Revolu- \ntion, we now follow the Old Cambridge highway over which \nrode Lord Percy upon his white horse on the eventful morning \nof the I9th of April, 1775. With his brigade of twelve hun- \ndred men he had marched out of Boston over the Neck and \nthrough Roxbur}- to the assistance of Col. Smith, with whom \nthe ''embattled farmers\" were at that moment exchanging \nshots at Concord Bridge, — the opening of the great Revolu- \ntionar}' drama. To his astonishment and alarm, Percy found \nthe houses on the road deserted, and met no one who could \ngive him tidings of Col. Smith's part}', and until his junction \nwith him remained in ignorance of all that had transpired. \nIn derision of the Americans the brigade marched through \nRoxbury to the tune of \" Yankee Doodle,\" at that time a \nfavorite with the soldiers of King George. \"A smart boy \nobserving it,\" says Dr. Gordon, the historian, \" made him- \nself extremely merry with the circumstance, jumping and \nlaughing so as to attract the notice of his lordship, who, it is \nsaid, asked him at what he was laughing so heartily, and was \nanswered, ' To think how you will dance by and by to \" Chevy \n\n\n316 \n\n\nLEXINGTON ALARM. \n\n\nChace.\" ' It is added that the repartee stuck by his lordship \nthe whole day.\" \n\nIt is impossible for us, in these peaceful days, adequately \nto picture to ourselves the excitement in Roxbur}' and those \n\ntowns in the line of their \nmarch, when the news \ncame that the dreaded \n' ' regulars \" had come \nout, and that they had \nslaughtered the peaceful \ninhabitants of Lexing- \nton. Minute-men seize \ntheir arms and, tearing \nthemselves away from \ntheir distracted families, \nhurry to the scene of con- \nflict ; women and chil- \ndren, terror-stricken for \nfear that the father, hus- \nband, or son in the pa- \ntriot ranks would fall a \nvictim to the merciless \nsoldiery, hastily flying \ninto the interior, taking \nonly what they could \nreadily carry with them ; \nminute-meu from the re- \nmoter towns hastening \nto the scene of action ; \nwhile Rumor, with her \nthousand tongues, mag- \nnifies the wild reports of fire and slaughter. — all this made \na scene of confusion and terror sadly at variance with the \nusual quiet and peaceful condition of the town. \n\nSamuel Hawes, of the Wrentham minute company, notes \n\n\nMINtlTE-MAN. \n\n\nBENJAMIN WAITT. BURRILL'S TAVERN. 317 \n\nin his diary that thej' got the alarm about ten o'clock on the \nmorning of the 19th, and marched from there, \" sun about \nhalf an hour high,\" towards Roxbury. He saj's : — \n\n\"We met Col. Greaton retm'ning from the engagement, and be \nsaid that he would be with us immediately. Then we marched to \nJamaica Plain, and heard the regulars were a coming over the Neck. \nThen we strip't off our coats and marched with good courage to \nCol. (Joseph) \"Williams's, and there we heard to the contrary. We \nstood there some time and refreshed ourselves, and then marched to \nEoxbury, and there we had as much liquor as we wanted, and every \nman drawed three biscuit, which were taken from the regulars the \nday before (19th), which were hard enough for flints. We lay on \nour arms until towards night, and then we repaired to Mr. Slack's \nhouse, and at night six men were draughted for the main guard.\" \n\nIn an old stone house that once stood at the corner of what \nis now P3'nchon Street, lived Benjamin \"Waitt, a noted wag, \nthe brother of Samuel. He kept a small grocery store near \nhis house, and had plenty of leisure to play his tricks upon \ntravellers. One of them will bear repeating : — \n\n\"Three or four countrymen, in search of employment, stopped at \nBen's store, told their errand, and were gravely informed by him \nthat a man 'up Brighton way' was fitting out a whaler, and was \nespecially anxious to obtain a good diver. One of the applicants \nremarking that he would like that chance, Ben asked him if he \nthought he could stay long under water and keep alive, and received \nan affirmative reply. ' Suppose I try you,' said Ben, ' you holding \nyour head under the water in that half hogshead standing by the \npump in the yard.' The man readily assented, and plunged his \nhead into the water, while Ben, watch in hand, awaited the result. \nWhen the poor fellow, nearly dead, pulled his head out, he was \nassured by his tormentor that if he could have held on one minute \nmore he could have had the place. ' However,' said he, ' I will give \nyou a recommendation ' ; and, giving a fictitious name and direction, \nthe men departed upon a fruitless quest, only to discover that they \nhad been badly victimized.\" \n\nOpposite Prang's lithographic establishment there was a \ntavern kept nearly a centur}- ago by Lemuel Burrill, who \n\n\n318 burrill's tavern. \n\nsubsequent!}- kept the Punch-Bowl Tavern. His widow kept \nthe \" Half-wa}' House,\" since known as Taft's, on the Ded- \nham Turnpike, during the war of 1812. The buikliug was a \nver^^ old one, with a long pitched roof, and had a stable and \nten-pin alley in the rear. It was well patronized in the days \nwhen this was the onl}' route for teams coming from Cambridge, \nand the roads leading west and north, and a long string of \nthem could usually be seen extending along the roadside. \nThe building of the Mill-dam diverted most of this source of \nincome, and the tavern ceased to pa}'. It was a much-fre- \nquented place for public festivities upon patriotic and civic \noccasions, upon some one of which, saj's tradition, the exhil- \naration proper to the occasion became so inextricabl}' mixed \nup with the punch, that even good Parson Porter went \nhome tipsy. Such a circumstance may have transpired at \nthe celebration of July 4, 1808, when, the procession having \nformed at the house of Mrs. Burrill, at twelve o'clock, under \ndirection of Major Bosson, marshal of the day, marched under \nthe escort of Capt. Humphrey' Bicknell's company of artillery \nto Rev. Dr. Porter's meeting-house, where an oration was \ndelivered by Nathaniel Ruggles Smith, Esq. \n\nAt a later day the house was kept by a Mr. Gurney. \nUpon one side of its sign was painted a man on horseback \nsetting out upon a journe}^, both man and horse in excellent \ncondition, with the legend, \" 1 'm going to Ohio,\" — emigration \nto that territory being then quite active. On the reverse side \nwere seen the same steed and rider, both sadh' crestfallen, \nand exhibiting unmistakable e^ddences of having seen hard \ntimes, and underneath, this significant motto, \" I've been to \nOhio.\" It is pleasing to reflect that emigration to the terri- \ntory'- that now forms the great State of Ohio did not entirelj' \ncease in consequence of this pictorial satire, which was prob- \nabl}' the work of the Roxburj^ artist, Penniman. \n\nDeacon \" Billy\" Davis lived in the large wooden building \nnearly opposite, and kept a West India goods store in the \n\n\nWAITT'S MILL. 319 \n\nlower part of it. He was peculiar in his personal appearance, \nbeing very short in stature, but was a good citizen and much \nbeloved. One day, after a fit of despondency, he suddenly \ndisappeared, leaving a note in which he stated that, of all \ndeaths, he preferred that b}' drowning. Upon this hint his \nfriends drained the mill-pond near by, and explored in the \nvicinity of the tide-mill, all to no purpose, when to their \ngreat relief and that of his famih', in a letter from Albanv, he \ninformed them that he was alive and well. \n\nNear the corner of Tremont and Roxbury Streets, and mak- \ning it quite a centre of business, there was from the earliest \ndaj'S a grist-mill, the water from Ston}' Brook, which was \ndammed, furnishing the power. Here, in \n1633, the first mill was built in Roxburj' bj' \nRichard Dummer, the same who afterward, \nin consequence of unorthodox religious views, \nwas obliged to quit Roxbur}- and settle in \nNewburj'. For more than a century the \nPierpont family were its proprietors, and as \nquite a settlement grew up around it, the \nlocality acquired the name b}* which it was \nlong known, of \" Pierpont's Village.\" Early in this cen- \ntury it was known as \" Waitt's Mill,\" the owner being \nSamuel \"Waitt, who also occupied an adjoining building for \nthe manufacture of leather breeches, a kind of apparel not \nnow in vogue, but considered quite the thing in those days \nof horseback riding and republican simplicitj'. In this busi- \nness, Waitt's tact and shrewdness found constant exer- \ncise. If a customer expressed doubt as to whether the \narticle shown was sufficiently large for him, his fears were \nquieted b}- the positive assurance, made use of on all occa- \nsions, \" Lord love your soul, they will stretch and set like a \nglove \" ; and if, on the other hand, some spindle-shank put \naside deprecatinglj' a pair of decidedly baggy aspect, \"Waitt \nwas equally read^' with his, \" Lord love your soul, they wUl \n\n\n320 TREMONT STREET. \n\nshrink and set like a glove \" ; and his read}' wit stood him in \nsuch stead that he rarely lost a customer. \n\nWaitt passed off the stage in 1826, and was succeeded by \nAaron Ga}', father of the well-known stationer, who used the \nmill for woollen manufacturing, leather breeches being no \nlonger in style. Later, it was a morocco factor}*, presided \nover b}' the fat and genial Guy Carleton, whose size was such \nthat it was usual, when a standard of comparison was re- \nquired, to say, \" As big as Guj' Carleton or Stephen Badlam,\" \nthe latter being a well-known great man of Dorchester. These \nold buildings, together with the dam, were removed in 1870. \nThe old mill-pond is dried up, the waters of Stony River now \nflow through the sewer, and the Boston and Providence Rail- \nroad Compan}^ has so completel}' obliterated the noble estates \nof John Lowell and Watson Gore that the changes wrought \nb}' these various agencies in the old mill village are of the \nmost radical description. Near the mill-pond, at the south- \nerly corner of Roxbury and Pj'nchon (foimerly Lowell) \nStreets, is the house once the residence of Ralph Smith, who \nwas an active and enterprising citizen early in the present \ncentury. Smith's Pond, where the dam was, formed a part \nof his estate, P3-nchon Street being then nonexistent. The \nlarge square mansion, with horse-chestnut trees in front, near \nthe crossing, was the residence of Mr. Samuel Waitt, before \nmentioned. He was a man of strict integrity, and died leav- \ning considerable property, being the owner of the grist-mill \nat the corner of Washington and Tremont Streets, the tide- \nmill on Parker Street, and the large farm, formerly Scarbor- \noughs', near Forest Hills. \n\nTremont Street was opened from its Boston terminus, near \nChickering's piano-forte factor}', to this point, Sept. 10, 1832, \nshortening the distance over half a mile, its extent from the \nMisses Byles's residence to Waitt's mill being two miles and \nsix rods. So much opposition was manifested to this enter- \nprise by citizens doing business on the \"Neck,\" which it \n\n\nGORE HOMESTEAD. \n\n\n321 \n\n\nmust be borne in mind was then the onl}' free tlioroiigbfure \nconnecting Boston with tlie country, toll being taken on the \nMill-dam, that the Roxbur}' end of the Tremont Road could \nonly be completed through private subscriptions. These \nwere procured through the energetic efforts of Watson Gore \nand Gu}' Carleton, aided by John Parker and a few other \nwealthy men. The opening of this new road was of great \nbenefit, and relieved \"Washington Street, which up to that \nperiod liad been overcrowded with country teams. A project \nto extend this road to Jamaica Plain across Heath Street, \nwhich would have been of practical benefit to the town, was \ndefeated b}^ Mr. Lowell, through whose beautiful grounds it \nmust necessarily have passed. A few 3'ears' respite only \nwas gained by his opposition, for in a very few years the \ntrack of the Boston and Providence Railroad was laid through \nits entire extent. \n\nThe old Gore homestead, described in the book of \" Houses \nand Lands \" as containing four acres west of Stony River, \n\n\nGORE HOMESTEAD. \n\n\nbounded on the way leading to the Landing-Place and Tide- \nMill, was on the southwest side of Tremont Street, just \nbeyond the railroad crossing, and extended to Parker Street. \nMr. Watson Gore, the last of the name to occupy the home- \nstead, enlarged it and added a piazza. The old tan-pits and \nthe hollow adjacent were filled up, and in their place were \n21 \n\n\n322 GORE FAMILY. \n\nlaid out an elegaut fish-poud and a charming garden and \ngrounds. A brick block now covers the site of the Gore house , \nwhich was taken down in 1876. The name is perpetuated by \nGore-Avenue, which traverses a part of the old estate. \n\nJohn Gore, the founder of this family in New England, \ncame over in 1635, and settled in Roxbury, where he was for \nman}\"\" years clerk of the writs, and died on June 2, 1657. \nRhoda, his widow, afterwards married Lieut. John Reming- \nton, of \" Remington's Paradise.\" John, his eldest son, was at \nHarvard College from 1651 to 1654. He was a skilful sur- \nveyor, was a selectman, and from 1688 to his death on June \n26, 1705, was town clerk. About 1674 he leased the Bell \nhomestead for twentj'-one j-ears, agreeing either to teach the \nfree school, procure a substitute, or pay £12 pounds a j'ear \nin corn or cattle. Samuel, the younger son of the emigrant, \nwas a carpenter by trade, and was a selectman at the time \nof his death in 1692. Christopher Gore, governor of Massa- \nchusetts in 1809, was his great-grandson. The first two \ngenerations of this familj' lived wholly in Roxbury, but their \ndescendants are now found in all parts of the Union. A fam- \nily' tradition, which, unlike the generalit}* of such, seems to \naccord with the records, is as follows : — \n\n\" A wealthy lady iu England, named Rebekah Crook, settled in \nRoxbury, and married a Mr. Gardiner. One day, as Mr. John Gtore \nwas at Mrs. Gardiner's house, the lady advised him to get married. \nHer infant daughter lay in the cradle which Mrs. Gardiner was rock- \ning. He replied, ' Perhaps I '11 wait for your daughter ' ; and it actu- \nally happened that when about fifty years of age he was married to \nSarah Gardiner, the infant he had rocked iu the cradle.\" \n\nFrom Miss Wood's \"Historical Sketches of Brookline\" \nwe take an anecdote of a person who must be well remem- \nbered by man}' of our citizens : — \n\n\"Miss Prudence Heath, or 'Prudy,' as she was caUed, was a curi- \nosity worth seeing, with her immense black Leghorn bonnet and a \ngreat green silk umbrella which she usually carried. Though neither \n\n\n\"remington's paradise.\" — JOHN GROSVENOR. 323 \n\nwitty nor facetious, her quaiut speeches were sometimes very amus- \ning. When the Providence Railroad was opened through Roxbury \nat the ci'ossing of Tremont Street, it passed through the farm of her \nnephew, Mr. Jolm Heath, and necessitated the removal of his house. \nThe mind of Miss Prudy was greatly exercised, for she considered \nrailways as modern innovations productive of unmixed evil. She \nvisited in Roxbury at the old Gore place by the crossing, and after \nexamining the track went home convinced of its dangerous ten- \ndency. 'Would you,' she asked of her friends, again and again, \n— * would you ride in one o' them ravin' stages ? ' We may be quite \nsure she never did. \n\nEemiugton's Paradise was so named in 1653 from its \nowner, Lieut. John Remington, who lived just be^'ond Parker \nStreet. The Comins School is on a part of this estate. Its \nname. Paradise, still clings traditionally to the locality, \nalthough there is now absolutely nothing to suggest its appro- \npriateness. Tradition says that the wife of John Gore, the \nemigrant, afterwards Mrs. Remington, was, on her arrival, \ncarried over Boston Neck, the ground being swamp}-, upon \nthe shoulders of two men. The}' stopped at a hill, and Mrs. \nGore, being much fatigued, and delighted with the prospect, \nexclaimed, \"This is Paradise!\" and the place was after- \nwards called \" Paradise Hill.\" \n\nNorth of Tremont and between it and Parker Street, on \nboth sides of Ston}- Brook, laj- the Heath farm of fifty-four \nacres. John Heath was the last proprietor of the homestead, \nwhich stood until recently near where C. B. Faunce's grocery \nstore now stands, on Tremont Street. Forty years ago there \nwas no other house on the estate. Capt. Joseph Heath's res- \nidence was on the northwesterly corner of Parker and Tre- \nmont Streets, from which place Jonathan Champney's house \nhas lately been removed. Capt. Heath was in the colonial \nservice at the eastward, commanding Fort Richmond in York \nCounty, Maine, in 1724-30. He was a grandson of William, \nthe emigrant, and died in 1744. \n\nJohn Grosvenor's dwelling-house and four acres of orchard \n\n\n324 THE TIDE-MILL. \n\nand pasture were on the northeasterly corner of these streets. \nIn 1678 the town granted his petition for a small parcel of \nland between the old meeting-house and the bridge, to make \npits for liming his leather and for accommodating him for his \ntrade. This grant \" at the bridge and old mill was for liming \nleather in fee, and not to sell but for such use, and to be for- \nfeit if it damage the water for cattle or man.\" Onl}' two \nyears before, the ancestor of the present Duke of \"Westminster, \nSir Thomas Grosvenor, was married in the Church of St. \nClement Danes, in the Strand, London, to Miss Mary Davies, \nthe humble heiress of the farm now occupied by Grosvenor \nSquare and its surroundings, which has brought such enor- \nmous wealth to his family. Our John Grosvenor's coat of \narms, which we have seen on his tombstone in the old bur}'- \ning-ground, shows him to have belonged to the same family. \nHe was one of the proprietors of Pomfret, Conn., whither in \nthe 3-ear 1700 his widow and children removed. His dwell- \ning-house was afterwards owned by Edward Sumner. \n\nParker Street, \"The \"Way to the Landing-Place and the \nTide-Mill,\" was described, when laid open in 1730, as begin- \nning \"before the old dwelling-house formerly Robert Pier- \npont's, now Edward Sumner's, between said Sumner's and \nCapt. Joseph Heath's, and so over the bank where the old \nmalt-house stood.\" The landing-place was bought by the \ntown in 1663 of the heirs of John Johnson. A military work \nerected here during the siege for the protection of the landing- \nplace, known as Read's Battery, was held by a portion of \nthe regiment of Col. Joseph Read, of Uxbridge, whose men \nwere quartered in the immediate vicinit3\\ In 1792 there were \nat this point several establishments, one of them owned by \nRalph Smith, for the packing of provisions, the manufacture \nof soap and candles, etc., and vessels were laden with these \narticles here. \"Where Arlington Street now is, the channel \nof approach was then, having nine feet of water in it at low \ntide, and the Back Bay was at that time an expansive anc \nbeautiful sheet of water. \n\n\nPIEEPONT. 325 \n\nThe tide-mill at the landing was, in 1650, known as Bak- \ner's Mill. It was sold in 1684 for ^15. In 1655, liberty \nwas granted to John Pierpont and others to ' ' sett down a \nBrest Mill or Vndershott in or near the place where the old \nmill stood, neare Hugh Clarke's barn.\" In 1657, Pierpont \nbought the estate of fift}' acres belonging to Capt. Hugh \nPrichard, l3'ing west of Ston}' Eiver and east of the highway \nto Muddy River : and in 1658, he was allowed to erect a full- \ning-mill on the river. A few old foundation timbers at the \nwesterly end of Day's cordage factory indicate the spot where \nthe old tide-mill formerly stood. Prichard's Island was at the \nmouth of Stony River. An old deed says, \" It is an island \nnow hj reason of the Creeke that hath been digged before \nthe same and the land of John Johnson's.\" Capt. Prichard, \nwho was one of the founders of the free school, and who suc- \nceeded Capt. Joseph Weld in the command of the military \ncompany of Roxbury, returned shortly afterward to Wales, \nhis native countr}-. \n\nJohn Pierpont probabl}' came to Roxbur^- about 1648, when \nhe bought John Stowe's place on Meeting-House Hill. Dur- \ning Philip's war, in 1675-6, he fortified his place where were \n\"malting and mills for grinding and fulling, God having \nblessed him with a considerable estate.\" He died in 1682, at \nthe age of sixty-four. His son James, \" a student in y\" \nliberall arts,\" graduated at Harvard College in 1681, and was \nminister of New Haven at the time of his death in 1714. \nHis brother Benjamin led a company from Roxbury in 1691 \nto found an independent church in South Carolina, and died \nin the ministerial office in Charleston in 1698. He gave his \nlands and mill interests in Roxbury to his brother James. \n\nThis is another of the principal families of Roxbur}' that, \nafter being conspicuous for more than a century, has wholly' \ndied out here. From it have sprung the Connecticut Pier- \nponts, John Pierpont, poet and clergj'man, and Edwards Pierre- \npont, minister to England. Sarah PieriDont, daughter of Rev. \n\n\n326 \n\n\nPIERPONT. \n\n\nJames and grand-daughter of John, became the wife of the \neminent Jonathan Edwards. The only person of the name to \nthrow discredit upon it was an adopted son of Hannah, widow \nof Robert Pierpont, on whose petition to the General Court \nhis name was changed from John Murdock to Robert Pier- \npont. The facts were these : — \n\n\n\"Pierpont, the owner, and Storey, mas- \nter of the brig ' Hannah,' having procured \na heavy insui'ance on their cargo for a \nvoyage to the West Indies, the vessel was \nsunk in Boston Harbor, Nov. 22, 1801, and a \nlarge part of the insurance collected. Fraud \nbeing proved both as to the lading and loss \nof the brig, the court decreed that Pierpont \nand Storey be set in the pillory in State \nStreet two several times, one hour each \ntime, and imprisoned two years and pay \nthe costs of prosecution. The sentence was \nduly executed, the pillory being placed near \n'Change Avenue. This, it is believed, was \nthe last time this punishment was ever in- \nflicted in Boston.\" \n\n\nOf \"Joe\" Pierpont, a \"small-sized man of Roxbur}-,\" \nnicknamed the ' ' Duke of Kingston \" (whose family name was \nPierpont), the story is told that he fought with the Hon. \nCapt. William Montague, commonly called \"Mad Montague,\" \nbrother of the Earl of Sandwich, and \" drubbed him within \nan inch of his life.\" To his credit, Montague, who was notori- \nous for his drunken sprees and nightly window-breaking in \nBoston, highly regarded the man for the rest of his days. \nUpon one of these occasions he, with a party from his ship, \nindulged in a regular sailor's lark on shore, and committed \nsome depredations on the schoolhouse in what is now Scollay \nSquare, for which warrants were issued against some of the \noffenders. \n\nPassing the new cathedral of the Redemptorists, we come \n\n\nBRINLEY PLACE. \n\n\n327 \n\n\nupon a fragment of what once was one of the grandest houses \nin Roxbury. Built about the 3'ear 1723, by Col. Francis \nBrinley, upon the estate of eighty acres formerly Palsgrave \nAlcock's, it was st3'led by its owner \" Datchet House,\" hav- \ning been modelled after the family seat of the Brinleys, at \nDatchet, England. This name recalls Datchet Mead, near \n\n\nBRINLEY PLACE. \n\n\nb}-, the scene of Falstaff's memorable experience in the \nbuck-basket of which he, with indignant pathos, exclaims : — \n\n\"There was the rankest compound of villauous smells that ever \noftencled nostril.\" \n\nIn a somewhat fanciful description of Datchet house by \nMrs. Emily Pierpont Lesdernier, it is spoken of as of \n•'remarkable magnificence,\" and as having been known a \ncentur}' ago as \" Pier}X)nt Castle.\" This lady's great-grand- \nfather, Robert Pierpont, a merchant, a member of the Boston \nCommittee of CoiTespondence, and a commissary of prisoners \nduring the war, bought the property of Col. Brinlej-'s heirs \nin 1773. I quote from a little volume from her pen, entitled \n\"Fannie St. John\": — \n\n\"It was situated iu the midst of a large domain of park and \nwooded hills, and presented a picture of grandeur and stateliness \n\n\n328 GEN. ward's headquarteks. \n\nnot common in the New \"World. There were colonnfides and a vesti- \nbule whose massive mahogany doors, studded with silver, opened \ninto a wide hall, whose tessellated floors sparkled under the light of a \nlofty dome of richly painted glass. Underneath the dome two cherubs \ncarved in wood extended their wings, and so formed the centre from \nwhich an immense chandelier of cut glass depended. Upon the floor \nbeneath the dome there stood a marble column, and around it ran \na divan formed of cushions, covered with satin of Damascas, of gor- \ngeous coloring. Large mirrors with ebony frames filled the spaces \nbetween the grand staircases at either side of the hall of entrance. \nAll the panelling and woodwork consisted of elaborate carving done \nabroad, and made to fit every part of the mansion where such orna- \nmentation was required. Exquisite combinations of painted birds \nand fruit and flowers abounded everywhere, in rich contrast with the \ndelicate blue tint that prevailed upon the lofty walls. The state- \nrooms were covered with Persian carpets, and hung with tapestries \nof gold and silver arranged after some graceful artistic foreign \nfashion. The old place has suflered many changes at the hands of its \nvarious owners, who, in attempting modernizing, have destroyed \nalmost every vestige of former magnificence.\" \n\nSo tine is this, tliat it is difficult for tlie visitor of to-da}', \nwho looks upon its bare walls and curtailed proportions, to \nrealize that it could ever have been the seat of such splendors \nas are here described. Tradition, however, tells us of an \napartment hung with blue damask, and known as the \" Blue \nChamber.\" On coming to Eoxbury, and until the parsonage \nat Jamaica Plain was prepared for him, Rev. William Gordon \nresided here. \n\nTo the right of the large hall in the centre of the building, \nfourtj-four feet in length and twenty-two in depth, and which \noccupied the entire space between the two wings, was the re- \nception-room. During the siege of Boston the mansion was \nthe headquarters of Gen. Ward, who commanded the right \nwing of the American army ; and in this room, shown in the \nlower right-hand corner of the engraving, were held the coun- \ncils of ofRcers, at which Washington presided, and where \nthe details of the occupation of Dorchester Heights were \n\n\nGEN. WARD'S HEADQUARTERS. 329 \n\narranged. Under date of Oct. 10, 1775, Rev. Dr. Belknap \nrecords in his diary, that he \" lodged at Mr. Robert Pier- \npont's, where Gen. Ward resides. In conversation with Mr. \nJoshua \"Ward, his aide-de-camp, I found,\" says Belknap, \n\" that the plan of independence was become a favorite point \nwith the armj', and that it was offensive to pray for the king. \n\"Ward appears to be a calm, cool, thoughtful man.\" This is \none of the earliest indications of a public sentiment favorable \nto throwing off allegiance to the British crown, and shows \nthat the people were upon this important question far in ad- \nvance of their leaders. On the 17th of November, \"Washing- \nton writes to \"Ward as follows : — \n\n\" Sir, — As the season is fast approaching when the bay between \nus and Boston will in all probability be close shut up, thereby reu- \nderiug auy movement upon the ice as easy as if uo water was there, \nand as it is more thau probable that Geu. Howe when he gets the \nexpected reinforcement will endeavor to relieve himself from the \ndisgraceful confinement in which the ministerial troops have been \nall this summer, common prudence dictates the necessity of guard- \ning our camps wherever they are most assailable. For this purpose \nI wish you, Gen. Thomas, Gen. Spencer, and Col. Putuara to meet \nme at your quarters to-morrow at ten o'clock, that we may examine \nthe ground between your work at the Mill aud Sewall's Point, and \ndirect such batteries as shall appear necessary for the security of \nyour camp on this side, to be thrown up without loss of time.\" \n\nMeasures were immediatel}' taken to strengthen this part \nof the lines, and several batteries and redoubts were erected \nat available points on the shore. A redoubt with three em- \nbrasures, on the southerl}' side of Mudd}' River, was in \ngood condition fifty years ago. At a council of war held at \nGen. \"Ward's headquarters, on March 13, 1776, it was deter- \nmined that if Boston were not evacuated the next day. Nook's \nHill in South Boston should be fortified the next night. This \nwas accordingly done on the following Saturday night, and \non Sunday Howe hastily evacuated the town. The details of \nthe occupation of Dorchester Heights, on the night of March \n\n\n330 ward's ordeely book. \n\n4th, were left wholl}' to Ward, Thomas, and Spencer, who \ncommanded in this quarter. The}' had been for some time \ncollecting fascines, gabions, etc., unknown to Gen. Washing- \nton, exjjecting they would soon be wanted for this purpose. \nBut for their foresight it is doubtful whether the}- could have \nbeen in sufficient forwardness when the operation began. \n\nMajor-Gen. Artemas Ward, the first commander of the \nAmerican forces, on the arrival of Washington, took com- \nmand of the right wing at Roxbur}'. He was a native of \nShrewsbury', Mass., and a veteran of the seven 3-ears' war, \nhaving served as a lieutenant-colonel under Abercrombie. He \nhad likewise been a member of the legislative bodies of the \nprovince, but was too old and infirm to discipline and control \nthe motley assemblage around him, being unable even to \nappear in the saddle. \n\nThe first entry in Gen. Ward's order book is dated the day \nafter the Lexington battle, and is as follows : — \n\n\" Headquartees Cambridge, April 20, 1775. \n\" Ordered that Col. Gardiner repair immediately to Rosbury, and \nbring all the bread that can be obtained.\" \n\nTo provide for the wants of the multitude of hungry min- \nute-men then assembling around Boston, this order was issued \nby Gen. Heath, who was aware that there was a quantity of \nship-bread belonging to the British navy then stored at \nRoxbury. Some other items of interest are here presented \nfrom the same source : — \n\n\"April 21. Cols. Prescott, Warner, and Learned to march their \nregiments immediately to Roxbury to join Gen. Thomas. \n\n\"June 30. That all profane swearing and cursing, all indecent \nlanguage and behavior, will not he tolerated in camp. That all possi- \nble care be taken that no lewd women come into camp, that such as \ndo may be brought to condign punishment, and rid the camp of all \nsuch nuisances. \n\n\" July 4. Firing of cannons and small arms from any of the lines \nor elsewhere, except for defence or by special orders, is prohibited. \n\n\nBRINLET PLACE. 331 \n\n\" 12. No trumpeter or flag of truce allowed to pass the guard. \n\n\" 14. Pikes to be greased twice a Aveek. \n\n*• Peft. 26, 1776. Playing at cards or other games of chance at \nthis time of public distress particularly forbidden. Men may have \nenough to do in the service of their God and their country, without \nabandoning themselves to vice and immorality. \n\n\" March 8. His Excellency returns his thanks to the militia of \nthe surrounding districts, for their spirited and alert march to Rox- \nbury last Saturday and Sunday, and for the noble ardor they discov- \nered in defence of the camp of liberty and their country. \n\n\"25. Col. Gridley is to apply to Gen. Ward for such men as are \nnecessary for the demolishing the lines on Boston Neck, who are to \nsee the work executed as fast as possible. Such parts of these works \nas may be of service for our defence are to be preserved.\" \n\nGen. Heni}' Dearborn became the owner of Brinle}' Place \nin 1809, and at his decease, June 6, 1829, was buried \njust in front of the new cathedral. His son, Gen. H. A. S. \nDearborn, resided here until his removal to Hawthorne Cot- \ntage, on Bartlett Street. In the summer of 1821, Gen. Dear- \nborn received a visit from the West Point cadets, who \nmarched the entire distance from West Point to Boston. They \nnumbered two hundred and fift}', and were commanded by- \nCol. \"William J. Worth, afterwards a general, and distinguished \nin Mexico. They were met on arrival at the old Punch-Bowl \nTavern b}- many citizens, and by the Norfolk Guards, of \nRoxbur}-, who escorted them to their camping ground on the \nhill opposite the general's residence. A day or two after they \narrived, they, with a large number of other invited guests, \npartook of a sumptuous repast in the garden in the rear of \nthe Dearborn mansion. On the following day they were \nescorted to Boston, where they remained some days in camp \non the Common. \n\nA sub-cellar, cut in the rock and used as a wine cellar, was \naccidentall}' discovered during the occupancy of Mr. John \nBumstead b}' a workman, whose crow-bar, penetrating the \nwooden trap-door leading to it, slipped from his grasp and \n\n\n332 BRINLEr PLACE. \n\ndisappeared. A search disclosed the apartment, whose ex- \nistence had been unknown since Col. Brinley's day, and \nrevealed the remains of wine casks and the aroma of choice \nspirits long since departed. Apropos of this wine cellar, \nthere is a stor^- that Col. Brinley, fancying that his choice \nwines disappeared remarkabl}' fast, secreted himself here one \nevening, when his neighbor Whitne3''s colored servant, Pom- \npe}', was making a visit to Sambo, the servant of the colonel. \nSoon the pair entered, and Sambo, filling his goblet, pro- \nceeded to take in its contents, exclaiming, \"Better times, \nPomp!\" \"Better times!\" was the response, as Pompej', \nnothing loath, imitated his friend's example. Just then a new \nactor appeared on the scene, and the enraged colonel laid his \ncane in no scanty measure over the heads of the culprits. \n\"'Better times,' you black rascals I 'better times,' do you \nsay, drinking wine that cost me a guinea a bottle ? I '11 give \njon ' better times,' you infernal black scoundrels ! \" And the \ncolonel, so runs the story, swore as terribly as the}' ever did \nin Flanders. \n\nThe Ursuline Sisters, after their cruel expulsion from Mount \nBenedict, on the night of Aug. 11, 1834, when the torch was \napplied to the residence of a few women and children by a \ncowardly mob impelled by fanaticism, — these devoted women \noccupied Brinlej' House for about a jear, but their school had \nbeen so rudely broken up that it was some time before it re- \ncovered from the shock. So great was the excitement in the \ntown as the news spread that the nuns had taken refuge here, \nthat an outbreak seemed imminent. Fortunately the impend- \ning danger and disgrace to the town were averted by the vig- \norous and determined efforts of John J. Clarke, Ebenezer \nSeaver, and other prominent and influential citizens. Capt. \nSpooner's company guarded the premises ; and his orders, \nwhich were, when the proper moment arrived, to fire ball- \ncartridges onl}', having been made public, the would-be rioters \nwere completel}' overawed. \n\n\nCOL. FRANCIS BRIXLEY. 333 \n\nAfter passing through several hands, the estate was bought \nin September, 1869, b}- the Eeclemptorist fathers, who, on \nSunday, May 28, 1876, laid the corner-stone of their cathe- \ndral a little to the east of the old house. That same night a \nfire so injured the old building that the eastern portion of it \nhad to be taken down. Other changes have been made. \nAdditions have been built in the rear, and the chapel has \nbeen moved close up to the remaining half of the house, \nthe upper portion of which has been taken away. The \nlarge garden back of the house, once so lovely and filled \nwith rare trees and beautiful shrubbery, has gone to decay, \nand lost all its old-time attractiveness. This once charming \nlocality has completely lost its identit}', and the region from \nthe Parker Hill quarries to \"Grab Village\" is now largely \noccupied by natives of the Emerald Isle and their numerous \nprogeny. \n\nCol. Francis Brinlev, the original proprietor of this, one \nof the oldest of the historic mansions remaining in Roxbury, \nwas a native of London, and was educated at Eton. He \ncame to Newport, R. I., in 1710, at the invitation of his \ngrandfather, Francis Brinley, who made him his heir. In \n1718 he married Deborah L3-de, of Boston. Both lived in \nRoxbur}' to a good old age, and were buried in King's Chapel, \nof which he was one of the founders. He was colonel of \nthe Roxbury regiment, and deputy surveyor-general of the \nprovince, and was distinguished for his manly virtues and \npersonal worth. His death took place on Nov. 27, 1765, at \nthe age of seventy-five. \n\nNotwithstanding the alacrit}' shown in volunteering for the \nLouisburg expedition, the governor was compelled, by the \nexigency, to emplo}' force in order to man the vessels that \nwere to accompany it. Col. Brinley was, in the execution \nof his orders, rendered unpopular, and in explanation of his \nconduct wrote the following letter to the selectmen of Rox- \nbury : — \n\n\n334 GEN. HENRY DEARBORN. \n\n\" Gentlemen, — I have been au inhabitant of this town fifteen or \nsixteen years. When Gov. Belcher came to the chair I might have \nsustained the command I now do in the militia. \"When Shirley came \nin, by much importunity I was prevailed on by Col. \"William Dudley \nto be his lieutenant-colonel; at his death, the representations of \nthe officers caused me to accept what I had twice refused. On the \n8th of March last, I received His Excellency's express commands at \nmidnight to impress twenty men out of the town of Eoxbury for the \nsea service, which I looked upon as too heavy a burden on us after \nthe duty already done, and accordingly by five o'clock next morning \nsent my son with a letter to His Excellency, praying for relief by \naffording me the assistance needful out of some neighboring towns, \nwhose answer was verbal by my son, saying he was sorry he could \nnot oblige me for it was not his doing, being stated by the General \nCourt in each town respectively, etc. \n\n\"May 6, 1745.\" \n\nHeniy Dearborn was a j'oung medical practitioner at Not- \ntingham Square, New Hampshire, when he received the \nappointment of captain in Stark's regiment. Joining it at \nMedford, on May 15, 1775, with a full company raised by \nhimself, he participated in its memorable service on the 1 7th \nof June, on Bunker's Hill, at the rail fence to which a cover- \ning of new-mown hay gave the appearance of a breastwork, \nthough in fact it afforded no real protection to the men. \n\nA volunteer in Arnold's expedition through the wilderness \nto Quebec, he was reduced b}^ hunger to the extremit}' of \ndividing his favorite dog among his starving men. A violent \nfever nearl}' carried him off, but he recovered, and in Arnold's \nattack on the citadel was wounded and made a prisoner. \nExchanged in March, 1777, and appointed major of Scam- \nmell's regiment, he distinguished himself in both the battles \nat Saratoga. Transferred to Cilley's regiment, its steadiness \nand gallantr}^ at Monmouth attracted the notice of the com- \nmander-in-chief, who inquired of Dearborn, \" What troops \nare those?\" \" Full-blooded Yankees, from New Hampshire, \nsir,\" was the reply. \"Washington expressed his commenda- \n\n\nGEN. HENRY DEARBORN. \n\n\n335 \n\n\ntiou of them in general orders next day. At the close of the \nYorktown campaign Dearborn was colonel of the First New \nHampshire Regiment. He was a meml3er of Congress for sev- \neral years ; was Secretary of \"War under Jetferson from 1801 \nto 1809 ; collector of Boston from 1809 to 1812 ; general-in- \nchief on the Canadian frontier in 1812-13, conducting the \nexpedition that captured York, now Toronto ; and finally \nminister to Portugal, in 1822-2-1. \n\nDearljorn was a man of imposing presence, being full six \nfeet in height and weighing over two hundred pounds. Active \nand athletic, he was \nin his 30uth a famous \nwrestler, and was well \nfitted for the toils and \nfatigues of war. Sarah \nBowdoin, a niece of \nGov. James Bowdoin, \nto whom he was mar- \nried in 1813, and whc) \naccompanied him in \nhis mission to Portu- \ngal, was noted for be- \nnevolence, sweetness \nof temper, and good- \nness of heart. Her «en. henry dearborn. \nfather, William Bowdoin, a merchant, resided in Roxbur}' \nuntil his decease in 1773, and was a member of several \nimportant committees of the town during the agitation that \npreceded the Revolution ar}' war. The marriage of Mrs. Bow- \ndoin and the general, though occurring late in life, had quite \na romantic origin in their early days. Among the mementos \npreserved in the famil}' of the general is the following order, \n\nwhereby hangs a tale : — \n\n\" Medford, Jime 8, 1775. \n\"Capt. Henry Dearborx, — You are required to go with one \nsergeant and twenty men to relie\\-e the guards at Winter Ilill and \n\n\n336 GEN. HENEY DEARBORN. \n\nTemple's to-morrow morning at nine o'clock, and there to take their \nplace ami orders, but first to parade before New Hampshire Cham- \nbers (Billings's Tavern). \n\n\"JOHN STARK, CoV \n\nUpon the back of the order is this indorsement in Dear- \nborn's handwriting : — \n\n\"First time I ever mounted guard.\" \n\nRobert Temple, above named, whose brother. Sir John, \nmarried Elizabeth, daughter of Gov. Bowdoin, was the pro- \nprietor of Ten Hills Farm, at Medford, originally the prop- \nert}' of Gov. Winthrop. He had a daughter Margaret, who \nwas frequently visited at Ten Hills by her cousin, Sarah Bow- \ndoin. Capt. Dearborn's orders required him to have an e.ye \nupon Temple, who was suspected of a correspondence with \nthe enemy in Boston. After posting his guards. Dearborn, \nsomewhat fatigued, threw himself upon a settee, and wrap- \nping his tall, manly form in his cloak, took a nap. Soon Miss \nBowdoin, who had been walking in the garden with her friend, \nentered the house, and saw him as he la}' there asleep. The}' \nimmediately withdrew ; but alas ! too late. In that brief \nmoment Miss Bowdoin had lost her heart to the ' ' splendid \nj-oung rebel officer,\" as she called him, and told her friend \nthat she must make his acquaintance. Mr. Temple was pre- \nvailed upon to open the affair to Capt. Dearborn, who told \nhim that, though only twenty-four years old, unfortunately \nfor the hopes of the 3'oung lad}', he was married and had two \nchildren. fShe afterwards married her cousin, James Bow- \ndoin, minister to Spain, who left her a widow in 1811. Two \nyears later she was married to the object of her girlish \nfancy. \n\nThe general's grandson, Henry G. R. Dearborn, has in his \npossession the motto \"Liberty,\" cut from the flag of the \nThird New Hampshire Regiment, which floated at Saratoga, \nMonmouth, and Yorktown. He also has the general's por- \n\n\nGEN. H. A. S. DEARBORN. \n\n\n337 \n\n\ntrait, painted by Stuart in 1812, and pronounced one of the \nartist's happiest etforts. Dearborn having been hastily sum- \nmoned to the chief command on the northern frontier, tlie \nhead was sketched in thi'ee sittings of an hour each. \n\nThe second General Dearborn, named for his fathct and his \nfather's old colonel, Alexander Scammell, filled a large space \nin the public eye for nearly fort}' years. Born in Exeter, \nN. H., in 1783, he was educated at the College of William \nand jNIar}', and then studied law. Among other public em- \nployments he held the office of collector of the port of Boston \nin 1812-29 ; representative from Roxbury and member of the \nExecutive Council \nin 1829 ; senator ^^H^ \n\nfrom Norfolk in z,/!\" \n\n1830 ; member of \nCongress in 1 83 1-3 ; \nadjutant-general of \nMassachusetts from \n1833 until removed \nfor loaning the State \narms to aid in sup- \npressing the Dorr \nRebellion in Rhode \nIsland in 1843 ; and \nmayor of Roxbur}' \nfrom 1847 to his de- \ncease, July 29, 1851. \n\nProminent in many useful and benevolent enterprises, he \nwas one of the chief promoters of the rural cemetery at \nMount Auburn, the first of its kind in the country, and to \nhim belongs much of the credit for the architectural and rural \ntaste there manifested. Roxbury is under pecuUar o])ligatiou \nto him as the originator of Forest Hills Cemetery. Tall and \ncommanding in person, like his father, and with flowing curly \nhair, he was remarkable for his manly beauty and lofty bearing. \n22 \n\n\nGKN. H. A. S. DEAKBORN. \n\n\n338 COL. JOSEPH DUDLEY. \n\nHe usuall}' drove to the Custom House in a stately carriage, \ndrawn b}^ a double span of horses, with postilions, and his \nelegant turnout was the envy of all who saw him. In his \nda}^, the fine old mansion was the constant scene of courtly \nmanners and aristocratic display. His doors were open, his \nhospitalit}' unlimited, and his associations brought numbers \nof the highest and most honored of the land to his house. \nAmong his guests and visitors was the gallant Bainbridge, \nwho, while commandant of the Nav}^ Yard, frequently came \nin his barge manned b}' the blue jackets, landing at the \ncreek which flowed up into the rear of his grounds. His \nindustr}' was remarkable, and as a public officer he estab- \nlished a high reputation for patriotism, integrity, and fidelity. \n\" He sleeps,\" says Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, \"' in the conse- \ncrated ground which his genius planned and which his taste \nadorned, beneath the flowers his own hand planted. Truly \nhe rests from his labors and his works do follow him.\" \n\nOn Faxon's Hill, so called, opposite Brinlej' Place, and in \nfront of the quarries, is the first stone building erected in \nRoxbury. Originally of one story, it was built many j^ears \nago bj' Eleb Faxon, who, from 1802 to 1820, had a black- \nsmith's shop here. Mr. Faxon cast cannon that were in use \nduring the war of 1812 at the old chocolate mill near the \nPunch-Bowl Tavern. Part of an old dam and flume are still \nvisible at the outlet to \"Willow Pond, then receiving in far \ngreater quantity' than now the surplus from Jamaica Pond, \nwhich here formerly ran a chocolate mill, and later, a forge \nand trip hammer. Mr. Faxon, who was quite successful as a \nmanufacturer of axes, lived in a large wooden house, j-et \nstanding, opposite his shop. Just beyond the shop was a \nsmall schoolhouse, kept sixty years ago by a Mr. Walker, \nto accommodate the Punch -Bowl district. \n\nCol. Joseph Dudley owned and occupied the estate next \nbeyond Brinley Place. That portion of it that included the \nmansion house came into the possession of the wealthy \n\n\nCOL. JOSEPH DUDLEY. 339 \n\nEbenezer Francis, and is still owned by his heirs. Col. Dud- \nley, a farmer, a man of strict honesty and integrity, inherited \nthe large landed estate of the Dudlej^s, which, after remain- \ning for nearly two centuries in the family, was alienated by \nhim in this wise : Fancying himself rich in consequence of \nsome sales of land made for him b}^ H. G. Otis and others, he \nindulged in a style of living far beyond his means, and that \nsoon reduced him from affluence to comparative poverty. \nCol. Dudley's gift to the town has already been mentioned, \nand such was the open-handed generosity of the man that, \nhad his means permitted, there would not have been a poor \nperson in Roxbur}-. In 1820 he was persuaded to la}' claim \nto a Dudley' peerage then dormant, and sent an agent to Eng- \nland armed with the famih^ papers and other proofs in support \nof his title, which his legal adviser assured him was perfectl}'' \ngood. Nothing came of it, however, and the papers are sup- \nposed to have been lost. \n\nUntil within a few 3'ears, a square redoubt, the most north- \nerly of the fortifications erected in Roxbury by the Americans \nduring the siege, and completely commanding Muddy River, \nwas visible on this estate near Appleton Place, at the extreme \npoint of the upland, to the west of and very near Brookline \nAvenue. \n\nBeyond is the estate which has for more than two centuries \nbeen in the possession of the Davis family. Ebenezer, its \nfounder, came from \"Wales, and acquired by his trade of a \nblacksmith a considerable estate. Isaac Davis, its last male \nrepresentative, a worth}' farmer, and a man of old-fashioned \nhonesty and integrity, was for thirty 3'ears treasurer of the \ntown and for seventeen years its representative. His widow, \na daughter of Aaron White, of Mount Pleasant, at the age \nof ninety-three, resides here with her son-in-law, Mr. John \nL. DeWolf. \n\nThe old Crafts house, which is 3'et standing in excellent \npreservation on Tremont Street, near the foot of Parker Hill \n\n\n340 \n\n\nTHE CRAFT HOMESTEAD. \n\n\nAA-enue, was built by Ebenezer, son of Lieut. Samuel and \ngrandson of Griffin Craft, a cordwainer b}' trade, and ensign \nof the Roxbury militarj^ company. The land on which it \nstands, originally Robert Seaver's, \"passed hy agreement\" in \n1705 from John Ruggles, the grandson of Griffin Craft, \nwho inherited and dwelt upon it, to his cousin, Ebenezer \nCraft, who erected the house thereon in 1709, as appears by \nthe date on the chimne}-. About the year 1796 the back part \nof the house, being of one story at the eaves, was taken down, \nand a new part built one and a half stories high, with its \nlong rafters extending up to the dated chimne}'. Six genera- \ntions of the de- \nscendants of Griffin \nCraft have occu- \npied this old house, \nviz.. Ensign Eben- \nezer, his grandson ; \nDeacon Ebenezer, \nson of the ensign ; \nlis son. Daniel ; \nMajor Ebenezer, \nson of Daniel ; Wil- \nliam A. Crafts and \nSusan H. Gallup, \nchildren of the ma- \njor ; and their chil- \ndren. In November, 1871, it was sold, together with a por- \ntion of the farm, to Stillman B. Allen, of Boston, having \nnever before been conveyed by deed. \n\nBefore the bridge from Boston to Cambridge was, built, \nand when holida3's were of rare occurrence and were appre- \nciated accordingly, all the riding between the two places \npassed over this road. Here the famil}' and their friends and \nneighbors would gather on Commencement Day at Harvard \nCollege, then a most attractive celebration, to witness the \n\n\nCRAFTS HOMESTEAD. \n\n\nTHE CRAFT HOMESTEAD. 341 \n\ngay equipages, and the stream of animated life in holiday \nattire, flowing through Roxbury to attend and participate in \nthe literary festival. \n\nGriffin Craft, the founder of this family in New England, \nwas perhaps the first white settler in Roxbur}', the birth of \nhis son John, on July 10, 1630, being the first entry in the \nrecords of the town. As this event was coincident with \nP3'nchon's settlement in Roxbur^'', Craft probably came over \nto New England in the company'- of Winthrop. His home- \nstead and farm were situated near Muddy River, the present \nboundary line between Roxbury and Brookline. Besides \nholding man}' town offices aud other public trusts, he was a \ndeput}' to the General Court in 1G38, also from 1663 to 1667, \na member of the artillery company in 1668, and lieutenant \nof the mihtary company of Roxbury from 1653 to 1676. In \n1650 he was one of the five men to \" order the town aff'airs.\" \nIn 1653 he was one of the committee to make \" a record of \nhouses aud lands \"in Roxbuiy ; and in 1658 he with four \nothers was selected to settle the boundary dispute with Ded- \nham. From this Roxbur}- patriarch, who died old and blind \non Oct. 4, 1689, nearly all of the name in New England are \ndescended. John, his son, lived near Gamblin's End (School \nStreet), on the west side of Stony River, and adjoining Wil- \nliam Curtis. \n\nLieut. Samuel, second son of Griffin, whose estate he \ninherited, and whom he outlived but a single year, was \nequally prominent with his father in the affairs of the town. \nLike him, he was lieutenant of its military company and \nfrequently selectman, and in 1689 was one of those chosen \nto take a list of all the real and personal estate of each \nof the male inhabitants of Roxbury. He was one of twelve \nto whom the \" Mashamoquet purchase\" at Pomfret, Conn., \nwas granted in 1687, and on which his grandson Joseph set- \ntled in 1725. His widow, Elizabeth, daughter of Robert \nSeaver, lived to the age of eighty-eight. Their daughter, \n\n\n342 THE CRAFT HOMESTEAD. \n\nAlice, was remarkable not only for her numerous marriages, \nshe having borne successively the names of Lovering, Lj^on, \nGreenwood, Shedd, and Winchester, but also for her longev- \nity, as she died in 1783, at the ripe age of one hundred and \none. Her brother Nathaniel was a tanner or miller in Rox- \nbury on the banks of Stony River, perhaps on the land of his \nuncle John. Nathaniel's son, Jonathan, has numerous de- \nscendants in Roxbury, and would doubtless have attained to \ngreat age, had he not in 1801, at the premature age of ninety- \nthree, fallen from an apple-tree. He married Susannah Gore, \nand their six children all married, allying themselves with the \nWilliams, Davis, Hurd, and other prominent families, and all \nliving in Roxbur}-, with the exception of Capt. Abner Crafts, \nof Watertown. \n\nElizabeth, youngest daughter of Deacon Ebenezer Craft and \nSusannah White, married Caleb White, of Brookline, and died \nin the old house in 1839 at the age of ninety-two. Her grand- \nmother, \" Madam\" Ann White, an energetic woman of the old \nschool, habitually made her Sundaj'-morning toilet over a pail \nof water for want of a looking-glass, and then walked to \nthe Roxbury meeting-house, some five miles, to attend a long \nday's service. Elizabeth, or \" Aunt White,\" as she was \naffectiouatel}' called in her latter j'ears, was a woman of supe- \nrior culture. She was a great reader, had an excellent mem- \nory, and wrote well both in prose and verse. \n\nSlaves were held for domestic service by the more wealthy \nRoxbury families prior to the Revolution, and there is extant \na bill of sale in 1739 of a slave owned by Richard Champion, of \nBoston, schoolmaster, for £100, \"unto Ebenezer Craft, of \nRoxbury, a negro girl named Dina, about eleven j-ears old, \ntogether with all her wearing apparell.\" Dina proved a good \ninvestment, and for sixty j'ears rendered faithful service, \nd3'ing in 1803 at the age of sevent^'-five. The ensign's pre- \nvious transaction in wool had not turned out happil}'. He \nhad paid £105 for a negro girl named Flora to Ebenezer \nDorr, who soon afterwards wrote him as follows : — \n\n\nTHE CRAFT H03IESTEAD. 343 \n\n^' Sir, — I am sorry you did not Lett me see you yesterday. I \nperseve you still meet with troble with the negro which I am ex- \nceeding sorry to hear, as I told you at your house I intended you \nno harm but good. I did bye you as I would be done by, & I still \nintend to do by you as I would be done by if I were in your case \nbut, however you must think as to the sale of the negro it is — by \nmeans of selling her to you for it is all over town that youre dis- \ncurege and wold give ten pound to have me take her againe I \napprehend I had better given you twenty pounds, than ever you \nhad been consarned with her. I would not a thanked any body to \nhave given me £ 100 for her that morning before you carried her away, \nbut however, seeing it is as it is, we must do as well as we can. I \nwold have you consult with the Justes and consider my case allso \nand do by me allso as you wold be done by. If I had your money \nas the Justeses bond I should be under the same consarn that I am \nnow. Pray Lett me see you if you please and if we can accommo- \ndate the matter to both our satisfaction I shall be very free in the \nmatter that is if I hear no Reflecsious, for I do declare I was sin- \nsere in the whole matter. \n\n\"From yours to serve \n\n\" EBENEZER DORR. \n\"January the 6, 1735-6.\" \n\nEbenezer Craft, a prominent and well-to-do citizen, who, \nlike his father before him, was a \" cordwainer\" and a deacon \nof the First Church, added to the famil}- possessions by the \npurchase of twenty-seven acres of land on Parker Hill of Paul \nDudley in 1722. The smaller of the two large elms still \nstanding in front of the house was planted by the deacon, \nwho in his old age and blindness was in the habit of feeling \nthem to ascertain their growth. The larger was a good-sized \ntree when the house was built. Here Deacon Craft died \nSept. 1, 1791, aged eight3--six. \n\nThe deacon's grandson, Major Ebenezer Crafts, inherited \nall his land on both sides the Brookline Road, stretching back \nnortherl}' from the old house to Mudd}- River and including \nthe northwestern slope and the summit of Parker Hill, \nextending nearl}^ to Heath Street, and on Mudd}' River west- \nerly. The hill had a fine large peach orchard on the summit, \n\n\n344 THE CRAFT HOMESTEAD. \n\nand orchards on its sides. The large mansion, admirably \nlocated on the northerly slope of the hill, and nearly opposite \nthe old house, was built by him at the time of his marriage in \n1806. It was designed by Peter Banner, an English archi- \ntect, also the designer of Park Street Church, Boston, and \nwas greatly admired for its classic style, its fine proportions, \nits rich and massive front elevation, its fluted Corinthian \ncolumns in pairs, and reaching to the height of two stories, \nand its general purit}' of style. The interior was also elabo- \nrately finished and profusel}' ornamented, but was still taste- \nful and classic. Major Crafts lived here fort}' years, when he \nsold the house and the hill east of Heath Street, and moved \nback to the old house in which he was born, and where he \ndied in 1864, at the age of eighty-five. This mansion, in \nwhich, after its change of owners, Mr. George Howe lived \nfor twenty years, is at present owned by T. Quincy Browne. \n\nThe remainder of Major Crafts's estate, including the mod- \nern house built in 1846, a few rods easterly of the old home- \nstead, is now in the possession of William A. Crafts, who occu- \npies it with his famih'. This last Ebenezer was the first of the \nfamily' to change the ancient name from Craft to Crafts. His \nson, William A. Crafts, has been a member of the Legislature, \nand was clerk of the House in 1862-69, since when, he has \nbeen secretary of the State Board of Railroad Commissioners. \nHe established the \" Norfolk County Journal,\" now the \"Home \nJournal,\" editing it in 1849-50, and has published several \nbooks, the best of which, \" Pioneers in the Settlement of \nAmerica,\" appeared in 1877. To his son William F. Crafts, \nwho has made extensive collections for a history- of this fam- \nily, the author is indebted for materials made use of in pre- \nparing the present notice. \n\nAmong those of Griffin Craft's descendants who have \nattained distinction are Col. Thomas Crafts, prominent iu \nthe Revolutionary annals of Boston ; Col. Ebenezer Crafts, a \ncavalry officer of the war for independence, founder of Crafts- \n\n\nTHE MILL-DAM. 345 \n\nbury, Vt. ; his son, Samuel C. Crafts, judge, United States \nsenator, and governor of that State ; and Wilham Crafts, a cele- \nbrated orator, law3'er, and man of letters, of Charleston, S. C. \nIts Roxbury alliances are numerous, and include the well- \nknown names of Griggs, Heath, Gore, Williams. Seaver, \nRuggles, and Weld. \n\nThe Mill-dam, or Western Avenue, the first of the arti- \nficial roads connecting the peninsula of Boston with the main- \nland, and the greatest undertaking Boston had up to that \ntime ever engaged in, is one and a half miles in length, and \nwas built bj' the Boston and Roxbury Mill Corporation, char- \ntered June 14, 1814. Uriah Cotting, its principal projector, \ndid not live to see its completion, nor did he, with all his \nsagacity, foresee that it was the first step towards converting \nthe Back Baj* into terra firma. This work, for which for the \nfirst time Irish laborers were expressly imported into the \ncountry, was begun in 1818, and the stone used was princi- \npallj' taken from the Parker Hill quarry. It was opened \nJuly 2, 1821, with a public parade, the opening of another \navenue to Boston being considered a great event. A caval- \ncade of citizens, Gen. William H. Sumner acting as chief \nmarshal, crossed from the Roxbury shore, and were received \nb}' the inhabitants on the Boston side. \n\nThe whole territory flowed in consequence of the construc- \ntion of this dam had formerly been valuable onl}- for a trifling \nquantity of salt grass, and could have been purchased for a \nfew hundred dollars. It was supposed that an immense water \npower could be thus obtained of almost fabulous value, and \nthat all kinds of manufacturing and mechanical business \nwould be established and carried on there by its means, and \nthat thus the individual owners of the land flowed, and of the \nsurrounding region, would be enriched and benefited. When \nbrought to a practical test, it was discovered that an egregious \nerror had been made in calculating the amount of the water \npower, and that the small result obtained was out of all pro- \n\n\n346 EOXBUEY PRECmCT. — GEORGE GRIGGS. \n\nportion to its cost and of little value. Meanwhile, grist-mills \nand iron works had been erected, machine shops, manufac- \ntories, and rope-walks had been built, and the various dams \napplied to different economical pui-poses ; but many men of \nsubstance were, owing to this miscalculation, made bankrupt. \nAll the plans devised to give value to the property failed until \nin 1859 the Boston Water Power Company, by legislative \nenactment, obtained leave to convert it into dry land. Within \na few years. Beacon Street has extended itself over the Mill- \ndam, which is now lined with handsome dwellings, and a \nbeautiful boulevard has taken the place of the former dusty \nand unattractive highwa}-. \n\nPunch- Bowl Village in Brookhne and the part of Rox- \nbury adjacent, including Parker Hill and Heath Street, was \nonce known as \"Roxbury Precinct.\" In this area were the \nhomesteads of Crafts, Heath, Griggs, Wyman, Downer, and \nBrewer, some of whom had lands in both Roxbury and Brook- \nline. The old boundar}' line was a small brook that ran into \nMudd}^ River, then the river itself, east to the channel. Pearl \nStreet now marks the ancient northeastern limit of Roxbur}^ \nand the old stone post that once stood on its southeast corner \nis now erected on the other side, a little below. About half \nof Punch-Bowl Village, lying between the brook, which was \nthe old boundar}', and Muddy River, was annexed to Brook- \nline in 1844. \n\nIn the rear of the gas works, at the corner of Brookline \nAvenue, stood an old house, which after manj'' j'ears' neglect \nwas blown down, probably by the great gale of September, \n18 IG. This, with all the land adjoining on both sides of \nMuddy River, was formerly the property of the Griggs fam- \nily, early settlers in Roxbmy. George Griggs, of Launden, \nBuckinghamshire, England, came over in the \"Hopewell\" \nwith Alyce, his wife, and five children, in 1635. Dr. George \nGriggs, early in the last centur}', built the old house now for \nmany years a tenement house, and known sometimes as the \n\n\nDR. ELIPHALET DOWNER. 347 \n\n\"Tontine,\" but usualh^ called the \"Long House.\" The \nwest half, with the ornamented portico over the front door, \nwas afterwards added by Dr. Downer. Dr. Griggs's daugh- \nter Mary, who was very beautiful and quite an heiress, mar- \nried, in opposition to her parents' wishes, Capt. \"William \nAYyman, with whom she lived most unhappity. The house \nand land now occupied by the gas company, with much other \nreal estate in the vicinit}^, was long known as the \"Wyman \nproperty. It was by marriage with the daughter of Capt. \nWyman that Dr. Downer became connected with the family \nand its possessions. After the former's death, the old house \nwas kept as a tavern for several years, with the sign of the \npunch-bowl, but it had little patronage, and was soon given \nup. The houses of Capt. Wyman and Dr. Downer both \noriginally set back farther from the street than at present, as \nthe widenings that have taken place from time to time have cut \noff the 3'ards. The Downer or \" Long House\" had a broad, \ngi'een yard shaded by tali buttonwoods and two Lombardy \nj)oplars, while between the two houses stood a beautiful elm. \nDr. Downer, who was active in town affairs, as appears by \nthe Roxbury records, and who was the grandfather of Sam- \nuel Downer, Esq., of Boston, left his house early on the \nmorning of the battle of Lexington, and repairing to the \nfront, soon came in sight of the retreating Britons, and sud- \ndenly encountered one of their flankers, who had stopped to \npillage a house. Both levelled their guns at the same instant, \nand both missed. Closing in deadly struggle, they crossed \nbayonets, but Downer soon found he was no match for his \nadversary in the dexterous use of that weapon. The main \nbod}' was every moment coming nearer. Gathering himself \nfor a desperate effort, Downer, with incredible quickness, \nreversed his firelock, and dealt his foe a terrific stroke with the \nbut, which brought him to the ground. The blow, which had \nshattered the breech of his gun, only disabled his enemy, and \nhe finished him with eight inches of cold steel ; then possess- \n\n\n348 PUNCH-BOWL TAVERN. \n\ning himself of the soldier's arms as the spoil of victory, he \nhastily withdrew. When the battle was over he found his \nforehead had been grazed by a musket-ball. \n\nHe was subsequently a surgeon on board the privateer \nsloop \"Yankee,\" and was taken prisoner and carried to Eng- \nland, whence he escaped to France. On the passage home \nhe had again the ill luck to be captured, and was severelj^ \nwounded. After a long confinement in Portsea prison, where \nhe and his companions were cruellj* treated, he escaped by \nexcavating under the wall and street adjacent, was aided by \nfriends, and after three years' absence made his way to Bos- \nton. Dr. Downer afterwards served as surgeon-general of \nthe Penobscot expedition, that most melancholy of failures. \nHe was a skilful surgeon, though a hard, rough man. \n\nThat famous old hostelry, the Punch-Bowl Tavern, built \nearly in the last century, stood just bej'ond Pearl Street, \nwhere Lj'ceum Hall now is. It was a two-storj', hipped-roof \nhouse, and its enlargement from time to time, by the purchase \nand removal hither of old houses from Boston and vicinit}', \nresulted in aggregating a curious medley of rooms of all sorts \nand sizes, and producing a new architectural order, appropri- \natel}' named \" conglomerate.\" \n\nWith its outbuildings, it occupied all the space on the street \nfrom the provision store of Brown Brothers to the brick black- \nsmith's shop of J. Madore. It was of a j'ellowish color, and \nhad a seat running along the front under an overhanging pro- \njection of a part of the second story, where loungers congre- \ngated to discuss the news of the day. In front and near each \nend were large elm-trees. Under the westerly one stood a \npump, which remained until recentlj'. The ancient sign, sus- \npended from a high red post, .had for its design a huge bowl \nand ladle, overhung by a lemon-tree laden with fruit, some of \nwhich, having fallen to the ground, lav around the bowl. \nThis sign, known throughout New England, gave its name to \nthe tavern and villase. \n\n\nPUNCH-BOWL TAVERN. 349 \n\nBefore the days of railroads, there was a great amount of \nheavy teaming in this direction, and the Puncli-Bowl, with \nits hospitable entertainmant, was a necessity of the times. \nIt was a common thing for a row of teams to occupy the side \nof the street above and below the tavern, from what is now \nHarrison Place to the gas works, in a continuous line, while \nman and beast were fed and rested. Connected with it was a \nlarge dancing-hall, and it was a famous place of resort for \ngay parties from the surrounding towns, and even from Bos- \nton, and it was much frequented by the British officers before \nthe Revolution. The Mill-dam and the bridges at last diverted \nso much of its business that, its occupation gone, the old \nPunch-Bowl, no longer a source of income to owner or lessee, \nwas torn down about 1833. \n\n\n350 THE DEDHAM TURNPIKE. \n\n\nCHAPTER IX. \n\nTHE HIGHLANDS. \n\nThe Dedham Turnpike. — Auchmuty House. — Gov. Sumner. — The Fel- \nlowes Athenaeum — Bartlett Street.— Noah Perrin. — Lambert. — Rox- \nbury Charitable Society. — Norfolk House. — Ruggles Homestead. — \nEliot Church. — Octagon Hall. — Chandler. — Dane. — Mears. — Mac- \ncarty Farm. — Old Forts. — Standpipe. \n\nIN 1803 the Norfolk and Bristol Turnpike, from Boston to \nPawtucket, known later as the Dedham Turnpike, was \nincorporated. Its course in Roxburj^ was : — \n\n\" From Dedham Court House to a high rock east of Widow Mary \nDraper's, thence near and by the house of John Davis, deceased ; also \nnear and by Chenery's wheelwright's shop ; also near and by the barn \nof Thomas Weld through laud of Capt. Joseph AVilliams ; south of \nhis dwelling-house to the end of Mears Lane, so called, near the \nhouse of the late Gov. Sumner ; theuce to the southerly side of the \npavement near to the brick schoolhouse.\" \n\nBefore this road was built an irregular cart-path, known as \nthe \" way to Maccartj^'s farm,\" '' the highway from Roxbury \ntown street to John Watson's,\" and also as \" the highway' to \nthe orchard of William Tay, and so to Gamblin's End,\" fur- \nnished a means of communication between the eastern and \nwestern portions of the town, to the east of the old Dedham \nRoad, now Centre Street. The course of this path from \n\"Eliot's Corner\" was east of the present road, which it \ncrossed at Oakland Street, then following the line of Thorn- \nton to Ellis Street, passing to the west of the Ellis (formerly \nthe Maccarty) mansion, east of the line of Hawthorne Street, \nacross Marcella towards Amory Street, and then following \n\n\nAUCHMurr HOUSE. 351 \n\nthe direction of School Street, until just beyond Capt. Joseph \nWilliams's, now Mrs. Adams's, it diverged to the south and \nthere struck what is now known as Forest Hill Street, for- \nmerly Back Street, and still earlier Rocky Swamp Lane. \n\nOn our left as we follow the old turnpike, we have the \nestate origiuall}^ Isaac Morrill's, and his son-in-law, Tobias \nDavis's, owned at the beginning of the last century by the \nStevens famil}-, a portion of which was afterwards the prop- \nerty of the elder Judge Auchmut}\". It included much of the \ntract bounded by Dudle}', \"Warren, St. James, and \"Washing- \nton Streets. A part of Morrill's estate, called \"The Fox- \nholes,\" containing twenty-six acres \"upon Abraham Newell \nand Edward Bugby south ; a rocky highway west ; Pine Hill, \nnorth ; and a highway leading to Great Lotts, east,\" seems \nidentical with the territory on both sides of Circuit Street, \nembracing the \" Tommy's Rock \" region. \n\nThe fine old mansion, a relic of colonial times, now stand- \ning on \"Washington Street at the corner of CHff, was built \nabout 1761 by the j'ounger Judge Auchmuty, who resided here \nuntil the breaking out of the Revolution in 1775. Confiscated \nas the propert}' of a Tory by the act of April 13, 1779, it, to- \ngether with seven acres of land adjoining, was purchased of \nthe State b}' Increase Sumner, afterwards governor of Mas- \nsachusetts, who resided here until his death. It is now owned \nand occupied by Mr. Charles F. Bradford. In appearance it \nis not unlike many of the better class of residences belong- \ning to the later colonial period, and it has undergone few \nalterations. It is some distance from the street, and the \nbroad, well-worn pavement by which it is approached pre- \npares you for the solid, substantial old house itself. The \ngrounds are shaded by handsome trees, and the house and its \nsurroundings are so suggestive of taste and comfort that the \nvisitor cannot help feeling some touch of pity for the loyal \nowner, who was compelled, almost without warning, to abandon \nso pleasant a home. On the right as you enter is the spacious \n\n\n352 \n\n\nAUCHMUTY HOUSE. \n\n\nroom formerly used as the dining-hall ; in the room opposite \nwere held, in the autumn of 1817, during Mr. Beza Tucker's \noccupancy of the premises, a series of religious meetings that \nresulted in the formation of the First Baptist Societ}', now \nworshij^ping in the church on Dudley Street. \n\nHere, as a convenient halting-place between the Province \nHouse and the governor's country seat at Jamaica Plain and \nthe lieutenant-governor's residence at Milton, met the secret \nconclave of crown officers who plotted the overthrow of colo- \nnial liberty. Here, Bernard, Hutchinson, Auchmut}\", Hallo- \nwell, Hulton, Burch, \nand Paxton discussed \nthe projDOsed altera- \ntions in the charter and \nthe bringing over of \nBritish soldiers to over- \nawe the people. Hith- \ni er Gov. Bernard sum- \nmoned the council on \naccount of the wonder- \nful discovery of a tar- \nbarrel in the beacon \non Beacon Hill, which it was understood was to be fired as \nsoon as the ships containing the British troops should make \ntheir appearance in the bay. ''Matters now,\" so he wrote \nLord Hillsboro, the English Secretary of State, \" exceed all \nformer exceedings,\" and he construed this occurrence as a \ngreat insult to himself. The tar-barrel question was debated \nhere, \" and,\" he continues, \" it was resolved that the select- \nmen should be desired to take it down, but they would not \ndo it.\" It must l>e admitted that the selectmen of Boston \nwere a contumacious set, and that in the matter of tar-barrels \nand tea-chests they evinced an utter disregard of the gov- \nernor's feelings. \n\nDuring the siege the officers of Col. Learned's regiment \n\n\nIVCUJirTY HOUSE. \n\n\nJUDGE AUCHMUTY. 353 \n\nwere quartered here. A corn-house belonging to the estate, \nimproved by some of that regiment as a shoemaker's shop, \nwas removed, and did duty at Lamb's Dam Fort as a maga- \nzine. From the gambrel roof of the mansion, which is sur- \nmounted b}' a railing, the various encampments of the besieg- \ning forces on Meetmg-House Hill and the vicinity were in \nfull view, and the magnificent but exasperating spectacle of \nCharlestown in flames, on the day of Bunker's Hill, must have \nbeen distinctly visible. After the close of the siege the prop- \nerty was leased by the selectmen, who had charge of the con- \nfiscated estates, to Joseph Ruggles. \n\nThe younger Robert Auchmuty, a native of Boston, died \nin London, an exile from his native land, in November, 1788. \nHis great natural parts and industry enabled him to dispense \nwith a college education, and he became an eloquent and suc- \ncessful advocate, the associate at the bar of Otis, Thatcher, \nGridley, Prat, Trowbridge, Quincy, and Adams. In con- \njunction with the two last named, he successfully defended \nCapt. Preston and the British soldiers on trial for participa- \ntion in the affray known as the \" Boston Massacre,\" his plea \nin this case being greatly admired. Appointed a judge \\v \n17G7, he continued upon the bench until 1776, when, the \nauthority of the crown being no longer recognized, and being \na zealous loyalist, he went to England, where he was for a \ntime in very distressed circumstances. Some of his letters \nto persons in England were, with those of Hutchinson, sent \nto America by Franklin in 1773. The misrepresentation of \ntheir conduct and motives, which was thus laid bare, stimu- \nlated the people to a high pitch of resentment. John Adams \nthus disparages him in describing a meeting of the Boston \nbar about 1766 : — \n\n\"Gridley told some stories, Auchmuty told more, and scolded \nand railed about the lowness of the fees. This is A.'s commonplace \ntopic. He is employed in sessions and everywhere. The same dull, \ninsipid way of arguing everywhere, — as many repetitions as a Pres- \n\n23 \n\n\n354 INCREASE SUaiNER. \n\nbyterian preacher in his prayer, — volubility, voluble repetition and \nrepeated volubility, fluent reiteration and reiterating fluency, such \nnauseous eloquence always puts my patience to the torture. In \nwhat is this man conspicuous? In reasoning, in imagination, in \npainting, in the pathetic, or what? In confidence, in dogmatism, \netc. His wit is flat, his humor is affected and dull. To have this \nman represented as the first at the bar is a libel upon it, a reproach \nand disgrace to it.\" And in another place he says, \"Auchmuty main- \ntains the air of reserve, design, and cunning.\" \n\nThere is spite or envy in this tirade, for in addressing a \njury Auchmuty was, according to contemporarj^ accounts, in- \nteresting and agreeable, and generally successful. \n\nWhen appealed to by Hutchinson to say whether, if neces- \nsary-, he would order the troops to fire upon a mob who were \ncommitting violence and refused to disperse, Auchmut}'' de- \nclared he would not, as the laws, not of this province but of \nEngland, now stood, and as the people in both were disposed, \nfor he was sure of being brought to the bar as Justice Gillam \nwas, and he would have less chance with a jury here than \nGillam had in England. The latter had a short time before \nordered the soldiers to fire on a mob at Hexam, where forty \npersons were killed. \n\nAnother distinguished occupant of this mansion was Increase \nSumner, a native of Roxbury, whose birthplace we have \nalreadj'' visited. The future governor attended the Roxbury \ngrammar school, then kept b}' \"William Gushing, afterwards \na justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and by \nhis successor, Joseph Warren, the distinguished patriot, and \nhimself took charge of that institution after his graduation at \nHarvard College, in 1767. While thus engaged he studied \nlaw, which he subsequently practised in his native town. \nIntelligent and trustworthj', his business soon became lucra- \ntive, and besides filling numerous town ofl3ces he was succes- \nsivelj^ chosen to the responsible posts of representative, \nsenator, judge, and finally', governor of the Commonwealth. \n\n\nINCREASE SUMNER. \n\n\n355 \n\n\nIn all these positions lie exhibited sterling qualities and gained \nhonorable distinction. \n\nJudge Sumner was a member of the State Convention which \nin 1789 ratified the Federal Constitution, in which body he \nmade several impressive speeches. The unsettled condition \nof affairs, and the doubts in the minds of thoughtful and intel- \nligent men as to the probable fate of this instrument, are \n\n\nGOV. SUMNER. \n\n\nexhibited in a conversation between the judge at his owk \ngate, in Roxbury, where he was dealing with a marketman, and \nFisher Ames, who, on his wa}' from Dedham, frequently' \nstopped to have a chat with the judge : — \n\n\"'What's the news iu Boston this moruing, judge?' said he. \nJust theu Mr. Mears, a neighbor, aud attached to the Tory party, as \nhe walked by the cart inquired of the judge what he gave a pound \nfor butter, who answered, ' Niuepence.' 'Ninepeuce a pound for \nbutter : Ninepence a pound for butter ! It did not use to be so iu \nKing George's day. Niuepence for sixpence ! This is your new gov- \n\n\n356 INCREASE SUMNER. \n\nernment, is it? Ninepeuce a pound for butter ! It won't last ' ; and \nrepeating his words, ' Ninepence a pound,' jogged on and left the \njudge and Mr. Ames together. The latter observed, ' I am some- \nwhat of that man's mind. It won't last. What do you think of it, \njudge? I say it won't last, at least I fear it won't.' The judge, who \nalways saw the bright side of things, answered, ' I do not fear it. \nThe machinery is complex, but it is new. Let us see how it works, \nlet us give it a fair trial, Mr. Ames.' \n\n\" Some time afterwards Mr. Ames stopped again, and the follow- \ning conversation occurred : ' Well, judge, what do you think of it \nnow? ' ' Why, has anything taken place? ' ' Have you not heard of \nthe doings of the Eoxbury town meeting yesterday? It is in the \nmorning papers.' 'I have not seen the papers,' said the judge. \n'What did they do?' 'It is your own town, and surely you don't \nwant a Declham man to tell you what was done in a Eoxbury town \nmeeting. You will be sorry to learn, judge, that your Constitution \nhas given way in the point of your greatest security. After a long \ndebate, not unpremeditatedly, the town decided that a man has an \nestate of the value of £G0 if he is able to earn that sum within the \nyear.' 'What,' answered the judge, 'without having a freehold es- \ntate, or having in possession personal property of that value? ' ' No \nproperty at all as I understand it, judge. A carpenter who owned \nhis tools, but nothing else, and who was able to work for his living, \nthey admitted to vote for a representative to the General Court, and \nGen. Heath led the majority. You see how it works. What do you \nthink of it now, judge? ' ' Why,' says the judge, ' that construction \nnever entered into any man's mind. It amounts almost to universal \nsuffrage. It never will prevail, but if k does, brother Ames, I must \nsay that my confldence is very much diminished.' \" \n\nElected governor in April, 1797, Sumner was qualified on \nthe 2d of June following. A cavalcade of between two hun- \ndred and three hundred citizens of Boston, Eoxbury, and adja- \ncent towns, accompanied by several distinguished gentlemen, \nincluding Generals Lincoln and Knox, in carriages, escorted \na long procession from Roxbury to the State House, from the \neastern balcony of which, in State Street, he was proclaimed \ngovernor, as was then the custom. The new State House \nwas first occupied in the following 3'ear. At this time he was \n\n\nINCEEASE SUMNER. 357 \n\nin the vigor of life, and in this respect formed a contrast to \nhis immediate predecessors. Hancock was so infirm from \ngout that his servants made an arm-chair and carried him \nfrom his carriage up the stairs to the council chamber when \nhe met the Legislature, and Adams was stricken in years and \nsomewhat bent, as was apparent when he walked in the State \nprocessions. But when his successor marched at the head of \nthe legislative body on its return from hearing the election \nsermon at the Old South, as he passed in at the door of the \nold State House, where an old apple-woman sat, she was \nheard to exclaim, \" Thank God we have got a governor that \ncan walk, at last ! \" The governor was on his death-bed when, \nupon his last re-election, it became necessarj^ to administer \nthe official oath. This impressive scene, which has been \ndescribed b}' one of the actors in it, took place in the east \nupper room, now used as the librar}'. Gov. Sumner died on \nthe 7th of June, 1799, and was buried in the Granary Bury- \ning-Ground, in Boston, near the AthenjEum, where stands a \nmonument to his memor}'. The funeral service was first per- \nformed at his house, and a \" most excellent and pathetic \nprayer\" was offered b}- Eev. Dr. Porter. John Adams, then \nPresident, attended the funeral, and was announced as he \nentered the house by Sheriff Cutler, of Norfolk. On the da}^ \nof the funeral, said at the time to have been the most solemn \nand imposing ever witnessed in the State, business was sus- \npended, the shops were closed, and the expression of sorrow \nand mourning was everj'where visible. \n\nIn person, Sumner was attractive and commanding, his \nstature elevated and well proportioned. Polite and unassum- \ning, his manners were 3'et dignified and maul}'. He was hos- \npitable, and could afford a manner of living suited to his \ngenerous and social qualities and his elevated position. He \ndrove a coach and four on all public occasions, and liberally \nentertained all public characters and strangers of distinction. \nA substantial, practical farmer, he attended personally to the \n\n\n358 THE FELLOWES ATHEN^UM. \n\ncultivation of the soil, and set an example of good husbandry \nto his neighbors. \n\nThe governor's widow passed the whole of her married life \nhere, until her removal to Boston in 1806. Opposite the \nmansion was an estate of fom'teen acres, which his father-in- \nlaw, Mr. Hyslop, purchased for him, and in the cultivation \nof which, after he had ploughed down the breastworks thrown \nup during the siege, and made it an open field, he took great \npleasure. This estate was recovered of his heirs b}^ Joseph \nDudley, as tenant in tail, by suit in 1806. The following \nreminiscence was furnished by Mr. Moses Williams to Gen. \nWilliam H. Sumner, the governor's son : — \n\n\" The first school I attended was Ma'am Johnson's. Her house \nwas next to yom* father's, and as I passed his premises in going to \nschool I frequently saw him, with his huge cocked hat and blue cloak \ntrimmed with scarlet velvet, walking for exercise in his beautiful \nfront yard, always as neat as a good wife's parlor floor and shaded \nby beautiful walnut-trees. One day, seeing your father thus walking, \nand noticing that a few ripe walnuts had fallen, I walked into the \nyard and asked if he would give them to me. He did not know me, \nbut he gave his permission with so kind a reply, that though nearly \nsixty years have passed, and I was then only five or six years old, \nI have never forgotten it.\" \n\nA large house, and one and a half acres of land adjoining \nthe Auchmuty estate, were the property and residence, before \nthe Revolution, of Capt. Nathaniel AVilliams. He com \nmanded a Roxbury company at the siege of Louisburg, and \nwas the son of John and Dorothy (Brewer) Williams and \ngreat-grandson of Robert, the emigrant. \n\nAt the right, as j'ou enter Bartlett Street, is the house in \nwhich Caleb Fellowes, founder of the Fellowes Athenaeum, \nnow the Roxbury branch of the Boston Public Library, lived \nfor man}' years, and which, after 183G, was the home of Dr. \nHenry Bartlett. Caleb, son of Cornelius Fellowes, was a \nnative of Gloucester, Mass., his mother being Sarah Wil- \n\n\nBARTLETT STREET. 359 \n\nHams, of Roxbuiy. In his 3'outli he followed the sea, but \nacquiring by trade a competency in Calcutta, he settled in \nRoxbury in 1816, and at his decease, on Nov. 8, 1852, left a \nlarge part of his accumulations for the founding of the library \nwhich bears his name. \n\nMr. Fellowes's last years were passed in Philadelphia, and \nit was by the advice of a friend with whom he had lived in \nRoxbur}' in the most intimate relations. Supply Clapp Thwing, \nwhose long and beneficent earthly career has but recently \nterminated, that he resolved upon this step. \" My friend,\" \nsaid Mr. Thwing, \"your mother was born in Roxbury, and \nthere, you say j-ourself, 3'ou passed some of the happiest \nyears of your life. \"We want an Athenceum, and you could \nnot leave your property, outside of your own famil}^, to a \nbetter object.\" The appeal was successful, but the disinter- \nestedness of the advice is seen in the fact that a large part of \nthe sum thus appropriated was, by Mr. Fellowes's first will, \nbequeathed to Mr. Thwing, and that it was at his urgent \nrequest, when this became known to him, that his friend can- \ncelled the legac}' and increased by so much his public bequest. \n\nBy the terms of the will, forty thousand dollars were to be \nlaid out for a suitable lot of ground within half a mile of Rev. \nMr. Putnam's meeting-house, and in erecting thereon an edi- \nfice similar in plan to the Philadelphia Athenaeum ; the residue \nto be safely invested, and the income to be devoted to the \npurchase of books and periodicals. In 1866 the Fellowes \nAthenagum was incorporated, and in 1872, the fund then \namounting to fifty-four thousand dollars, the building on \nMillmont Street was begun. It was formally dedicated on \nJuly 9, and opened for public use on July 16, 1873. \n\nBartlett Street was in 1760 given to the town by Isaac \nWinslow, Thomas Dudle}^ and Noah Perrin. It led from \nthe highway near the meeting-house, by Mr. Noah Perrin's, \ninto the town wa}' leading to Maccart3-'s farm. Long known \nas Perrin's Lane, it formed the southwestern boundary of \n\n\n360 NOAH PERRIN. \n\nthe Dudley estate, and now connects Dudley and Washington \nStreets. It formerly opened opposite the Auchmuty house, \nand its lower easterly side was all a quagmire. Back of \nPerrin's house, between the estates of Messrs. Osgood and \nBlanchard, is an elevation known as Pigeon Hill. \n\nNoah Perrin, who was for many years treasurer of the \ntown, lived in a house, torn down a few years since, in which \nhis son-in-Jaw, Stephen, son of Col. Joseph Williams, long \nresided. It was one of the oldest houses then remaining in \nthe town, and may have been the house of Chandler or \nDane, early settlers in Roxbury. It bore honorable scars of \nRevolutionarj\" service in the shape of shot-holes from the \nBritish cannon, and was made use of as a barrack. The \nfirst Noah Perrin, who was b}- trade a tailor, bought in 1725, \nof Benjamin Thompson's widow, the lot at the southerly \ncorner of the street. He died here in 1788, leaving to his \nson-in-law Williams his dwelling-house, tan-yard, bark-house, \nand three acres of land. This Benjamin Thompson is the \nsame whose tombstone in the old bur3-ing-ground indicates \nthe final resting-place of the ' ' learned schoolmaster and ph}-- \nsician and y* renowned poet of New England.\" He taught \nthe old grammar school from 1700 to 1703. A two-story \nhouse now occupies the site of the old building. \n\nJust bej'ond is the residence of Dr. John Bartlett, a skilful \nphysician and a philanthropic man. It is of three stories, \nand faces the Dudley School for Girls. This house was built \nfor Noah Perrin Williams b}' Stephen, his father, who resided \nhere until his decease in 1811, after which it was the home \nof the Doctor. In Hawthorne Cottage, opposite, the residence \nof the Dearborn family, is a portrait of the first Gen. Dear- \nborn, an excellent specimen of Stuart's best manner, and \nanother of his son, Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn, when quite \na 3'oung man. Many interesting mementos of both these dis- \ntinguished men are here carefulh' preserved. The manuscript \nmemoirs and other writings of the latter, in forty-five quarto \n\n\nLAMBERT HOUSE. 361 \n\nvolumes, also among the famil}' possessions, attest the re- \nmarkable industry' and versatilit}' of the second Gen. Dear- \nborn, and are doubtless storehouses of valuable information \nupon a great variety of subjects. \n\nBeyond is the stone building, bought in 1829 by William H. \nSpear of the proprietors of \" The Roxbury Female School,\" \nand purchased of Spear, who occupied it awhile for the same \npurpose, by the town of Roxbur}' in April, 1840, now known \nas the Roxbur}' High School. \n\nOn the corner of Blanchard Street is the mansion built b\\- \nMajor John Jones Spooner, soon after the close of the Revo- \nlution, and subsequentl}' the property of Capt. William Lam- \nbert, a merchant of Boston. A street and avenue traverse \nLambert's thirteen-acre lot, and bear his name. Major \nSpooner, who was the first commander of the Roxbury \nArtilleiy, in 1784, and who graduated at Harvard College \nin 1775, married the only daughter of Gen. Heath, went to \nHampton, Va., in 1789, and died there in 1799. \n\nLambert, who was a native of Boston, died here in 1823, \nat the age of eight}'. While engaged in business in Halifax \nin 1775-78, he acted as agent for the American prisoners \nconfined there, supplying their necessary wants. Suspected \nof too much friendliness to the rebel cause, he was obliged to \nhastily abandon his business and propert)^ there, and escap- \ning to Boston, again estabhshed himself in that town and \nbecame a successful merchant. In 1788 he came to Roxbmy, \nhiring at one hundred and twent}' dollars per annum the \nestate he purchased in December of that 3'ear, and which he \nsays he found \" a complete wilderness.\" B}' many years of \nlabor in removing all the stone walls, digging and blasting \nrocks for a road leading up to the hill, uprooting barberrj' and \nother bushes, indigo-roots, etc., he at length brought it into a \nhighly attractive condition. In 1794 the west dwelling-house, \non the hill, the site of Mr. HoUiugsworth's residence, was fin- \nished with a composition roof, the first seen in New England, \n\n\n362 ROXBUEY CHARITABLE SOCIETY. \n\nbut which Mr. Lambert had often seen in Halifax. Mrs. \nBlanehavd, a daughter of Mr. Lambert, resides on the estat(? \nwith her son, Mr. William Blanchard. \n\nThe Roxbury Charitable Society, the oldest institution of \nthe kind in the town, originated at a meeting held at Mr- \nLambert's in September, 1794, principally from members of \nthe Roxbury Fire Society. It soon numbered sevent3-thre6 \nmembers, among them man}' of the most influential citizens \nof the town, and was incorporated in 1799. Judge John \nLowell was its first president. Among its prominent pro- \nmoters were Gov. Sumner, Hon. John Lowell, Hon. John \nRead, \"William Lambert, Rev. Dr. Porter, Hon. Sherman \nLeland, and Charles Davis. B}^ the failure of the Norfolk \nBank, the funds of the society were greatly reduced and its \nusefulness seriously impaired, but in 1850 it was revived, and \nhas ever since been an active and beneficent association. \nImposing ceremonies in times past attended its anniversaries, \nsuch as a meeting at the Town House, a procession with mil- \nitar}'' escort, and a discourse at the First Church, at which a \ncollection in aid of its funds was usuall}' taken. Among the \nanniversary orators were Judge Lowell, Rev. Horace Holle}^, \nEdward Everett, Rev. Henry Ware, Dr. John Bartlett, and \nRev. E. D. Griflfin. Deacon William Davis, at that time its \nsecretary, thus describes the anniversary of 1819 : — \n\n\"The procession was then formed at the Town House, and pro- \nceeded down Dudley Street, passing straight ou until it came to the \nstreet which leads to the main street between the stores of Mr. \nChenery Clark and Elijah Lewis ; thence up the main street to the \nEev. Dr. Porter's meeting-house. The escort duty was performed \nby the Norfolk Guards, Capt. Samuel Doggett. Select music was \nperformed at the meeting-house by a number of gentlemen, assisted \nby the band attached to the escort. The address of the Kev. John \nPierpont was an independent production, delivered with much \nenergy, and in his best style of oratory.\" \n\nThe cottage on the left as we approach the Norfolk House, \nnow the residence of Dr. Benjamin E. Cotting, was a century \n\n\nGEORGE ALCOCK. 363 \n\nago the dwelling of Simeon Pratt, and is one of the half- \ndozen houses of that period still remaining in the vicinity. \nIn it died Gen. John Greaton, only a few months after his \nreturn home at the close of the war of the Revolution, a \nvictim to its hardships and exposure. Pratt had a tannery \nwhere the stoue building now stands, on Eliot Square, be- \n3'ond the old grocery store. \n\nOn the south side of Bartlett Street, near Lambert, was \nsituated George Alcock's homestead of five acres, having \nThomas Dudley on the north, John Dane on the south, a \nhighwaj' on the east, and the meeting-house common on the \nwest. This estate afterwards belonged to the heirs of \nJoshua Lamb, who married Mary Alcock. The church \nrecord says of George Alcock : — \n\n\"He was with the first company iu 1630; he left his only son iu \nEngland ; his wife dyed soon after he came to this land. \"When the \npeople of Roclisborough joyned to the church at Dorchester (until \nsuch time as God should give them opportunity to be a church \namong themselves) he was by the church chosen to be a Deakon \nespecially to regard the brethren at Rocksborough. And after he \nadjoyned himself to this church at Roxborough, he was ordained a \nDeakon of this church. He made two voyages to England upon \njust calling thereunto, wherein he had much experience of Gods \npreservation and blessing. He brought over his son John, and also \na wife, by whom he had his second sou Samuel. He lived iu a good \nand godly sort, and dyed in the end of the 10th month 1640, and left \na good savor behind him, the poor of the church much bewailing \nhis loss.\" \n\nHis first wife was a sister of Rev. Thomas Hooker. Dea- \ncon Alcock was a physician, and a member of the first Gen- \neral Court in 1034. His brother Thomas, of Dedham, a \nsurveyor, died in lGo7. John Alcock, son of Deacon George, \nalso a physician, graduated at Harvard College in 1646, and \ndied March 29, 1667, leaving issue b}^ his wife Sarah, daugh- \nter of Richard Palsgrave. He had a valuable estate at Marl- \nborough, and owned the whole of Block Island. To the \n\n\n364 \n\n\nNORFOLK HOUSE. \n\n\nChurch of Christ in Roxbiuy he left £3 by will, '-to bu}- \nthem a, good wine-bowl.\" The family name, which has been \nchanged to Alcott, is at present worthil}* represented hy the \nphilosopher, A. Bronson Alcott, and his talented daughter, \nLouisa May Alcott, who, through her mother, also claims \ndescent from the Roxbury families of Williams and Ma}-. \nMan}' of the descendants of Alcock are to be found in >Vol- \ncott, Conn. \n\nWhere the Norfolk House stands, lawj'er Joseph Ruggles \nbuilt himself a handsome residence in 1781. This gentle- \n\n\n■~s£(5^j-rzrty^n,' \n\n\nTHE OLD NORFOLK DOUSE. \n\n\nman, who was a nephew of Major Nathaniel Ruggles, mar- \nried in 1778 Joanna, sister of Dr. Thomas Williams. After \nhis decease it was the residence of Hon, David A. Simmons, \nwho sold it to the Norfolk House Company in 1825. It was \nfirst opened as a public house in the following year, a large \nbrick addition having been built, containing a hall for public \nassemblies, known at first as Highland Hall, subsequently as \nNorfolk Hall. This addition was in 1853 moved to the rear, \n\n\nEUGGLES. 365 \n\ngiving place to the present sightly structure, with which it is \nconnected. The old mansion-house is now on Norfolk Street, \ndoing duty as a tenement house. It was greatl}' enlarged at \nthe time of its purchase by the hotel company. In the accom- \npanying engraving the old Norfolk House and the Hourly \nOffice are seen on the right. \n\nJohn Ruggles, shoemaker, with his wife and two children, \ncame over in the '-Hopewell\" in 1635. He lived on the \nBrookline road near the Crafts place, and died in 1664, aged \nseventj'-three. Eliot's record says, \" He was a lively Chris- \ntian, known to many of the Church in Old England, where \nthey injoyed socially together \" ; and of his wife Barbara, \nwho died in 1636, he sa^'s, \"The power of the grace of \nChrist did much shine in her life and death.\" \n\nThomas, elder brother of John, came here in 1637. He \nand John Graves died in 1644. \"These two,\" says Ehot, \n\" brake the knot first of the Nazing Christians. I mean \nthese first dyed of all y* Christians y' came from that town \nin England. Both Thomas and John were children of a \ngodly father, Thomas being as well known as his brother.\" \nThe homestead of Thomas and his descendants was on the \nsouth side of the First Church, and included the hill where \nthe lower Eoxbury fort stood. An old stone wall, the origi- \nnal boundary between the Ruggles and \"Williams estates, 3-et \nremains on what is now the estate of Mr. George A. Sim- \nmons. The property extended from Dudle}' Street bej'ond \nCedar on the south, and from the Norfolk House to Centre \nStreet on the west. \n\nJohn Ruggles, the son of Thomas, came over in the \"Hope- \nwell\" with his uncle John, and in 1658 married Abigail, \ndaughter of Griffin Craft. Samuel, his brother, was many \nyears selectman, representative, and captain of the Roxbury \ncompan}-, and was activel}' engaged in the overthrow of Gov. \nAndros in 1680. He kept, not far from where the Norfolk \nHouse stands, the \"Flower de Luce\" tavern, where in 1698 \n\n\n366 \n\n\nMAJOR NATHANIEL RUGGLES. \n\n\na meeting Avas held ' ' to settle about the Muddy River people \nworshipping at their house.\" His son Samuel succeeded his \nfather in the several offices named. Brigadier Timothy Rug- \ngles, of Hardwick, a noted loj^alist, was a grandson of this \nSamuel. His son Joseph, innholder, who died here in August, \n1765, was the father of Capt. Joseph and Major Nathaniel \nRuggles. This family, now nearly or quite . extinct in Rox- \nbury, formerly played no inconsiderable part in its histor}'. \nFor a century and a half it was rarel}' without a representa- \ntive either in the General Court or the board of selectmen, \nholding some position of responsibilty or trust either in church \nor State. Capt. John Ruggles commanded a company from \nRoxburj' in the Louisbur^ expedition in 1745. \n\nAt the corner of Eliot Square and Highland Street is the \nold house once the residence of Major Nathaniel Ruggles, who \n\n\nRUGGLES HOMESTEAD AXD TrEKEE HOUSE. \n\ndied in 1780. Old Dutch tiles still adorn the fireplace of the \nprincipal room, the building itself being quite ordinary. Dur- \ning the siege it furnished quarters for some American officers. \nMajor Ruggles was a man of solid judgment and great benev- \nolence, and filled many important public stations with con- \nspicuous integritv and ability. He was especially serviceable \nto the cause of liberty bv his attention to the wants of the \nsoldiers of Roxbury. In September, 1772, he was commis- \n\n\nTHE ELIOT CHURCH. 367 \n\nsioned major of the Suffolk regiment. His daughter Martha \nbecame the wife of Rev. Dr. Porter. \n\nOld residents of Roxbury will remember \"Aunt Major,\" \nas his widow was called, and \" Sister Nanny,\" who lived \nhere many years, and who from this eligible post of observa- \ntion kept themselves well informed of whatever was going on \nin the vicinitj', especially among the 3'oung bloods. One day \n\nMr. R , who was quite a wag and fond of practical jokes, \n\nwell knowing the old ladies' eagerness for news of a personal \ncharacter, rode up in haste and beckoned them out, exclaim- \ning, \"Come quick! I'm in a great hurrj' ; can't stop.\" \nWhereupon they hastened on tiptoe with expectation to the \nfence, only to be told by him that if they had no objection, \nhe was going with a party to the Punch-Bowl Tavern to have \na bird supper, smoke and drink, and perhaps plaj' cards. \n\" So,\" he continued, \" knowing your anxiety about me, I \nthought I 'd let you know.\" \"What Aunt Major said to the \nimpudent fellow has not been recorded. \n\nKenilworth Street, a part of the Dudley estate, and so \nnamed from the celebrated seat of the Dudley's in England, \nforms the segment of a circle which , according to the original \nplan, embraced a corresponding half-circle on the north side \nof Dudley Street. Upon it stands the Eliot Congregational \nChurch, an offshoot of the old First Church, which is also the \nparent of Emmanuel Church in Moreland Street and of the \nWalnut Avenue Religious Society. It was organized Sept. \n18, 1834, at a meeting held for that purpose in Spear's \nschool building on Bartlett Street. Until the present edifice \nwas finished and dedicated on Nov. 25, 1835, services were \nheld at the Town Hall, Rev. Jacob Abbott officiating. This \ngentleman was a prolific writer of books for children, the \n\" Rollo Series\" having been extremelj- popular with them. \nHis brother. Rev. John S. C. Abbott, widely known by his \nexcessively eulogistic biographies of the First and Second \nNapoleon, was then installed first pastor. On Jan. 13, 1841, \n\n\n368 OCTAGON HALL. — WILLIAM CHANDLER. \n\nMr. Abbott was dismissed, and was succeeded, on July 27, \n1842, b}'- Rev. Augustus C. Thompson, present pastor of the \nchurch. Rev. B. F. Hamilton was settled as junior pastor \nNov. 9, 1871. The name of Dr. Nathaniel S. Prentiss stands \nfirst on the list of the founders of the Eliot Church, and four \nof the apostle's descendants have been connected with it. \n'\\There the church stands there was formerly quite an ele- \nvation. \n\nIn the stone building called \" Octagon Hall,\" built by Capt. \nNathaniel Dorr, on the corner of Kenilworth and Dudley \nStreets, now the ofBce of the gas companj^, was established \non May 10, 1826, the Norfolk Bank, the first institution of \nthe kind in Roxbmy. This, like many other similar enter- \nprises, came to grief through mismanagement, and was short- \nlived. In 1834 the bank was robbed of a large sum of money, \nbut the thieves, among whom was the notorious \"Bristol \nBill,\" were all successfully tracked and punished. The mone}' \nwas found secreted near Grove Hall. Two groups of statu- \nary, representing \" Charit\\',\" that once ornamented the old \nBoston Almshouse, were for a time transferred to the front \nof this building. The lack of appropriateness of this emblem \ncame at length to be generally recognized, possibly in conse- \nquence of the enhanced price of gas, and it was removed to \nthe grounds of Mr. James Guild, its present location. \n\nTwo centuries ago, John, son of William Chandler, owned \nten acres of land at what is now the southerly corner of Bart- \nlett and Washington Streets, and which included the home- \nstead and residence of the famih'. John Dane, who in 1643 \nmarried William Chandler's widow, afterwards owned and \noccupied a part of this estate, now Guild's, and on which the \nbrick stable of the Metropolitan Railroad Company stands. \nIn 1649 the General Court settled the house and land that \nwas William Chandler's upon John Dane, \"y® said Dayn \nhaving paid more debts of Chandler's than y® house and land \nwas worth, and also brot up y* children of Chandler which \n\n\nJOHN DANE. — MEARS ESTATE. 369 \n\nhave been chargeable to him.\" Turning to Eliot's record we \nfind that — \n\n\"William Chandler came to New England about 1637. He \nbrought four small children, Thomas, Hanna, John, William. \nSarah was born here. He lived a very religious and godly life \namong us and fell into a consumption to which he had been long \ninclined. He lay neare a yeare sick, in all which time his faith, \npatience, godlynesse, and contention so shined that God was much \nglorified in him. He was a man of weake parts but excellent \nfaith and holyness ; he was poore, but God so opened the hearts of \nhis naybors to him y* he never wanted y* which was (at least in his \nesteem) very plentiful and comfortable to him. He dyed Jan. 26, \n1641-2, and left a sweet memory and savor behind him.\" \n\nJohn, son of the John Dane above mentioned, ancestor of \nHon. Nathan Dane, founder of the Dane professorship at \nHarvard, and whose testimony as to the excellence of the \nwater of Smelt Brook is given on a previous page, has among \nother \" Remarkable Providences\" left on record the way and \nmanner of his coming to New England. John's parents were \n\" serious pepell,\" who attended Rev. John Norton's preach- \ning. He himself was brought up to the tailor's trade at the \nshop-board of his father, who as he tells us, on one occasion, \n\" toke a stick and basted me for attending a dancing school.\" \nDane says : — \n\n\" My father and mother showed themselves unwilling. I sat \nclose by a tabell where there lay a bibell. I hastily toke up the \nbybell and tould my father if where I opened the bibell thare I met \nwith anie thing eyther to incuredg or discouredg that should settel \nme. I oping of it, not knowing no more than the child in the womb, \nthe first I cast my eys on was, ' Come out from among them, touch \nno unclene thing, and I will be your God and you shall be my pepell.' \nMy father and mother never more oposed me, but furdered me iu \nthe thing, and hasted after me as sone as they could.\" \n\nNext came the homestead of John Watson, afterwards \nPeter Gardner's, containing twelve acres, subsequently a part \nof the Mears estate, which extended from Bartlett nearly to \n\n\nI \n\n\n370 THE MACCARTY FARM. \n\nCedar Street. Between Bartlett and Guild Streets, in tlie \nrear of the new stable of the Metropolitan Railway Company, \nis the old house in which James Mears, Jr., lived. When he \nmoved into it from the house of his grandfather, on Washington \nStreet, near Eustis, tradition sa3's, he was considered insane \nto think of going into such an \" out of the way lonely wilder- \nness.\" Mr. Samuel Guild, the father of Mr. James Guild, \nwho now owns and occupies the estate formerly Mears's, car- \nried on the Mears tanner}', and having in 1806 married \nSarah, his only daughter, inherited a portion of his father-in- \nlaw's property which was valuable, and which included the \nGuild Row estate. Here Mr. Guild resided fift3'-five years, \nand until his death. Four generations of the Mears famil}' \nwere tanners. The sightl}' mansion and grounds of Mr. \nJames Guild are on the southerly corner of Washington and \nGuild Streets. \n\nEdward Porter and Abraham Newell, who came to Ros- \nbury in 1634 and in 1636 respectively, were the original pro- \nprietors of the homesteads and orchards afterwards known as \nthe \" Maccarty Farm.\" This tract contained sixty acres, and \nlay between Hawthorne Street and Walnut Avenue, on both \nsides of Washington Street, extending from Cedar on the \nnorth to Marcella Street on the south. The homestead of \nPalsgrave Alcock, grandson of George and son of Dr. John \nAlcock, also included in the Maccarty farm, stood near the \ncorner of Ellis and Hawthorne Streets, on the site of the Ellis \nmansion. The present house, while retaining some of its \noriginal features, has been greatly altered since it was the \nhome of Florence Maccarty, who bought it in 1710. He was \na provision dealer and contractor in Boston, and in 1693 \nbought land here, subsequent!}' adding to it other tracts for \nthe purposes of a stock farm. \n\nCedar Street extends through what was once known as \n\" Baker's Vallej',\" a ver}' forbidding district, but now filled \nwith handsome dwellings and attractive grounds. In 1851 \n\n\nHIGHLAND STREET. 371 \n\nDeacon Alvah Kittredge gave to the toAvn the piece of land \non the north side of the street known as \"Cedar Square.\" \nNear the northeast corner of Cedar and Highland Streets, \nbetween the lands of Alcock, Newell, and Ruggles, la}' an \nestate of eleven and a half acres belonging, in 1654, to John \nPierpont, which \"he enjo3'eth,\" says the record of houses \nand lands, \" as heir to John Stow, his father-in-law, lately \ndeceased.\" This John Stow was probabl}' the first teacher \nof the grammar school. \n\nHighland Street was laid out in 1826 through the Ruggles \nand Joseph \"Williams estates. Many fine residences adorn it, \nand it is or has been the home of many eminent citizens. \n\"William Lloyd Garrison, Edward Everett Hale, and Samuel \nC. Cobb are yet resident here, and among its former inhabit- \nants may be named Rev. George Putnam, Supply C. Thwing, \nBenjamin F. Copeland, David A. Simmons, and Samuel H. \n\"Walley. The recent decease of Rev. Dr. Putnam has bereft \nthe community of one of its most valued leaders of public \nopinion ; a man of eminent wisdom and judgment as a coun- \nsellor, and a most thoughtful, interesting, and eloquent \npreacher. He was pastor of the First Church for nearh' half \na centur}', and was for more than twent}- j'ears a Fellow of \nHarvard College. He rendered efficient service also to the \nschools of Roxbury, having long been a trustee of the Latin \nSchool, and was one of the original trustees of the Fellowes \nAthenaeum. He also represented Roxbury in the State Legis- \nlature and in the State Constitutional Convention. \n\nSome slight traces of the first regular work constructed by \nthe Americans when the}' nearly circumvallated Boston may \nyet be seen upon the estate of Mr. Nathaniel J. Bradlee, at the \ncorner of Highland and Cedar Streets, in the rear of his resi- \ndence, and on which stands his observatory. This estate \nwas long known as Dr. Porter's cow pasture, the Doctor hav- \ning inherited it through his wife, who was a daughter of \nMajor Nathaniel Ruggles. The work was irregular in ita \n\n\nI \n\n\n372 \n\n\nROXBURY FORT. \n\n\noutlines, following the natural configuration of the rock, ex- \ncept on its northern side ; its eastern base now forms a ter- \nrace. It extended about four hundred feet from north to \nsouth, with an average width of about two hundred and fifty \nfeet. The northeast and southwest sides of the rock were \n\n\nPLAN OF ROXBITRT FORT. \n\n\nver}^ steep. The walls of the fort were twelve feet thick and \nfive feet high, and each angle was bastioned. The main gate \nor entrance was on the side opposite the almshouse. Two \nheavy cannon were mounted here on the evening of June \n24, and on Julyl, a twenty -four-pounder also, which, says \nHeath, \"was fired twice; the second shot grazed the ene- \nmy's parapet, then struck in the parade, and occasioned some \n\n\nEOXBURY FORT. 373 \n\nconfusion.\" By its elevation, this fort completely commanded \nthe avenue to Boston over the Neck. \n\nIn 1824 this \"lower fort,\" so called to distinguish it from \nthe one built to the south of it, was thus described: \" Its \ninterior occupies about two acres of ground, and as the hill \nis bare of soil the places may still be seen where the earth \nwas taken to form the ramparts. This fortification has not \nbeen at all injured, and the embrasures may still be noticed \nwhere the cannon were placed which fired upon the advanced \nlines of the enem}-.\" The sketch here presented is taken \nfrom an enlarged plan of the fort, copied for Mr. Augustus \nParker, of Roxbury, from an engraving on a powder-horn, \nonce the property of Josiah Benton, one of its garrison. It \nis dated \" Oct. 1775,\" and exhibits a number of spears lean- \ning against the inner sides of the parapet. Gen. Ward's opin- \nion that the redoubt at Bunker's Hill might have been held \nif a sufficient number of these weapons had been at hand, \ncaused the Provincial Congress to provide them, and on July \n1, two hundred and fifteen were delivered to Gen. Thomas. \nThej' were kept well greased to prevent their being efiectu- \nally grasped by the enem}-, but were soon discarded. Here \nare the instructions respecting them : ' ' Every colonel or com- \nmanding officer of a regiment shall appoint thirty men that \nare active, bold, and resolute to use the spears in defence of \nthe lines instead of guns ; to form in the centre of the rear \nof the regiment, to stand ready to push the enemy off the \nbreastwork if they should attempt to get over the parapet \ninto the lines. Let those be appointed that are the worst off \nfor arms and those that have none at all, provided their size, \nstrength, and activity are agreeable to the purpose of their \nappointment. To be commanded by a subaltern and ser- \ngeant.\" \n\nA former owner of the estate, Mr. Alvah Kittredge, found \non building the dwelling-house in 1836 that the breastwork \ngreath- obstructed its light on the west side, and had it re- \n\n\n374 ROXBURY FORT. \n\nmoved. He related the following incident connected with \nthe siege : — \n\n\" Before the work was taken away, Mr. Aaron Willard, the well- \nknown clock-maker, then very aged, visited me, and told me that \nwhen he was sixteen years old he came to Eoxbury as flfer of a com- \npany of minute-men from Grafton, his native town, and that they \nwith many others were set at work immediately to throw up the \nredoubt here. After a hard day's work they threw themselves upon \nthe ground behind it and slept soundly, wrapped in their blankets. \nJust as the sun rose nest morning, they were roused from their \nslumbers by a twenty-four-pound shot, which ploughed through the \nbreastwork, and scattering the soil on him and others finally buried \nitself in the earth. Without waiting for further compliments of the \nsame nature, they speedily withdrew, standing not upon the order \nof their going, and regardless of bruises, tumbled over each other \nin their hasty descent of the steep rock at its rear. He pointed out \nthe spot where he judged the ball must have lodged, and there it \nwas found when I afterwards took the work down. This interesting \nrelic, slightly corroded by time and rust, is preserved by Mr. Kit- \ntredge's family.\" \n\nThe earliest reference to this fort occurs in a letter from \nlienr}- Knox, afterward Gen. Knox, to his wife, dated \" Rox- \nbury (Lemuel Childs's) , Jul}- 6 , 1775. Yesterday as I was go- \ning to Cambridge, I met the generals [Washington and Lee] , \nwho begged me to return to Roxburj-, which I did. When \nthey had viewed the works the}^ expressed the greatest pleas- \nure and surprise at their situation and apparent utility, to say \nnothing of the plan, which did not escape their praise.\" The \nyoung engineer may well be pardoned for taking pride in his \nfirst militarj' effort, and in receiving the praise of AVashington. \nLess than three weeks had elapsed since he was a fugitive \nfrom Boston, since when he had been activeh' employed in \nplanning and executing works for the besieging forces. \nWashington wrote to the President of Congress on July 10, \nthat Gen. Thomas had thrown up a strong work on the hill \nabout two hundred yards above the meeting-house, which, \nwith the brokenness of the ground, had made that pass very \nsecure. \n\n\nEOXBUEY FORT. \n\n\n375 \n\n\nThe semi-centennial anniversary of the Declaration of \nIndependence was ever^'where celebrated with great eclat. \nAt Roxbiay it was duly honored by an oration from Hon. \nTimothy Walker, a dinner at the Town House Hall, and in \nthe evening by a fine display of fire-works at the old fort. \n\n\n4341^^-^ \n\n\nCOCHTTITATE t>TA\\D-PIPE \n\n\nRegarded as classic ground, this was long the chosen spot for \nsalutes of honor, alike over the solemn obsequies of \"Wash- \nington and the joyous welcome of Lafayette. \n\nFort Avenue, from Highland to Centre Street, takes us to \nanother patriot stronghold, whence the provincial soldiers \nhurled defiance at the royal arm}- in Boston. Here, upon the \nhighest land in f^ast Roxbur}-, except Parker Hill, the \n\n\n376 \n\n\nUPPER FORT. \n\n\nCochituate Stand-pipe rears aloft its circular white tower with \nits graceful outline, a conspicuous and not unpleasing object \nto the eye. Here \" on the strong rocky hill (Col. Williams's) \nto the southwest of the lower fort, on a higher eminence of \nthe same hill,\" Gen. Heath tells us. \" part of a work was \ntraced out on the 11th, and on the 14th of Jul}' a fortress \nwas begun,\" which he tells us was one of the strongest that \nwas erected. The works upon this and the neighboring hill \nare everj'where spoken of as exceedingly strong and weh \nplanned. They not only commanded the Neck, hut also the \n\n\n^% \n\n\nf\\ \n\n\nCf?? \n\n\nUPPER FOET. \n\n\nHe says, \"Until 1 \n\n\nroad to Dedham, the depot of army \nsupplies. Samuel Adams thus refers \nto them in a letter to Elbridge Gerry. \nA-isited headquarters at Cambridge, I had never heard of the \nvalor of Prescott at Bunker's Hill, [Adams was then a dele- \ngate to Congress at Philadelphia,] nor the ingenuity of Knox \nand Waters in planning the celebrated works at Roxbury.\" \n\nThe Upper, or \"High Fort,\" as it has sometimes been \ncalled, regarded by Washington as the best and most eligibly \nsituated of all the works then in course of construction, was \nquadrangular in form, about twelve rods square, with bastions \nat each angle. Near the magazine, which was on the south- \nwest side, was a covered way and sally-port.. The Stand- \npipe is about in the centre of the work, and some two feet \n\n\nUPPER FORT. 377 \n\nabove the original level of the ground. The view here given \nwas made from the southwest angle of the fort in 1850, by \nMr. Lossing, who thus describes it : — \n\n\"In the foreground a portion of the ramparts is seen; on tlie \nright is the house of Benjamin Perkins, on Higlilaucl Street; and \nextending across the picture towards the left is the side of the fort \ntowards Boston, exhibiting prominent traces of the embrasures for \nthe cannon. The eminence on which it stands is composed of huge \nbowlders of pudding-stone, having upon three sides natural revet- \nments difficult for an enemy to scale. The embankments are from \neight to fifteen feet in height, and within, the terre-plein in which \nthe garrison was placed is quite perfect.\" \n\nIn 1825 the \"Fort Lot\" of tweut3'-eight acres, including \nthe old earthwork itself, then in excellent preservation, was \nbought of the heirs of Col. Joseph Williams bj* S. C. Thwing, \nB. F. Copeland, David A. and Thomas Simmons, and Charles \nHickling. The old fort, excluded from division, was to be \nowned in common, and ornamented and kept in repair at their \njoint expense. About 1830 the tract was offered to the town \nfor three thousand five hundred dollars for a public square, \nbut the proposal was frowned down both b}' the authorities \nand bj' the economical portion of the people, who seemed, in \nthis instance, to have acted on the narrow and niggardly \npolicy that \" we should do nothing for posterit}' as posterity \nhad never done an3'thing for us.\" The value of this eminence \nfor a reservoir was however understood by the citj' fathers \nof Roxbury, who ultimately bought it for that purpose. \n\nIt is greatly to be regretted that the old fort could not \nhave been allowed to remain ; but when the Stand-pipe was \nerected, the fiat of the Board of Water Commissioners, in \nwhose ej'es it was only so much dirt, went forth, and it dis- \nappeared. Thus was the best preserved and one of the most \ninteresting, as well as one of the onl}' remaining monuments \nof the siege completel}- obliterated. Instead of the pictur- \nesque old relic itself, which the imagination could have peopled \n\n\n378 \n\n\nSTAND-PIPE. \n\n\nwith the provincial soldiers, in their homespun garb, a simple \ntablet has been erected by the cit^-, the shaft of which, six \nand one half feet high, two feet thick, and three and one half \nfeet broad, is of Concord granite, and the base of Quincy \ngranite. On its sides are two cannon in relief, similar to \nthose at the top of Bunker Hill Monument, and which were \n\nused at the Roxbury lines. The \ncannon, the faces of the shaft, \nand the moulded work at the \nbase are highly polished, and \nthe monument is finished at the \ntop by four cannon-balls. \n\nThe Stand-pipe, erected in \n1869 for the high service sup- \npi}' onl}', answered its purpose \nadmirably, sufficing for the \nwants of the city until the an- \nnexation of Dorchester, Brigh- \nton, and West Roxbury ren- \ndered it necessary to construct \nthe large Reservoir on Parker Hill. The base of the shaft is \none hundred and fiftj'-eight feet above tide-marsh level. The \ninterior pipe is a cylinder of boiler iron eighty feet long, and \naround this pipe, but within the exterior wall of brick, is a \nwinding staircase leading to a lookout at the top. The total \ncost of the structure, and the pumping- works connected with \nit, was about one hundred thousand dollars. \n\n\nFOKT MONUMENT- \n\n\nTHE PARTING STONE. \n\n\n379 \n\n\nCHAPTER X. \n\nCENTRE STREET. \n\nThe Parting Stone. — Riley \"s Store. — \"Washington Lodge. — Workhouse. \n\n— Col. Joseph \"Williams. — Hog Bridge. — Tanner Heath. — Gen. \nWilliam Heath. — Capt. John Gyles. — Parker Hill. —Philip Eliot. \n\n— Capt. Isaac Johnson. — The Lowell Estate. — Judge Lowell. — \nJohn Lowell, Jr. — Gamhlin's End. — Thomas Bell. — Curtis Home- \nstead. \n\n\nTHE highway from Elder Heath's Lane (that part of \nRoxbury Street north of the meeting-house) towards \nthe Great Pond leading to Dedham, was afterwards called \nthe Dedham Road, and since 1825 Centre Street. It is nearly \nseven miles in length from Eliot Square to \nthe Dedham line, and was formerly the great \narterj' connecting the northern and southern \nportions of the town, so continuing until the \nDedham Turnpike was constructed. \n\nAmong the old landmarks yet remaining \nin Roxbur}', one of the most interesting is \na large stone at the corner of this street, \nknown as the ''Parting Stone.\" At the \ntime this drawing was made, an iron shaft \nwas inserted in it, having a fork at the upper \nend for the support of a street-lamp. On \nits northerly side it directs to Cambridge \nand Watertown, and on its southerly side to \nDedham and Rhode Island. Lord Percy's soldiers read its \ninscription as they passed it by on their way to Lexington, \none hot April forenoon, and it has afforded rest and informa- \n\n\n380 pjley's store. \n\ntiou to the tired wayfarer for many a long year. This is a \ndurable and visible memorial of a good man, whose benefac- \ntions to the church, to the school, and to the town were \nfrequent, and were gratefully acknowledged. \n\nThe strip of land between Centre and Roxbury Streets, and \nextending to Gardiner Street, was once the propert}' of the \ntown. At its northerly end is the old building, now the resi- \ndence of Mr. Gardiner, occupied during the siege as a commis- \nsary's store, and more recently known as Riley's. Originally \nit was a square, two-story house, with a very large piazza on \nits Roxburj' Street side, on which were seats that were in con- \nstant requisition, as this was a popular place of resort. Half \na century ago, and before temperance societies were thought \nof, a bar was a component part of every grocery store, three \ncents being then the price of a full drink, six and a quarter \ncents the charge for a glass of punch, while the \" two-cent \nclub,\" as the}' were called, contented themselves with a \nmodicum of gin. In the afternoon and evening Riley's store \nwould be thronged, some making purchases, some drinking, \nothers gossiping or talking politics, and others playing check- \ners. One of its noted habitues was \" Johnny\" Seaver, who, \nnotwithstanding his vocation was that of sexton and parish \nundertaker, was a jolly fellow, alwa3's mirthful and ready for \na joke. Another of its frequenters named Saunders, nick- \nnamed \"Deacon,\" and a celebrated wit, resided near Hog \nBridge. The upper storj' of the building was a hall, frequently \nused as a place of meeting for militarj' companies. \n\nOn the left is the old Turner house (see cut on page 366), \nbuilt and originally occupied bj' one of the Ruggleses and \nused as a barrack during the siege. Opposite was the resi- \ndence of Thomas Clarke, a leather-dresser and tanner, also \ntown clerk and representative, and a man of note in his day. \nHe began an evening school here on Jan. 1, 1795, but \nremoved not long after to Boston. Be^'ond the Turner house \non the left is a three-story house with brick ends, once the \n\n\nWASHINGTON LODGE. 381 \n\nresidence of Nathaniel, son of Capt. Joseph Ruggles, a grad- \nuate of Harvard College in 1781, and a member of Congress \nfrom 1813 to 1819. A lawyer by profession, he was for \nmany years prominent in town and county affairs. Hon. \nDavid A. Simmons and Hon. B. F. Copeland married daugh- \nters of Mr. Ruggles. \n\nLemuel Pierce's house and wheelwright's shop were near \nwhere Engine House No. 14 stands. The engine house is \nthe site of the stone pound of a century ago, and also of an \nold schoolhouse. Pierce's \nHall, in the upper part \nof his dwelling - house, \nwas the first place of \nmeeting of Washington \nLodge of Freemasons, in- \nstituted March 14, 1796. \n\n^. STONE POUND. \n\nIts founders, bimeon \n\nPratt, John Ward, Moses Harriman, Ebenezer Seaver, \nTiraothj' Heel3% Joseph Ruggles, Stephen Davis, and James \nHowe, met on the previous evening at the house of Mr. \nHarriman, still standing on Tremont Street, the third \nhouse north of Parker Street, and chose Ebenezer Seaver, \nWorshipful Master, Simeon Pratt, Senior Deacon, and John \nWard, Junior Deacon. This was the thirteenth lodge char- \ntered in Massachusetts. On October 16 the officers were \npublicly installed by the Grand Master, Paul Revere, the \nlodge was consecrated, and public services held in the First \nChurch, closing with a procession and a banquet at the \nMasonic Hall. Three years later the lodge was removed to \nthe upper part of Mr. Harriman's house, which he had fitted \nup for the purpose. From 1807 to 1816 its meetings were \nheld at Sumner Hall, on Sumner Street; and from 1816 to \n1841 in the building on the corner of Washington Street and \nShawmut Avenue. Since 1865 the fine hall in the third story \nof Guild's Building has been the home of the lodge, which is \n\n\n382 THE WORKHOUSE. \n\nin a highly prosperous conditiou. Among its Past Masters \nwere Ebenezer Seaver, Simeon Pratt, Nathaniel Puggles, \nNathaniel S. Prentiss, Samuel Bany, Samuel J. Gardiner, \nJohn Howe, Charles Wild, and George Frost. \n\nThe corner-stone of the First Baptist Church on Dudle}' \nStreet was laid on May 12, and that of the Universalist \nChurch on July 28, 1820, by Washington Lodge. Its twenty- \nfifth anniversary was celebrated March 14, 1821, by the deliv- \ner}' of an historical address b}' Worshipful Master John Howe. \nMasonr}' has always found a congenial home in Roxbury. \nSt. John's Lodge of Boston, the first Masonic bod}' organ- \nized in North America, frequently held its anniversary meet- \nings in the old Greyhound Tavern on Roxbury Street be- \ntween the years 1752 and 1775, and her heroic sou, Joseph \nWarren, was, from 1769 to the day of Bunker's Hill, Grand \nMaster of the order in Boston. Since Washington Lodge \nwas founded two other Masonic bodies, the Mount Vernon \nRoyal Arch Chapter, and Lafayette Lodge, have been organ- \nized in Roxbury. \n\nOne of the institutions of the town, rendered necessary by \nthe progress of civilization, though unknown here for con- \nsiderably more than a century after its settlement, was the \nold workhouse, that stood a few feet west of the engine \nhouse. Upon the land adjoining stands the residence of Mr. \nPrang, proprietor of the famous chromolithogi'aphic works on \nRoxbury Street. In March, 1766. the town ordered a work- \nhouse to be built of brick on Meeting-House Hill, between \nJohn Slack's barn and the school land, which was finished \nearly in 1768. Daring the siege, the inmates having been \nremoved, a company of American soldiers was quartered \nhere. In 1830, the population having tripled since it was \nbuilt, the old house was voted \"inadequate and unfit,\" and \nten acres were purchased from David Dudley, situated on \nHighland near Marcella Street, adjoining the estates of Wil- \nliams, Maccarty, and Thomas Brewer, and bounded also by \n\n\nTOWN PAUPERS. 383 \n\nStony River and tlie chemical worlds. Here, in 1831, a brick \nalmshouse was built, at a cost of eleven thousand dollars. \n\nTo keep out undesirable and shiftless persons and stran- \ngers, and to prevent their becoming a charge upon the town, it \nwas very earh- enacted that \" if an}' person admit or receive \nsuch into his house and keep them over one week without \nleave of the selectmen, he shall be fined twent}' shillings.\" \nThe preservation of religious and social harmony was another \nand not less potent reason for such a regulation, and it was \neven extended to the entertainment of one's friends from \nother parts, this also being restricted to a limited time. \nWarnings under this rule were frequent, occurring as late as \nthe close of the last century. Straggling Indians and \"crazy \" \npersons were in the early days often driven from the town. \n\nProbably the most fruitful theme for town-meeting elo- \nquence, with the possible exception of permitting the swine \nto go at large, was the subject of the town paupers and the \ncost of their support. It was gravel}' said on one occasion \nthat the expense per capita would board them comfortably at \nthe Tremont House. At one of the town meetings, a resi- \ndent of the upper part of the town made this complaint. \nSaid he, \"You furnish most of the paupers from your part \nof the town (the easterly or lower portion), and we help sup- \nport them ; but you get their work, and we get nothing.\" \nThe quizzical reply, and it effectually nonplussed the speaker, \nwas, \"Well, if we furnish all the poor, why shouldn't we \nhave the benefit of their labor ? \" \n\nPassing the residence of Mr. Prang we come to that of Mr. \nRoessle, the site of Nathaniel Ruggles's store, and later the \nresidence of Lawyer Joseph Harrington, the father of George \nHarrington, late assistant treasurer of the United States and \nminister to Switzerland. On the corner of Centre Place, where \nthe block of brick dwelling-houses stands, resided Capt. Jona- \nthan Dorr, who was quite a prominent citizen. At the time of \nPresident Jackson's ^dsit, it devolved upon him, as chairman of \n\n\n384 \n\n\nCOL. JOSEPH WILLIAMS. \n\n\nthe board of selectmen, to welcome the chief magistrate to Rox- \nbmy . When in the course of his remarks he uttered the sen- \ntiment, \" May the arm be enervated that would strike down \nour glorious Constitution ! \" Jackson's spontaneous and charac- \nteristic response was, \" B3' the Eternal, it shall be ! \" Capt. \nDorr's house was removed to Ruggles Street, where it is now \nstanding. \n\nIn front of Mrs. David Dudlej-'s barn and near the street \nwe next come to the site of Col. Joseph \"Williams's house. \nIt was very old and large, two and a half stories high, had a \ndouble-pitched roof, and stood fronting Hog Bridge, with its \nend to the street. Its upper story projected some eighteen \n\ninches over the lower one, as \nin the garrison houses, de- \nsigned for defence from Indian \nattacks. It was taken down at \nthe time Mr. Dudley's house \nwas built, some fifty years \nsince, having stood more than \na centur}' and a half. The old \nwell remains. Col. \"Williams was perhaps the largest land- \nowner of Roxbur}' in his day, his estate comprising about one \nhundred and fift}' acres. It included the homestead estate on \nboth sides of Centre Street, extending from Cedar Street to \nHog Bridge, and including the hill opposite his house, where \nthe old forts stood, and much of the land south of it to School, \nnow Amory Street. In front of the house of Col. \"Williams, \nwho was a magistrate, the whipping-post formerly stood. \n\nJoseph, great-grandson of Robert \"Williams, the emigrant, \nresided here until his death in 1798, at the age of ninety. \nNo name occurs oftener in the town records than that of Col. \nJoseph Williams. He was man}^ years a selectman ; was fre- \nquentl}' moderator of town meetings and active in town \naffairs ; was often a member of the General Court ; had been \na colonel in the French war, serving at Lake George and in \n\n\nliAIiKISON lli.)lS \n\n\nCOL. JOSEPH WILLIAMS. \n\n\n385 \n\n\nthe Mohawk region ; and was prominent and active in tlie \npre-revohitionary movements of the da}-. A journal kept l>y \nhim during the Frencli war was, till lateh', in possession of \nthe famil}-. For nearly half a centur}', and until he attained \nthe age of eighty, he had been clerk of the First Parish. Col. \nWilliams had fifteen children. Those by his first wife, Martha \nHowell, were remarkable for their great size and physical \npower, the sons averaging nearly three hundred pounds each. \nHis daughter Martha, who \nmarried \"William \"Williams, of \nPomfret, was a woman of pro- \ndigious strength and great \npowers of mind. \n\nOn our right, nearly parallel \nwith the course of Ston}\" \nBrook and the track of the \nProvidence Railroad , which \nlies to the west of it, is Pyn- \nchon Street, laid out in 1834 \nfrom Carleton's, on Tremont \nStreet, to Heath Street, and \nnamed in honor of the founder \nof Roxbury. The once beautiful estates of Gore, Lowell, and \nHeath have been ruthlessly invaded and \" improved,\" until a \ngreater contrast than that of the past and present of this ter- \nritory could hardly be imagined. \n\nCentral or Hog Bridge, as it has long been popularly \ncalled, where Stou}' Brook now runs under the street, is said \nto derive its name from the following incident : Col. -Joseph \nWilliams had a daughter Patty, remarkable, like all the fam- \nil}', for great ph^'sical strength, and who afterwards removed \nto Pomfret, Conn. One of her yet remembered feats was the \nloading, unaided, of two barrels of cider upon a country- \nman's wagon that had overset near the house, in response to \nhis appeal for assistance. On the occasion above referred to, \n\n\nCOL. JOSEPH WILLIAMS. \n\n\n386 HOG BRIDGE. \" TANNER \" HEATH. \n\nand when she was a ^oung girl of eighteen, the narrow pas- \nsage over the bridge she was aboufc to cross was impeded by \na drove of hogs, the driver of which manifested no disposi- \ntion to allow her to pass. To the request that he would make \nway for her, he returned an insulting reply. Whereupon she \nsiezed one of the hogs and threw him into the stream, then \nsent her insulter to keep him company, and finished the job \nneatly by throwing another hog atop of him. A 3'oung \nwoman of spirit was Patty Williams. Fancy a girl of the \nperiod confronted b}' a similar emergenc}' ! \n\nGen. Heath's brother Samuel, \" Tanner\" Heath as he was \ncalled, pursued his vocation on Stony Brook near the bridge \nuntil his decease in 1817. He lived in the old \"Gary\" home- \nstead, next east of Fenner's meal store, which came into the \npossession of his grandfather, William Heath, in 1713. It \nis related of the tanner, whose temper was more pacific than \nthat of the general, his brother, that having broken his prom- \nise to his neighbors, Jonathan Parker, Jeremiah Williams, \nand other \" high Whigs\" to assist in throwing the tea over- \nboard, they went to his house one evening shortly after that \nevent, fullj'' determined to break down his door. The uplifted \nclub, wielded bj' the vigorous arms of Parker, was about to \ndescend upon it, when it suddenly opened, and their hostile \npurpose yielded to the pleasant invitation of Mrs. Heath to \nenter and partake of some refreshments, and excusing her \nhusband's failure to keep his appointment on the plea of ill- \nness. Heath built and latterly occupied the Gardiner Brewer \nmansion, a little be3'ond on the other side of the street, un- \nroofed in the great September gale. One of the prominent \nlandmarks of this region, recent!}- removed, was the tall chim- \nney, with its seven times repeated echo, connected with the \nchemical works, erected in 1846. \n\nThe easterly\" corner of Heath Street and Bickford Avenue, \nat the base of Parker Hill, is the site of the old homestead, \ntaken down in 1843^ in which lived William Heath, a major- \n\n\nGEN. WILLIAM HEATH. 387 \n\ngeneral in the Revolutionary army. The Heath estate lay \non both sides of Heath Street, adjoining that of John Parker \non the north, reaching beyond Day Street on the west, and to \nCentre Street on the south, where it extended from the Lowell \nestate to a point nearlj' opposite W^-man Street. The Peleg \nHeath estate lay west of Day Street, extending beyond the \nBrookline boundary. \n\nWilliam Heath, the emigrant, was from Nazing, and came \nover in the \" Lion\" in 1632 with his wife Mary and five chil- \ndren, and settled in Roxbury in 1636. In his \" Memoirs,\" \nwritten In 1798, General Heath says of himself: — \n\n\"He is of the fifth generation of the family wlio have inherited \nthe same real estate (taken up in a state of nature), not large but \nfertile and pleasantly situated. He was brought up a farmer, of \nwhich profession he is yet passionately foud. He is of middliug \nstature, light complexion, very coqjulent, aud bald-headed. From \nhis childhood he was remarkably fond of military exercises, which \npassion grew up with him, and led him to procure and attentively \nto study every military treatise in the English language which was \nattainable.\" \n\nJoining the Ancient and Honorable Artillerj' Companj' at \nthe age of seventeen, he was its captain in 1770, at which \ntime he wrote for the \" Boston Gazette \" some essays signed \n\" A Military Countrj-man,\" urging the importance of military \ndiscipline and skill in the use of arms; \"for,\" said he pro- \nphetically, \"it is more than probable that the salvation of this \ncountry, under Heaven, will sooner or later depend upon a \nwell-regulated militia.\" It was partly through his efforts that \nthe organization of the minute-men, which placed New Eng- \nland at once upon a war footing, was effected. He had pre- \nviously been commissioned a captain in the Suffolk regiment \nb}' Gov. Bernard. Hutchinson superseded him in his com- \nmand, but when in 1774 the people selected their own officers. \nHeath was unanimously chosen captain of the first company \nof Roxbury, and the same yea,v colonel of the Suffolk regiment. \n\n\n388 \n\n\nGEN. WILLIAM HEATH. \n\n\nHe was frequently moderator of town meetings, and a \nmember of the General Court. Engaging with zeal in the \nRevolutionary contest, he was the trusty coadjutor of Samuel \nAdams and Joseph Warren ; was a delegate to the Provincial \nCongresses of 1774 and 1775 ; and was an active member of \nthe Committees of Correspondence and of Safety, the latter \nbod}' virtuall}' governing the province until superseded b}' \nthe State government in 1780, Made a provincial major- \ngeneral in June, 1775, he re- \nceived the same rank from the \nContinental Congress in August \nfollowing. \n\nHeath, who was the only \ngeneral officer on the ground on \nthe memorable 19tli of April, \n1775, organized and directed \nthe armed husbandmen who \nthat day put the far - famed \nBritish regulars to flight. This \nwas the onlj' actual conflict \nin which he was engaged \nthroughout the war. In his \n\"Memoirs\" he criticises the Lexington company, \"whose \nstanding so near the road was but a too much braving of \ndanger, as they wei'e sure to meet with insult or injur}' which \nthey could not repel.\" Here the question naturally arises \nwhether, if the British troops had passed through Lexington \nwithout bloodshed, the people would have rushed to arms and \nfired at Concord bridge, \"the shot heard round the world.\" \nCertain it is that they believed the regulars were the aggress- \nors, and that they were greatly excited by the slaughter of \ntheir brethren. Of the retreat he says, \" I was several times \ngreatly exposed while the British were descending from the \nhigh grounds in Menotomy to the plain. Soon after, the \nright flank of the British was exposed to the fire of a body of \n\n\nGEN. UEATII. \n\n\nGEN. ^VILLIAM HEATH. 389 \n\nmilitia which had come from Roxbury, Brookline, and Dor- \nchester. For a few minutes the fire was brisk on both \nsides, and the British here had recourse to their field- \npieces again.\" \n\nThe siege of Boston began when, at the close of that day, \nguards were posted at Charlestown Neck b}' Heath. It was \nthe singular fortune of this officer to perform a similar duty \neight 3'ears later at West Point, when the arm}- was finally \ndisbanded, his being the last division in the service. He \ncommanded a division during the siege, was at the head of \nthe eastern department in 1777, with the care of the Saratoga \nConvention prisoners, and subsequently had charge of the \nposts on the Hudson. Upon the discovery of Arnold's \ntreason, Heath was the trusted officer to whom \"Washington \nconfided the command at West Point. Returning to his \nfarm at the close of the war, he was chosen a delegate to \nthe Convention that adopted the Federal Constitution in 1788 ; \nwas a State senator in 1791-92 ; and was judge of probate for \nNorfolk Count}^ from 1793 until his decease, Jan. 24, 1814, \nat the age of seventj'-six. In 1806 he was chosen lieutenant- \ngovernor of Massachusetts, but decUned the office. \n\nHeath's faithful service throughout the Revolutionar}^ strug- \ngle is attested by an earnest and spontaneous private testi- \nmonial from his great chief, Washington, when, at its close, \nthe officers were returning to their several homes. He was \njustly proud of this tribute, and valued it as a patent of \nnobility superior to an}' that monarch ever issued. \"This \nletter,\" said he to Brissot de Warvillc, who paid him a visit \nat his farm in 1788, \" is a jewel which in my ej'es surpasses \nall the eagles and all the ribbons in the world.\" \" With what \njo}',\" continues Brissot, \" did this respectable man show me \nall parts of his farm ! What happiness he enjoj-s on it ! He \nis a true farmer. A glass of cider which he presented to me, \nwith frankness and good-humor painted on his countenance, \nappeared to me superior to the most exquisite wines. With \n\n\n390 CAPT. JOHN GTLES. \n\nthis simplicit}' men are worthy of libert}', and they are sure of \nenjoying it for a long time.\" \n\nLate in life Heath was corpulent and unwieldy in person, \nand while judge of probate was in the habit of making the \njourney from his house to Dedham in his chaise, which he \ncompletely filled, accompanied b}' his son on horseback, who \nwas responsible for his safe transit. The republican simpli- \ncity of his manners may be inferred from the tradition that \nhe occasionally drove to church in his ox-team, — perhaps \nintended as a hint to his more aristocratic neighbors, whose \ncarriages were of a showy and stj'lish description. Honest, \nupright, and patriotic, Heath as a general was over-cautious. \nHis pomposit}' of manner made him unpopular with his \nbrother officers, one of whom gave him. while at West Point, \nthe title of \" Duke of Roxbury.\" Chastellux describes his \ncountenance as noble and open, giving him a striking resem- \nblance to Lord Granby. His remains were removed some \nyears ago from the family tomb opposite the old homestead, \nto Forest Hills, but the pilgrim will seek in vain for a monu- \nmental tablet or inscription of any kind, commemorating \nthis sterling patriot and upright man. \n\nWilliam Heath, grandfather of the general, who, on Sept. \n3, 1703, was commissioned b}' Gov. Dudley, \" captain of a \nfoot company consisting of sixty soldiers,\" on March 3, \n1739-40, bequeathed £50 to the town for a poor fund. The \nrecords leave us in ignorance as to what became of this \nbequest. \n\nA near neighbor of Heath was Capt. John Gyles, who, in \n1689, when a lad, was taken by the Indians at Pemaquid, \nMe., and remained a prisoner until 1698. He was for some \n3'ears employed as an Indian interpreter, was in 1706 com- \nmissioned a captain by Gov. Dudley, and commanded at \nFort George (Brunswick, Me.) and St. George's River \n(Thomaston). Though retaining the command at the latter \nplace until 1742, William Heath being his first lieutenant, \n\n\nPARKER HILL. 391 \n\nand Ebenezer Seaver ensign, he retired in 1737, after thirty \nyears of active and arduous frontier service, to Roxbury, \nwhere in 172 1 he had married his second wife, Hannah Heath, \naunt of the general, and died there in 1755, at the age of sev- \nenty-seven. Gyles's \" Memoirs of Odd Adventures, Strange \nDeliverances, etc.,\" was published in Boston in 1736, at the \nearnest request, as he says, of his second consort. To disarm \nadverse criticism he prefaces his work with the remark of \nSir Roger L'Estrange : \"Though I made this composition \nprincipally for my family, yet if any man has a mind to take \npart with me, he has free leave and is welcome, but let him \ncarrj- this consideration along with him, that he is a ver}' \nunmannerly guest who forces himself upon another man's \ntable, and then quarrels with his dinner.\" \n\nThere is no place in the vicinity' of Boston from which a \nfiner prospect may be obtained than from Parker Hill, or the \n\"Great Hill,\" as it was formerly called. The view extends \nfrom the blue waters of the bay on one side to the undulating \nline of distant hills on the other. Roxbury lies beneath, and \nbeyond, the great city stretches awsxy to Somerville, the State \nHouse with its gilded dome and Bunker Hill Monument form- \ning prominent points of view. Beyond Charles River lies the \nquiet-looking cit}' of Cambridge, with its sightly University \nbuildings. Nearer, in the west, is the town of Brookline, \nwhose rural beauties are unsurpassed, and whose numerous \nelegant residences are seen scattered among the woods and \nhills, shaded by noble trees. On the south is the equally \nattractive scenery of West Roxbur}-, and glistening among \nthe trees a glimpse may be caught of its beautiful pond ; and \nin the southeast the vision is bounded by the Blue Hills of \nMilton. On all sides are seen distant villages, while numer- \nous church spires rising above the groves mark the places \nwhere villages nestle unseen. Some twenty towns are em- \nbraced in the view from this spot. A large resen-oir has \nlately been built here by the cit3\\ The Connecticut regi- \n\n\n392 JOHN PARKER. \n\nments of Spencer, Huntington, and Parsons were encamped \nhere during the siege. \n\nOn the summit of this hill once stood the elegant residence \nof John Parker, a wealth}^ and successful merchant. He \nbegan life as an apprentice to James Howe, the baker, and \nkept for a while in the old grocerj' store on Eliot Square. \nVery early in life he lost his father, Mr. Peter Parker, who \nwas crushed to death by the fall of a barrel of cider he was \nunloading from a cart at his own door. Mr. Parker would \nnever take more than six per cent interest, believing that no \nman could afford to pay more. He was tall and commanding \nin appearance, and \" it was quite a treat,\" says one who \nknew him well, \" to see him on a pleasant Sunday afternoon \nalight from his carriage at the old church, in a blue dress-coat \nwith brass buttons, drab tights, white stockings, shoes with \nbuckles, and powdered wig.\" Mr. Parker was a remarkably \nearly riser, and was a good and kind neighbor. \n\nOn the south side of Parker Hill, not far from the corner \nof Parker and Heath Streets, was the mansion and estate of \nsix acres belonging to Ezekiel Goldthwait, register of deeds \nfor the county of Suffolk, before the Revolution. Here were \nquartered the field and staff of Huntington's Connecticut regi- \nment in 1775. Goldthwait, at first, inclined to the popular \nside, but was an addresser of Hutchinson when that unpopu- \nlar governor sailed for England in 1774, and yet adroitly \nmanaged to escape proscription as a lovalist and to retain his \nvaluable property when the ro3'al power was overthrown. \n\nThe list of casualties on the 19th of April, 1775, contains \nbut one Roxbur^' name, Elijah Seaver, famous for possessing \na stentorian voice, and who at the close of the eventful day \nwas among the missing. He had been taken prisoner, and \nwas one of those first exchanged on the 6th of June follow- \ning. Seaver lived on the northwest corner of Day and Heath \nStreets, in a house which is yet standing. John Perry's home- \nstead of two acres was on the corner opposite, having John \n\n\nPHILIP ELIOT. — CAPT. ISAAC JOHNSOX. 393 \n\nGraves on the south. The apostle Eliot calls hhn \" Cosin \nPerrie.\" \n\nWest of Stony Brook and south of Heath Street, a district \nsince included in the Lowell and Heath estates, originally \ncontained the homesteads of Philip Eliot, James Astwood, \nIsaac Johnson, Eobert Pepper, John Graves, Arthur Gar}', \nJohn Perry, and William Heath. The most northerl}' of \nthese, \"his house, barn, and house-lot of three acres on \nStony River, east,\" was Philip Eliot, brother of the apostle, \n\" a right godly and dilligent person, who useth to accompany \nhim to the Indians,\" and of whom Eliot leaves this record : — \n\n\" He dyed about the 22d of the 8th mo. 1657. He was a man of \npower and very faithful. He was many yeares iu the office of a \nDeakou which he discharged faithfully. In his latter years he was \nvery lively, usefull and active for God and his cause. The Lord \ngave him so much acceptance iu the hearts of the people that he \ndied under many of the offices of trust that are usually put upon \nmen of his rank, for besides his office of Deakou he was a deputy \nof the Gen. Coui\"t, a Commissioner for the gov't of the town, one \nof the five men to order the prudential affairs of the town, and was \nchosen to be Feoffee of the Schoole iu Eoxbury.\" \n\nOpposite Amor}' Street, where Centre Street bends to the \nwest \" butting upon the highwa}' east and south,\" was the \nhouse, barn, and two acres of Capt. Isaac Johnson. He was \nthe son of John Johnson, whose sounding title of \" surveyor- \ngenerall of all y^ arm^'es \" must have inspired the savage foe \nwith wholesome terror. The father was undoubtedl}' an old \nsoldier, and his son certainly was a brave one. He was \nmade a freeman in 1635, and was a representative and cap- \ntain of the artillery compan}'. In 1G53 he was chosen cap- \ntain of the Roxbury company-, Sergt. Craft was chosen \nlieutenant, and Sergt. Bowles ensign. Capt. Johnson was \nkilled in the famous Xarragansett \"fort fight,\" Dec. 19, \n1675. The onl}' entrance to the Indian stronghold was by \nmeans of a felled tree bridging the swamp, over which but \n\n\n394 THE LOWELL ESTATE. \n\none man could pass at a time, and this narrow pathway was \nprotected by a block house. The brave Roxbury captain was \nshot dead on this bridge, over which he was leading his men. \nWest of Johnson was the homestead of Robert Pepper, who \nin 1642 married his sister EUzabeth. A Robert Pepper was \ncaptured b}' Indians while on his way to Northfield, in \n1675. The house, barn, and four acres of James Astwood \nlay between Johnson and Eliot. \n\nThe Lowell estate, formerly Thomas Gunter's, lay between \nthe south side of old Heath and Centre Streets, extending \nnortherly to a point nearl}^ opposite the Heath mansion, and \non Centre Street, where it had a frontage of five hundred feet, \nto a point beyond Bickford Street. Bought in 1785 by Judge \nJohn Lowell, who resided here until his decease. May 6, \n1802, it was afterward the home of his son, John Lowell, Jr., \nwho built upon it a stone castle from a model sketched by \nhimself of an old one in Europe. Earl}- in the present cen- \ntury it was the residence of another eminent lawyer, Samuel \nDexter, whose sons Franklin, also distinguished at the bar, \nand Samuel \"W., both graduated from the old Roxbury gram- \nmar school in 1808. The Lowell mansion, long since removed \nfrom its old site, is now standing on Bickford Street, its \nappearance spoiled by a modern French roof. In its day \nthis was an attractive New England home, furnished without \nostentation, but on a generous scale, and with tokens of cul- \nture and refinement everywhere Aisible. \n\nOne of Mr. Lowell's daughters still resides on the portion \nof the estate on Centre Street next south of the railroad \ncrossing. The garden belonging to this estate had five green- \nhouses upon it, and was the finest in the State. Among the \nmany and extraordinar}^ changes wrought b}' time in the old \ntown, none is more striking than that presented here, as the \nresult of laying through this elegant property the track of the \nBoston and Providence Railroad. \n\nBorn at Newbury in 1743, John Lowell, at the beginning \n\n\nJOHN LOWELL. 395 \n\nof the Revolution, was already an eminent lawyer in full \npractice. He was a delegate to the old Congress, and chief \njustice of the United States Circuit Court in 1801-2. While \na member of the committee to draught the Constitution of \nMassachusetts he inserted in the Bill of Rights the clause \ndeclaring that \"all men are born free and equal,\" for the \navowed purpose of abolishing slavery in the State. He was \none of the confidential advisers of the measures b}^ which that \nformidable outbreak, Sha^'s's Insurrection, was suppressed, \nand was appointed by Washington one of the judges of the \nUnited States District Court on its institution in 1789. At \nthe bar he was the frequent competitor and formidable rival \nof Theophilus Parsons. He was active in establishing the \nAcadem}' of Arts and Sciences, before which he delivered an \noration on the death of President Bowdoin on Jan. 26, 1795. \nHarrison Graj- Otis, a law student in his office, thus de- \nscribes him : — \n\n\" He was about five feet ten inches in height, and inclined to corpu- \nlence. His gait was rapid and Iiurried, his conversation rapid and \nardent. He was the very mirror of benevolence, which beamed in and \nmade attractive a countenance not remarkable for symmetry of feature \nor beauty ; and his companionable talents, though never displayed at \nthe expense of dignity, made him the delight of the society in which \nhe moved, and which he always put at ease. He was one of the most \namiable, pure, and lionorable of men, and his honesty and moderation \nwere proverbial. In a satirical and very personal farce got up by a \nwitty desperado, and which had a great run, he was dubbed by the \nauthor, no friend of hi.'=;, 'Lawyer Candor,' a most appropriate so- \nbriquet, which the world unanimously applied to him. His consulta- \ntions with clients were principally at his own house in Koxbury, and \nin short interviews. He generally amused himself in his garden \nuntil it was time to hurry into court, where he never arrived too \nearly, and then plunging in media res in causes with the points and \nmerits of which he had been superficially informed, yet on the spot, \nwhen he came as elder counsel to sum up, he appeared entii'ely \nfamiliar with the Gordian knot. He soon warmed and moved on \nwith impassioned eloquence and vehement gesture, taking up the \n' jury in his balloon and landing them where he pleased.\" \n\n\n396 JOHN LOWELL, JR. \n\nDuring the period of his Roxbur}' residence Judge Lowell \nhad withdrawn from active office business. He took a leading \npart in town affairs, and as a trustee of the grammar school \ncontributed greatly to its financial prosperity by his policy of \nleasing its lands for a long term of A'ears. He left three sons, \nall of whom became eminent, — John, Francis Cabot, founder \nof the cit}' of spindles, and Rev. Charles, an esteemed clergy- \nman of Boston, father of James Russell Lowell. \n• John Lowell, Jr., a distinguished writer upon politics and \nagriculture, was in person a great contrast to his father, being \nvery short and slender. Graduating at Harvard in 1786, he \nwas admitted to the bar in 1789, and practised law with re- \npute until 1803, when he visited Europe. After his father's \ndeath, and until his own decease in 1840, he occupied the pa- \nternal estate inRoxbur}', entering with all his heart into the \nstudy and pursuits of agriculture, in which he delighted. \nOver the signature of \" A Roxbury Farmer,\" he exerted great \ninfluence upon the agricultural communit}', and was often \nquoted as authority upon the subject. \n\nAfter the decease of Mr. Ames in 1808, Mr. Lowell pos- \nsessed a greater ascendency' than any other person in New \nEngland over the minds of those who were opposed to the \nnational administration. His articles in the \" Centinel,\" \nsigned \" A Boston Rebel,\" and his pamphlet on \" Madison's \nWar,\" were most powerful attacks on the part}' in power, and \naroused by their piquant style and inflammatory nature a \nstrong opposition to it. In those exciting times a rumor was \ncirculated, that some of those who had been exasperated by \nhis political attacks had threatened to burn his house in Rox- \nbury to the ground. This rumor was so far credited, that \nsome of his friends went out from Boston to offer themselves \nas the guard of his person and property for the night. Mr. \nLowell expressed his belief that his fellow-townsmen were \nincapable of such an act, and declined their offers of assist- \nance. Indeed, no aid bej'ond the limits of the town would \n\n\ngamblin's end. 397 \n\nIn any case have been required, for several of the most re- \nspectable inhabitants of Roxbury itself, and of both political \nparties, volunteered to stand ready to defend it to the last \nextremity. It was not long after this that bj his services in \ntown affairs, on school committees, and in private counsels, \nhe had won the love and respect of the people, \" and there \nwas not an inhabitant of Roxbury of any sense or heart,\" \nsays Dr. Greenwood, '-who would not have defended that \nonce obnoxious house at the risk of his own life.\" \n\n\"The highwa}' from Elder Heath's pasture lot by Stony \nRiver to Gamblin's End, to the pasture lot of goodman Gam- \nblin to the Rocky Bottom,\" afterwards called School Street, \nis now Amory Street as far as its junction with Boylston. \nDespite its name, there is nothing tragic about \" Gamblin's \nEnd.\" For aught we know it was eminently peaceful ; but \none looks here in vain for a natural boundary such as the \nname suggests, the only noticeable topographical feature \nbemg a sudden falling off of the land west of School Street, \nnear Mrs. Adams's, the beginning of the level plateau of \nJamaica Plain. Mrs. Adams's residence, on the west side of \nSchool Street, was built in 1782, by Capt. Joseph, son of Col. \nJoseph Williams, and was for many years the residence of \nMr. Nehemiah D. Williams. Robert Gamblin came over in \n1632 in the same ship with Edward Winslow, and with him \nWilliam Perkins and John Levins, who settled in Roxbury. \nThis family afterwards went to Portsmouth, N. II. Gam- \nblin's homestead was north of Bell's, and between that and \nStony Brook. Of his son Robert, Jr., Eliot saj's : — \n\n\"He brought only one child, who was the son of his wife by a \nformer husband. His name is John Mayo. He was but a cliild. Mary, \na maide servant, daughter of Robert Garalia the elder, came with \nher father in the yeare 1632. She was a very gracious maiden. She \ndyed in Mr. Pinchon's family of the small-pox in the year 1633.\" \n\nOn the corner of Amor}- Street, near the railroad bridge, \nis the John Curtis house, an old, gambrel-roof dwelling of the \n\n\n398 \n\n\nJOHN MAY. BELL HOMESTEAD. \n\n\nlast century. Back of it runs Stony Brook, lined with huge \nwillows. This old house was bought in 1742 by Jeremiah \nWilliams, blacksmith, brother of Col. Joseph and the father \nof Major Edward Payson Williams. An old mansion, once \nthe residence of Mr. John Amory, now a public house, and \nstyled the \" Amor}' Hotel,\" is on our left as we approach \n\" Gamblin's End,\" while on our right a new brick brewer}^ \nseems sadly out of place in this sylvan retreat. Somewhere \nin this immediate vicinit}' was the house and fourteen rods of \nground belonging to John May, or Mayes, as it was then \nwritten, the ancestor of the well-known famil}' of that name. \nThe book of \" Houses and Lands \" describes it as \"a triangle \nabutting on E. Gamblin east, the highwaj' northwest, and \nThomas Bell's orchard southwest.\" May, who had been \nmaster of a vessel called the \" James,\" sailing as early as \n1635 between London and New England, came to Roxbur}^ \nin 1640, and died on April 23, 1670. \n\nThe fine old mansion near the corner of Amory and Boj'l- \nston Streets, now the residence of Gen. W. Raymond Lee. was \n\n\nH 7^ J, \n\n\nGEX. W. KATMOXD lee S EESIDEXCE. \n\n\nbuilt in 1766 on the land given by Thomas Bell in 1672 to the \nRoxbur}' Free School, of which he was the most liberal bene- \nfactor. Near it stood, until its demolition in 1765, Mr. Bell's \n\n\nTHOMAS BELL. 399 \n\nhomestead, afterwards that of Capt. Ebenezer Gore, the \nsound portion of the old materials being made use of in the \nnew structure. The homestead came about 1810 into the \npossession of Thomas Amory, \" London Tom,\" whose daugh- \nter Mr. Lee married. At the bend of the road is a large \nEnglish elm. and on the grounds in front of the house are \nmany fine specimens of elms, English and American, so dis- \nposed as to add greatl}' to the picturesque effect produced by \nthe low, irregular outlines of the residence itself. The old por- \ntion of the house is central, the wings are modern additions. \n\nMr. Bell bequeathed all his real estate in Roxbury in trust \nfor \" the maintenance of a schoolmaster and free schoole for \nthe teaching and instructing of poore men's children in the \ntown.\" This gift, a very large one for the time, with its \naccumulations, renders the school one of the most richly \nendowed in the countrj'. His lands extended from Stou}\" \nRiver, taking in this homestead, across School Street and the \nturnpike up to \"Walnut Avenue. The beautiful, smooth field \nof eighteen acres at the pght of Washington Street, on the \nbrow of the hill, on the corner of School Street as 3-ou come \nnorth, and the great orchard opposite, are embraced in this \nportion of the princely bequest of Thomas Bell, a merchant, \nwho resided here from 1635 until his return in 1651 to \nEngland, where he died in 1672. The apostle Eliot's influ- \nence was no doubt exerted to procure this gift for the school, \nwhose establishment he had done so much to promote ; and \nwe also find Mr. Bell further sustaining that good man's en- \ndeavors by becoming one of the corporators in England of \nthe Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New,Eng- \nland. The memory of Thomas Bell should be fondly cher- \nished b}' the people of Roxbury. \n\nA short distance west of the Bell homestead stands the old \nCurtis house. In 1639 William Curtis built on the margin of \nStony Brook a substantial dwelling, supposed to be the one \nnow standing. It is in excellent preservation, and is inhab^ \n\n\n400 \n\n\nTHE CURTIS HOMESTEAD. \n\n\nited by the widow and children of the fifth Isaac Curtis who \nhas occupied it, and who was the seventh in descent from \n\"William, the emigrant. The instances of the continuous \noccupation of the homestead b}' the same family for a period \nof two hundred and forty 3'ears, are verj' rare in New Eng- \nland. The neighborhood was originally a forest, abounding \nin wild animals, and a pair of antlers can now be seen in the \nold house, taken from a buck that was shot from within it, \nprobably while drinking from the brook. In 1659 twenty \n\n\nOLD CURTIS HOMESTEAD. \n\n\nshillings was paid by the town to Philip Curtis, for killing a \nwolf here. \"William Curtis's homestead often acres was \nbounded south on Stony River, north on Robert Pepper, west \non John Ruggles and John Totman, and east on George \nBrand,\" says the ancient Transcript of Lands. \n\nThe house — a good specimen of the second period of New \nEngland architecture — stands on Lamartine Street, near the \nBoylston station of the Boston and Providence Railroad, \nover which a hundred trains run b}' it daih', and is probalil}' \none of the oldest inhabited dwellings in the United States. \nNear it, shaded by the magnificent elm seen in the picture, \nis the spring that doubtless determined the locality of the \n\n\nWILLIAM CURTIS. 401 \n\ndwelling. Tradition says this tree was transplanted a hun- \ndred 3-ears ago, by one of the famih', from a meadow in \n\"Rocky Swamp,\" a tract lying between Washington Street \nand Forest Hills Street, then owned by the Curtises. With \ncare it will probably last another century. A large, healthy, \nfruit-bearing currant-bush grows from a Icnot-hole on its \neastern side. \n\nThe timbers of the Curtis house are of unseasoned white \noak, doubtless cut from the farm. The nails were all wrought, \nthere being then no machines for cutting them. The building \nis of two stories, with eight rooms, a garret aoove, and a \nsmall square entr}^ on the lower floor, separating two of the \nmain rooms. It has a pitched roof, sloping down at the rear \nto within a few feet of the ground, and in the centre stands \nthe enormous square chimne}'. The windows are small. \nOriginally the glass was diamond-shaped, and set in leaden \nsashes, but about the beginning of this century these gave \nplace to the small panes of glass they now have, and the lead \nwas converted into spoons. Square blocks of oak, about ten \ninches across, serve as cellar stairs, and show unmistakable \nsigns of wear from the tread of the generations that have \npassed over them. Much of the old furniture, handed down \nfor generations, yet remains. Perhaps the apostle Eliot sat \nat that quEEnt old table, Winthrop or Thomas Dudley in that \nantique chair. A company of Rhode Island soldiers were \nquartered here during the siege of Boston. \n\nWilliam Curtis, a native of the parish of Nazing, was mar- \nried there to Sarah, daughter of Bennett Eliot and the sister \nof the apostle, in 1G18. They came over with other Roxbury \nsettlers in the \" Lion,\" in 1632, bringing four children. An- \nother passenger was Ann Mountfort, the affianced of Eliot, \nto whom she was married a month after her arrival. There \ncan be little doubt that the influence of his brother-in-law, \nCurtis, was potent in drawing Ehot from Boston, where he \nwas so earnestly \" labored with \" to induce him to remain. \n26 \n\n\n402 WYMAN FARM. — \" TOTMAN's ROCKS.\" \n\nMost of the persons bearing the name of Curtis in the United \nStates are descended from William. Thej seem to be a pro- \nlific and a long-lived race. Fortj' families of this stock from \n1632 to 1850 had an average of over five children each, and \nthirt3--seven lived to the average term of sixty-six years. \nOne of his descendants, in 1721, bought a horse and negro \nand set up market-gardening, and was the first man who \ncarried vegetables to town in a cart instead of in panniers. \nPhilip, son of William Curtis, was lieutenant of Capt. Hench- \nman's compan}', that left Boston on Nov. 1, 1675, to rescue \ntwo youths whom the savages had captured at Marlborough. \nThe rescue was effected, but Curtis and several of his com- \npanions were killed. Of William, another son, Eliot sa^'s, \n\"He was a hopeful scholler, but God took him in the end \nof 1634.\" \n\nJust bej'ond the railroad bridge, on the east side of Centre \nStreet, was the Wj'man farm of about sixt}' acres, now in- \ncluding Lamartine Street, and a part of which many ^-ears \nago was a training-field. The AVentworth house opposite \nwas in those days a tavern, kept by Phineas Withington, \nand upon all occasions of parade and festivity it was well pa- \ntronized. After a review, the performances would close on \nHuckleberry Hill, now known as Cedar Hill, with a \"sham \nfight,\" generally ending with some bloody noses. On the \nleft, before coming to Boylston Street, is the locality' still \nknown as \" Totmau's Rocks,\" named from John Totman, an \nearly settler, whose dwelling and nine acres of land were \nlocated between Day and Bojlston Streets. Next comes the \nPaul Gore estate, formerly the site of Thomas Baker's house \nand wheelwright shop. In 1720 Timothy Parker bought of \nJohn Ruggles the house, barn, and three acres of land \non the easterly corner of Boylston and Centre Streets. On \nParker's Hill adjoining, and where Mr. George S. Curtis \nlives, the compauj' of Capt. Trowbridge, of Farmington, \nConn., was encamped in 1775. Where Mr. Charles F. \n\n\nSAMUEL CURTIS'S HOMESTEAD. 403 \n\nCurtis now resides, the old house of Ebenezer Newell for- \nmerly stood. \n\nIn 1712, Samuel, the grandson of William Curtis, bought \nof Joshua Bowen, twenty acres bordering on Jamaica Pond, \nand built in 1722 the house in which his son and grandson \nJoseph lived, and in which Miss Catharine P. Curtis, his \ngranddaughter, resided, until her decease in July last. To \nthe antiquarian taste and research of Miss Curtis, the public \nis indebted for the collection and preservation of much that is \ninteresting in the past historj- of the town. He afterwards \nbought the Perkins farm of fourteen acres of the heirs. The \nstreet leading from this point to Brookline, north of the pond, \nknown in the early days as Connecticut Lane, was named for \nWilliam Perkins, who came to Roxbury in 1632. Nathaniel \nWinchester had an estate of fifty acres on this street. \n\nJoseph, the son of Samuel Curtis, in 1771 married Catha- \nrine Parker, who kept a shop of British goods on Boylston \nStreet. During three months of the siege of Boston he gave \nup his house, reserving onl}^ his wife's shop and one chamber, \nto a company from Connecticut, composed of 3\"0ung men of \ngood station. One night, upon a sudden alarm that the \nBritish were coming out from Boston, each man brought his \nwatch and purse and deposited them with Mrs. Curtis. \n\"Why, what shall I do with them?\" she asked. \"If we \ncome back,\" they replied, \" we will know our own, and if we \nnever return we would rather j-ou should have them than the \nBritish.\" After the war, Joseph Curtis presented a claim \nagainst the State for \" barracking\" men from the companies \nof Major Thompson, Capt. Noadiah Hooker, and Capt. \nAldrich, of Connecticut, Capt. Eaton, of Haverhill, and Capt. \nBarnes, of Methuen. His son Joseph died in 1858, after a \ncareer of great usefulness, he having served the town long \nand faithfully, as school committeeman, selectman, and \nrepresentative. \n\n\n404 JAMAICA PLAIN. \n\n\nCHAPTER XI. \n\nJAMAICA PLAIN. \n\nJamaica Pond. — The Aqueduct. — Social Aspects. — Hallowell House.— \n\"Ward Nicliolas Boylstou. — Lindeu Hall. — Warren's Country Seat. — \nLoriug House. — Capt. Sears. — Third Church. — Parsonage. — Rev. \nWilliam Gordon. — Rev. Thomas Gray. — Eliot School. — Soldiers' \nMonument. — Moses Williams. — John Hancock's Country Seat. — \nLemiiel Hayward. — Nathaniel Curtis. — Sir Francis Bernard. — Pep- \nperell. — Whitney. — Childs. — Peacock Tavern. — Samuel Adams. \n\nJAMAICA PLAIN is one of the loveliest spots in New \nEngland. It alDOunds in springs and brooks, and its \nsoil, light and gravelh', is easil}' cultivated. Environed as it \nis by beautifully sloping hills, forming a complete basin, the \nplace is almost entirely sheltered from east winds, and on \naccount of its peculiar salubriousness, has been called the \n\" American Montpelier.\" For fiftj' years its death-rate aver- \naged but one to one hundred. Its inhabitants were in the \nolden time principally well-to-do farmers, and until recently \nit was a market-garden for the supply of vegetables for Bos- \nton. Man}' elegant countiy seats are delightfully situated on \nthe banks of the lake and elsewhere, and the Plain is dotted \nwith the tasteful cottages of business men, who retire every \nevening from their avocations in the city to this charming \nspot. For more than a centur}' it has been an attractive \nsummer resort for Bostonians. \n\nOriginally called the \"Pond Plain,\" it had as early as \n16G7 received its present designation, as appears by Hugh \nThomas's conveyance of his property here for the benefit of a \nschool, \" to the people at the Jamaica end of the town of \n\n\nJAMAICA POND. \n\n\n405 \n\n\nRoxbury.\" It is un- \ndoubtedly a slander \nupon the good people \nof this localit}' to as- \nsert that it derives its \nname from their fond- \nness for ' * Jamaica \" \nrum, and that the}' \npreferred it \"plain.\" \nHowever this may be, \nthe fact that the island \nof Jamaica had not \nlong before been taken \nby Cromwell from the \nSpaniards, and that \nits rum, sugar, and \nother products had \nalready found their \nway to the adjacent \nport of Boston, is \ncertainly suggestive. \nThe nomenclature in \nquestion may, not- \nwithstanding ingen- \nious theorizing, be \nsafel}' referred to the \ndesire to commemo- \nrate Cromwell's val- \nuable acquisition. \n\nThe beautiful sheet \nof water known as \n\"Jamaica Pond.\" \ncovers an area of \nnearl}' seventy acres, \nwith a dopth in some \nplaces of sixty to \nseventy feet ; and \n\n\n406 JAMAICA PLAIX. \n\nuntil the introduction of Cocliituate water into Boston in 1848, \nsupplied that city by means of an aqueduct with excellent \nwater. It now provides that metropolis with ice of the best \nquality. The right to draw water from the pond for mill \npurposes, granted to certain citizens in 1698, conditionally, \nwas the frequent cause of litigation till 1851, when the Bos- \nton Water Board bought the right for fort3^-five thousand \ndollars, and in 1856 the city sold it for thirty-five thousand dol- \nlars to the present corporation, on condition that they should \nnot bring water into the city proper. The Aqueduct Corn- \npan}' was incorporated in 1795. About forty-five miles of \npipes, made of logs, were laid ; the trenches were only three \nto three and a half feet in depth, which did not prevent \nfreezing in severe weather, while the smallness of the pipes, \nfour-inch mains, limited the supply-. \n\nSpeaking of the social and other aspects of the place, the \nRev. Thomas Graj^ in his half-century discourse, delivered \nin 1842, said : — \n\n\"When I first came among j'ou this was a quiet, retired, rural \nlittle village, and there was not a single allurement either to physi- \ncal, moral, or religious intempei'ance or excess to be found within \nits limits. Its simplicity of manners reminded one of Goldsmith's \n\n' Sweet Auburn ! loveliest village of the plain, \nWhere health and plenty cheered the laboring swain.' \n\n*' Fashionable manners were unknown here then. The good \ndame's visits were made at an early hour in the afternoon, each \nwith her knitting work still going on while engaged in social con- \nverse, and at dusk rolling up their work and returning home, re- \nfreshed from their social intercourse, to their domestic enjoyments \nand duties, which they wisely and justly considered as paramount \nto all otliers. There was more of true happiness in those humble \ndwellings than all the modern refinement of art, of wealth, or fash- \nion combined can now boast or ever impart. \n\n• These were thy charms, sweet village. Joys like these, \nWith sweet succession, taught e'en toil to please; \nThese round thy bowers their cheerful influence shed.* \n\n\nHALLOWELL HOUSE. 407 \n\n\"There seemed also perfect union of purpose and action in \nalmost every person and every thing. \"Whenever a new dwelling \nwas contemplated the whole neighborhood volunteered its services, \nprepared and stoned the cellar and well, and gave often days of \nlabor to aid and speed on the object. There existed also at that \ntime but one religious sentiment and feeling, and until a very recent \nperiod all met and worshipped together in this place. In this whole \ntown there were only three churches and three ministers, all as per- \nfectly known, loved, and understood by each other as though they \nhad been brothers. Now (1842), there are eleven churches and min- \nisters, besides fifteen other clergymen, making twenty-six in all, and \nof about as many varying creeds, most of them scarcely known to \neach other even by name, though residing so near, much less by \nneighborly or social and friendly intercourse as formerly.\" \n\nIn the summer of 1775 the Rhode Island troops under \nGen. Greene were stationed at the Plain, and were quartered \nin different houses upon the inhabitants. Some were at Dea- \ncon Nathaniel Weld's and others at Joseph Curtis's, on Cen- \ntre Street. Troops from Connecticut were also stationed on \nthe plain. The soldiers were in general said to be very impu- \ndent to the inhabitants, especially a company from the town \nof Methuen. \n\nAt the corner of Centre and Bo^iston Streets stands a \nquaint but picturesque dwelling, whose irregular proportions \nstrike the eye agreeabl3\\ It was built about the year 1738. \nEarly in April, 1775, it was hastily vacated by Capt. Benja- \nmin Hallowell, its loyalist owner, who sought refuge in Bos- \nton, and it was used during the siege bj^ the patriot forces as \na hospital for the camp at Roxbury. Soldiers were buried \nfrom it near the road, about forty rods from the house, in the \ndirection of the Boylston Street Station. After the siege it \nwas leased b}- the selectmen to Jonathan Mason, Esq. \n\nThe property, consisting of the dwelling-bouse and other \nbuildings and about seven acres of land, was confiscated by \nthe State, and was bought in 1791 by Dr. Lewis Leprilete ; \nbut after the death of Capt. Hallowell, his son, Ward Nicholas, \n\n\n408 \n\n\nHALLO WELL HOUSE. \n\n\nclaimed the property in the right of his mother, assumed her \nname of Bo^lston, and obtained the estate b}- process of law \nin 1801. The remains of the doctor and those of his son \netill occupy the estate, of which while Hving they were dis- \n\n\nhallowell house. \n\npossessed, and the spot of their interment is marked by a \nstone with this Latin inscription : — \n\n\" In memoria Doctoris Ludovici Leprilete, Mass. Med. Soc. \n\nSocII, Nati Xante in Gallia, Oct. 10, Anno Domini MDCCL. \n\nObit Jnlii die 29, MDCCCIV ^Etat sure LIV. \n\nCeleberrimus in chirugia. \n\nHie etiam, ejus filiiis solus Ludovicus Leprilete sepultus est, \n\nNatus Jan. 12 Anno Domini IMDCCLXXXV. \n\nObiit Oct. 30, MDCCXCII. \n\n^tat sure octavo anno.\" \n\nNear the house, on the corner of the lane in front, Dr. \nLeprilete built an English goods shop, kept bj' himself for \nsome time, afterwards by Luke Baker, of Boston. In 1803 \nMr. Boylston removed it to the hill directl}' opposite Bo3'lston \n\n\nCAPT. HALLOWELL. 409 \n\nHermitage, so called, on Bo3'lston Street, and converted it into \na dwelling-house, yet standing. The Hermitage was originalh- \na brush-maker's shop, which was built in Burroughs Street, \nnear Jamaica Poud, by a Mr, Knowlton. Mr. Boylston \nbought and removed it to its present location in 1807, con- \nverting it into a dwelling-house as it now stands. It has \nsince been removed to the corner of Lamartine Street. He \nentered it in December, 1809. The present owner of the old \nHallowell mansion. Dr. Wing, has made additions to the \noriginal structure, and has had it thoroughly repaired. The \nengraving represents the old house as it formerly was. \n\nHallowell in early life was captain of a small vessel, and \nduring the war ending in the conquest of Canada com- \nmanded the province twenty -gun ship \" King George,\" ren- \ndering essential service, notabl}^ at the retaking of Newfound- \nland. As a commissioner of His Majestj-'s customs he was \nextremely obnoxious, and his acceptance also of the office of \nmandamus councillor made him a special object of public \ndetestation. How intense was the popular excitement at this \ntime is seen in the following occurrences : — \n\n\" A few nights ago,\" wrote Gov. Hutchinson to a friend, in June, \n1770, \" Mr. Hulton's house (in Brookline) was attacked. You will \neasily judge the distress of Mrs. Hulton, Mrs. Burch, and daughter. \nBurch, who has lately moved to Tom Oliver's house at Dorchester, \nlay upon his arms the next night, and kept his scouts out, but the \nwomen being so distrest, both Hulton and he went the day after to \nthe castle with their friend Porter, and several of the officers lodged \nupon Jamaica Plain. Lady Bernard told me yesterday, at Cam- \nbridge, that all the gentlemen upon the Plain left their houses the \nnight before, upon intimation that they were in danger, and that a \nsearch for officers was intended.\" \n\nOn Sept. 2, 1774, while the people were assembled on \nCambridge Common to receive the resignations of Danforth, \nLee, and Oliver, as mandamus councillors, Hallowell passed \non his wa}' to Roxbury. The sight of him so inflamed the \n\n\n410 CAPT. HALLOWELL. \n\npeople that one hundred and sixty horsemen were soon in \npursuit at full gallop. Some of the leaders, however, pru- \ndently dissuaded them from proceeding, and they returned \nand dismounted, except one man, who followed Hallowell to \nRoxbur3% where he overtook and stopped him in his chaise. \nHallowell snapped his pistols at him, but could not disengage \nhimself from him till he quitted the chaise and mounted his \nservant's horse, on which he rode into Boston at full speed, \ntill, the horse falling within the gate, he ran on foot to the \ncamp, through which he spread consternation, telling them he \nwas pursued by some thousands, who would be in town at his \nheels, and destroy all friends of the government before them. \nIt was this alarm that aroused the country, and started hun- \ndreds of armed men on the road to Boston. \n\nHis combativeness was irrepressible, and was not confined \nto rebels, for the newspapers of August, 1775, give the \ndetails of a street fight between him and Admiral Graves. \nHallowell was one of those excepted from pardon by the \nProvincial Congress, on the 16th of June, 1775, in retalia- \ntion for Gage's proclamation, excepting Hancock and Samuel \nAdams. With his family of six persons he accompanied the \nBritish army to Halifax in March, 1776, and in July sailed for \nEngland. \"While in Halifax he frequently but vainly offered \nhis services to the commander-in-chief in subduing the rebel- \nlion. On visiting Boston in 1796, he was kindly received \nand hospitably entertained. He died at York (Toronto), \nUpper Canada, March 28, 1799, aged seventy-five. This \npen-and-ink sketch is from John Adams's Diar}^ : — \n\n'■'■Jan. 16, 1766. Dined at Mr. Nick Boylston's with the two \nMr. Boylstons. two Mr. Smitlis, Mr. Hallowell, and their ladies. \nThe conversation of the two B.'s and HalloweU is a curiosity. Hot- \nspurs a\\l. H. tells stories about Otis and Sana. Adams. Otis, he says, \ntold him that the Parliament had a right to tax the colonies, and \nhe was a d — d fool who denied it, and that the people never would \nbe quiet till we had a council from home, till our charter was taken \n\n\nWARD NICHOLAS BOYL,STON. 411 \n\naway, and till we had regular troops quartered upon us. He says \nhe saw Adams under the tree of Liberty when the effigies hung \nthere, and asked him who they were and what. He said he did not \nknow, he could not tell — he wanted to inquire.\" \n\nHis son Benjamin was one of seven Boston boys who sub- \nsequently attained high rank in the British service, — Admirals \nSir Isaac Coffin and Sir Benjamin Hallowell (Carew), and \nGens. Sir John and Sir Aston Coffin, Hugh Mackay Gordon, \nSir David Ochterlony, and Sir Roger Hale Sheaffe. Enter- \ning the royal navj- during the American war, he was at the \ntime of his death, in 1834, an admiral of the Blue. He \nwas a lieutenant under Rodney in his memorable fight with \nDeGrasse, and in command of the \" Swiftsure,\" '74, con- \ntributed essentiall}' to Nelson's victory of the Nile. From \na piece of the mainmast of \" L'Orient,\" picked up by the \n\" Swiftsure,\" Hallowell had a coffin made which he sent to \nNelson. The hero, who cherished a warm friendship for \nHallowell, received it in the spirit in which it was sent, \nordered it to be placed upright in his cabin, and to be \nreserved for the purpose for which its brave and worthy donor \ndesigned it. Succeeding to the estates of the Carews of \nBeddington, Hallowell assumed the name and arms of that \nfamily. \n\nThe other son, \"Ward Nicholas, who took the name of \nBoylston, and inherited his father's estate, had made in earty \nlife the tour of Europe, Asia, and Africa. He returned to his \nnative place in the year 1800, and died at his seat in Rox- \nbur}^, Jan 7, 1828. Mr. Boylston, who was a gentlemen of \neducation, took an active interest in the Roxbury schools, and \nmade valuable donations to Harvard College. His liberality \nis commemorated by a school, a market, and a street named \nfor him in his native place. \n\nThe large house on the corner of Pond Street, now Mrs. \nJohn Williams's, was built in 1755 by John Gould, for his \nson-in-law, Rer. John Troutbeck, assistant rector of King's \n\n\n412 LINDEN HALL. \n\nChapel, where he officiated for twenty- j-ears. Troutbeck, \nwith other loyalists, left Boston in 1776. He was in London \nin 1777, in which year Benjamin Hallowell wrote his sou \nWard, \"Poor Parson Troutbeck, going round to Newcastle \nin a collier, is taken b}' one of the pirates that is cruising in \nthe North Sea.\" Possibl}' b}- Paul Jones, who was then \nmaking captures in that latitude, and who was thus stigmatized \nb}' the enemies of America. Of Troutbeck, who was a dis- \ntiller as well as a clerg3mau, a Boston rhj^mester sings : — \n\n\" John of small merit, who deals iu spirit, \n\nAs next in course I sing; \nFain would I treat , as is most meet, \n\nThis chaplain of the king. \nHis Sunday aim is to reclaim \n\nThose that in vice are sunk, \n\"When Monday 's come he selleth rum \n\nAnd gets them plaguy drunk.\" \n\n\"Linden Hall,\" as it was formerly called, became the \nproperty'' of a Mr. Greene, who added another story to the \nedifice, and fitted young men for college there. On the oppo- \nsite corner of Pond Street is an old mansion, once owned b}' \nBenjamin Ma}', blacksmith, who purchased four acres here of \nNathaniel Brewer, in 1732. This was afterwards the house \nof John Parker, who married Benjamin Maj^'s daughter. \nBenjamin was the great-grandson of John Ma}', Sen. \n\nA two-stor}' cottage with dormer-windows, long known as \nDr. John C. Warren's country seat, now the residence of \nCalvin Young, stands near the northerly corner of Green and \nCentre Streets. In 1740 Eleazer Ma}^ sold this estate, in- \ncluding the house in which he dwelt, to Benjamin, nephew of \nPeter Faneuil, of whom it was bought in 1760 by his brother- \nin-law, Benjamin Pemberton. It originally contained seven \nacres, and extended back to the river. Mr. Pemberton, in a \nnote to the assessors in 1783, speaks of the property as \n\" now greatly out of repair, and much damaged by provincial \nBoldiers.\" \n\n\nDR. WARRENS COUNTRY SEAT. \n\n\n413 \n\n\nWhen Dr. Warren bought the estate, about the 3'ear 1800, \nhe found the dwelling-bouse constructed after the West India \nfashion of one storj' in front, with an addition of two stories in \nthe rear. A large front door opened directly' into a spacious \nhall. This door and the one opposite were perfecth' plain on \nthe inside, indicating that the}' were always to stand open. \nFacing you as you entered was the door at the other end of \nthe hall, leading through a porch into a large carriage-yard. \n\n\nDR WARKEN S COtTNTEl &E\\T \n\nThe two large windows in front were furnished with blinds \nof half-inch board, leaving spaces half a foot wide between \nthem. On the right side of the hall were two doors, leading to \nbedrooms. Opposite there were windows made to shut dow'u \nupon doors opening into a piazza, which led into a small gar- \nden adjoining the house. These windows formed each of \nthem a good-sized door, the lower part of which seemed as \nif a piece of the panelling or wainscot had been cut out and \nplaced on hinges. The hall floor was painted, and in its cen- \ntre was the picture of a dog, admirably executed and life- \nlike. Three noble elms stood upon the road, one of which \nstill remains at the westerly corner of the house, while within \n\n\n414 THE LORING HOUSE. \n\nwere lindens, and beyond these two rows of fine horse-chest- \nnut trees. \n\nMany changes have been made in the old house. One of \nthe original features of the mansion, the elegant panelled \nwainscoting in the large room on the left as j-ou enter, has \nbeen retained, but the windows no longer extend to the floor, \nadmitting of free ingress and egress to the piazza ; and the \nimmense chimney that once buttressed its northerh- side has \nbeen removed. During his residence here. Dr. Warren im- \nported man}' trees and plants from Europe, and paid great \nattention to agriculture. He was the son of Dr. John and a \nnephew of Gen. Joseph Warren, and was one of the most \ndistinguished surgeons this country has produced. Mr. and \nMrs. Young have resided here since 1837. The latter is a \nsister of the well-known historical writers, John S. and Wil- \nliam Barry. \n\nBurroughs Street, from Centre to Pond Street, the gift of \nWilliam Burroughs, was accepted b}^ the town in 1787. \nThomas Street was named for Hugh Thomas, an early set- \ntler. On the corner stood a house, dating from 1716, known \nas the Sally Brewer house, now moved back to the end of the \nstreet. It was formerly the Brewer mansion, Stephen Brewer \nresiding in it, and was on the Eliot land, leased by the gram- \nmar school trustees for ninetj^-nine j^ears. The Eliot and \nThomas estates, given to the school, extended from Thomas \nto Orchard Streets, and from Centre to Pond. Eliot Street \nwas opened through to Pond in 1800. At its corner stands \none of Paul Dudley's milestones dated 1735, inscribed, \"Five \nmiles to Boston town-house.\" \n\nOpposite the intersection of Centre and South Streets, well \nback from the thoroughfare, stands the Greenough mansion, \na large, square, old-fashioned, roomy edifice, in which lived \nthe Tory, Commodore Joshua Loring. It is said to have been \nframed in England, and occupies the site of a dwelling pur- \nchased of Loring by Mr. Pemberton, who gave it to the \n\n\nTHE LORING HOUSE. \n\n\n415 \n\n\nparish for a parsonage, and wLio removed it to tlie spot \"where \nDr. Weld resided, near the Unitarian Church. The estate, \nformerh' John Polle^-'s, was bought by Loring, in 1752, of the \nheirs of Joshua Cheever, of Charlestowu. In Ma}-, 1775, the \nhouse was the headquarters of Gen. Nathaniel Greene. In \nJune it was occupied for a short time I)}' Capt. Pond's corn- \npan}' from \"Wrentham, but was soon converted into a hospital \nfor the Roxbury camp. After the siege it was leased l)y the \nselectmen to Hon. William Phillips. Just back of the house \n\n\nTHE LORING nOUSE. \n\n\na number of American soldiers who died of disease were \nburied. Their remains were in 18G7 removed to the cemetery \nin the westerly part of the town. \n\nIn accordance with the act of the General Court of April \n30, 1779, to confiscate the estates of \"notorious conspira- \ntors,\" Loring's \" large mansion house, convenient out-houses, \ngardens planted with fruit trees, together with about sixt}-- \nfive acres of mowing land,\" were sold at the Bunch of Grapes \nTavern, in King Street, in June, the purchaser being the \nnoted Col. Isaac Sears. From Sears it passed to the Widow \nAnn Doane, who in 1784 married David Stoddard Green- \nough, son of Thomas Greenough, a member of the Revolu- \ntionar}' Committee of Correspondence, whose sessions had at \n\n\n416 COM. LOEING. \n\none time been held in the Loring house. It is still owned \nand occupied oy the Greenough famil}'^, and taken in connec- \ntion with its surroundings, is, in spite of its age, hardl}' sur- \npassed b}' any of its more modern neighbors. Col. David \nHenle^', who had charge of Burgoyne's captive army while at \nCambridge, occupied the house about that time. The hand- \nsome Town Hall stands upon a portion of this estate. It was \ndedicated in August, 1868, on which occasion an interest- \ning historical address was delivered by Hon. Arthur W. \nAustin. \n\nThe Loring family has the distinction of having been the \nonl}- one of a,nj prominence, among the natives of Roxburj-, \nthat adhered to the royal cause during the Revolutionary \nstruggle. Joshua, who built this house in 1760, learned the \ntanner's trade with James Mears on Rosbury Street, but \nwhen of age went to sea, rose to the command of a priva- \nteer, and having been taken by the French in August, 1744, \nwas for some months a prisoner in Louisburg. On Dec. 19, \n1757, he was commissioned a captain in the British nav}', \nwas commodore of the naval forces on Lakes Champlain and \nOntario, and participated in the capture of Quebec under \nWolfe, and in the conquest of Canada in the succeeding cam- \npaigns of Amherst. He was severely wounded in the leg \nwhile in command on Lake Ontario, and at the close of the \nwar retired on half pay, at which time he settled down at \nJamaica Plain. \n\nWhen the charter of Massachusetts was altered, and the \nright to choose members of the governor's council was taken \nfrom the people and vested in the crown, Gen. Gage, by a \nwrit of mandamus, appointed Loring to the office, and on \nAug. 17, 1774, he was sworn in as one of Gage's select coun- \ncil. Gage's appointees were immediately subjected to the \nstrictest surveillance, and the greatest pressure brought to \nbear upon them to induce them to throw up the obnoxious \noffice. A diarist, under date of Aug. 29, speaking of a Rox- \n\n\nCOM. LORING. 417 \n\nbuiy town meeting recently held, says : \" Late in the evening \na member waited upon Commodore Loring, and in a friendly \nway advised him to follow the example of his townsman, \nIsaac \"Winslow (who had already resigned). He desired \ntime to consider of it. They granted it, but acquainted him \nif he did not compl}' he must expect to be waited on l\\y a \nlarger number, actuated b}' a different spirit. His principal \napprehension was that he should lose his half pay.\" This \nfear seems to have determined him, for on March 30, 1775, \nthe Provincial Congress denounced Joshua Loring and other \n\" irreconcilables \" as implacable enemies to their countr3% and \never}- town was ordered to enter their names as such upon its \nrecords. \n\nOn the moi'ning of the Lexington battle, after passing \nmost of the previous night in consultation with Deacon \nJoseph Brewer, his neighbor and intimate friend, upon the \nstep he was about to take, he mounted his horse, left his \nhouse and everything belonging to it, and pistol in hand \nrode at full speed to Boston, stopping on the way only to \nanswer an old friend, who asked, \"Are you going, commo- \ndore?\" \" Yes,\" he replied, ''• I have alwaj's eaten the king's \nbread, and alwa3's intend to.\" The sacrifice must have been \nespecially painful to him, as he is said to have deemed the \ncause of his countrymen just, but did not believe they could \nsucceed. \n\nHe received a pension from the crown until his decease at \nPlighgate, England, in October, 1781, at the age of sixty-five. \nMary, his widow, the daughter of Samuel Curtis, of Roxbury, \nalso died in England, at the age of eighty. Their son, \nJoshua, Jr., in 1769 married, at the house of Col. Hatch in \nDorchester, Miss Elizabeth Llo3'd, of Boston. This is the \nman who, as deputy commissary of prisoners at New York, \nmade himself so detested b}' his brutal indiflTerence to the \ncomfort of his unfortunate countrj'men who were prisoners. \nIn August, 177H, he wrote to Col. Hatch that he expected to \n27 \n\n\n418 COL. SEARS. THE THIRD CHURCH. \n\nBpend the winter in Roxbur}', and should clean up his house \nthere for his place of residence. To the ver}' last, the 103'al- \nists seem to have deluded themselves with the idea that the \nrebellion was a failure, and that they should soon reap the \nreward of all their loyal sacrifices. His son, Sir John Went- \nworth Loring, born in Eoxbury, became an admiral in the \nBritish navy, and another, Henry, died archdeacon of Cal- \ncutta in 1832. \n\nCol. Sears, who succeeded Loring, like him had com- \nmanded a privateer in the French war, and was afterwards a \nsuccessful merchant in New York. He was one of the most \nactive and zealous of the Sons of Libert3% so much so that \nhe was popularly called \" King\" Sears, and was at one time \na member of the Provincial Congress. Active throughout \nthe contest, at its close his business and his propertj' had dis- \nappeared. In 1785 he sailed with a venture for Canton, as \nsupercargo, but was taken ill with fever, and died there in \nOctober, 1786, at the age of fiftj'-six. \n\nThe Third, or Jamaica Plain, Parish Church, opposite the \nSoldiers' Monument, owes its origin to Mrs. Susanna, wife of \nBenjamin Pemberton, who occupied the mansion now Mr, \nCalvin Young's. Her husband engaged heartil}^ in the proj- \nect, and had the edifice erected principally at his own \nexpense. It was raised, in September, 1709, upon land \nbequeathed to the town by the apostle Eliot, and on the 31st \nof the following December, the first sermon was preached \nin the unfinished structure by the Rev. Joseph Jackson, of \nBrookline. The present handsome building, which stands on \nthe corner of Centre and Eliot Streets, occupies the site of the \nfirst, which contained thirty-four square pews, and three long \nseats for the poor on each side the broad aisle next the pul- \npit, and a gallery. The original building was sold by the \nparish to Mr. S. M. Weld, who removed it to the opposite \nside of Eliot Street, the spot now occupied b}' Eliot Hall. \nRemodelled as a stable, it was nearlj' read}' for occupancy \n\n\nTHE THIKU CHURCH. \n\n\n410 \n\n\nwhen, on Maj^ 24, 1853, it was destroyed b}- fire. The house \nwas first warmed in January, 1805, by the introduction of an \niron stove placed at the head of the broad aisle. In 1832 the \nfirst organ-music was heard here, the instrument having been \nmade by Mr. William Goodrich, of Cambridge, \n\nIn 1820 the house was enlarged and repaired, thirty pews \nbeing added on the lower floor, and ten in the galleries. Sir \nWilliam Pepperell presented a Bible for the use of the pul- \n\n\n\"^^^ \n\n\n[jt \"-^^S^J'H^ \n\n\n^^ f^* \n\n\nTUK THIRD CnURCII AND PARSONAGE. \n\n\npit in 1772, at which time he resided in the mansion of Gov. \nBernard. In 1783, John Hancock purchased the bell which \nhad been recently' taken down from the New Brick Church, \nBoston, and gave it to this church. This, the first bell placed \nin its steeple, was removed in 1821 upon the purchase of a \nuew and larger one. The first bore this inscription : ' ' Thomas \nLester, of Londen, made me, 1742.\" Its weight was three \nhundred and forty-two pounds, its cost three hundred thirty- \nthree dollars and thirty-three cents. Hancock proposed \nat this time to send to England for a larger and better bell, \nbut the parish thought best to secure \" the bird in the hand,\" \nand it was well they did. \n\nThe Third Parish or precinct, comprising thirty-five persons \nwith their estates, — thirteen members, — was organized on \n\n\n420 THE THIRD CHURCH. \n\nDec. 11, 1760 ; was incorporated in 1772 : and on July 6th of \nthat 3'ear, Rev. William Gordon, after having preached to \nthe societ}^ one year, was installed as \" pasture,\" — so says the \nrecord. In Mslj, 1773, nine persons with their estates, Mr. \nPemberton at their head, all belonging to the First or lower \nParish, were, by an Act of the General Court, separated from \nthat and united to the Third Parish, an act which was opposed \nby that parish, as appears by a printed memorial presented \nto the General Court, Before this time, it had formed part \nof the Second or upper Parish, then under Rev. Nathaniel \nWalter, the limits of which did not extend above eighty rods \nbelow the spot the church now occupies. During the siege, \nthe First Parish meeting-house being occupied by the Amer- \nican troops, town meetings were held here. The sessions of \nthe General Court were also held here in the spring of 1778, \non account of the prevalence of small-pox in Boston, Dr. \nGordon officiating as chaplain. When, in the later years of \nthe war, the currency became so alarmingly depreciated, the \nDoctor got the consent of his people to pay him his salary, \nnominally £15,000, in produce at peace prices, — a great \nrelief to him, and no disadvantage to his parishioners. \n\nAfter Dr. Gordon's return to England in 1786, the pas- \ntorate was vacant for seven years, and until the settlement of \nRev. Thomas Gray. The war had impoverished the people, \nand the parish, small as it then was, felt the burden so \nseverely that the pulpit was only occasionally supplied. The \ngreat patron of the parish, Mr. Pemberton, having upon a \ntrivial account become offended with Dr. Gordon, had, by \nwill, left his entire propert}-, including the church itself and \nmost of the pews in it, in trust for the benefit of the poor of \nthe town of Boston. He had previously' promised that he \nwould bequeath it to the parish for the sole support of its \nfuture ministers. It was pressed also b}' Dr. Gordon for \narrears of salary due him. Under the long and successful \npastorate of Dr. Gray, all existing difficulties were overcome, \nand prosperity and harmony were established. \n\n\nTHE PARSONAGE. — DR. GORDON. 421 \n\nThe succession of pastors of this church has been : — \n\nWilliam Goedon, D. D. Ord. G July, 1772. Dis. 17 March, 1786. \n\nThomas Gray, D. D. \" 27 Mar., 1793. Died 1 June 18i7. \n\nGeokge Whitney. \" 10 Feb., 1836. \" 2 April, 1842, \n\nJoseph H.Allen. \" 18 Oct., 1843. Dis.21Feb., 1847. \n\nGrindall Reynolds. \" 1848. \" 1858. \n\nJames W. Thompson, D. D. \" 1859. \n\nCharles F. Dole. \" 1875. \n\nThe parsonage house was purchased by Mr. Pemberton in \n17C0 of Commodore Loring, and removed from the site since \noccupied b}' the Greenough mansion, to the corner of Centre \nand Monument Streets, the recent residence of Dr. CM. \nWeld. After Dr. Gray's family left the old house in 1851 it \nwas sold and moved to South Street, adorned for the sacrifice \nwith a coat of yellow paint, and it became the habitation of \nIrish families. A few years later its gentility was lowered \nstill another peg, and it again took up the line of march, this \ntime towards the gas-house, where it still remains on the west \nside of Keyes Street, but bearing no resemblance to its former \nself. \n\nRev. William Gordon, a native of Hitchin, England, had, \nprior to coming to Boston, been settled over a large indepen- \ndent societ}\" in Ipswich, England, and more recently at Old \nGravel Lane, Wappiug, His partialit}' to the cause of Amer- \nican liberty induced him to emigrate in 1770, and two years \nlater he settled in Jamaica Plain as its first pastor. This \nconnection was, after fourteen years of harmou}' and union, \ndissolved, and Gordon left for England on March 17, 1786, \nthat he might publish his history of the American Revolution \non more favorable terms than in this country. \n\nThe materials for this work, which he published iu London \nin 1788, were gathered from the papers of Washington, \nGreene, Knox, and other prominent actors in the war for \nindependence. He began their collection in 1776, and his \nnarrative is minute, and in general faithful. Its value was \nimpaired, so it is said, by the expurgation of such passages \n\n\n422 DR. GORDON. \n\nas it was supposed might endanger prosecution in England. \nDr. Gordon was a warm partisan of the Revolution, and took \nan active part in public measures. Made chaplain to the \nProvincial Congress, May 4, 1775, that body voted him a \ngood horse for the service, also free access to all prisoners of \nwar, and commissioned him to obtain Gov. Hutchinson's let- \nter books, then in the hands of Capt. McLane, of Milton. \n\"The alacrity with which,\" says Mr. J. S. Loring, \" Gordon \nambled on his gentle bay horse for this pm-pose, in his short \nbreeches and buckled shoes, his reverend wig and three-cor- \nnered hat, was worthy the spirit of a native-born patriot.\" \n\nGordon's manners were rude and blunt. His warmth of \ntemper and lack of prudence and judgment embroiled him \nwith Mr. Pemberton, the patron of the society, with whom \nhe had a silly squabble, and also with Gov. Hancock, which \nled to the latter's removal from Rosbury. While chaplain \nto Congress, he preached a Fast sermon strongl}' express- \ning his political sentiments. He attacked, in a most pungent \nmanner. Article V of the proposed Constitution of Massa- \nchusetts, a matter that, as a foreigner, it would have been \nmore prudent for him to have let alone. This article, \npublished on April 2, 1778, was immediately followed by \nhis summary dismissal from his office of chaplain to both \nhouses of the Legislature. This dismissal gave great um- \nbrage to the Doctor, and the more so as many of his particu- \nlar friends, and some even who were boarders with him, voted \nfor the measure. The closing years of his life were passed \nat Ipswich, England, where he died in extreme poverty on \nOct. 19, 1807, aged seventy-seven. Though not particularly \ninteresting as a preacher, he was popular, and was facetious \nand social in disposition. \n\nHe was the zealous champion of the negro race, and in \nnumerous vigorously written newspaper articles called atten- \ntion to the absurdity as well as injustice of holding them in \nslavery while carrying on the struggle for liberty. In one \n\n\nDR. GORDON. — REV. THOMAS GRAY. 423 \n\nof these, after quoting from the Vh-ginia \"Declaration of \nRights,\" \" All men are born free and independent,\" he saj's, \n\"If these are our genuine sentiments, and we are not pro- \nvoking the Deity by acting hypocritically to serve a turn, let \nus apply earnestly and heartily to the extirpation of slaver}- \nfrom among ourselves.\" In another paper he asks this perti- \nnent question : ' ' Was Boston the first port on the continent \nthat begun the slave-trade, and are they not the first shut up \nby an oppressive act ? \" \n\nJohn Adams expresses his opinion of Gordon thus : \" He \nis an eternal talker and somewhat vain, and not accurate nor \njudicious ; very zealous in the cause, and a well-meaning \nman, but incautious ; fond of being thought a man of influ- \nence at headquarters ; he is a good man, but wants a guide.\" \nThe Doctor, calling one morning on Mr. Pemberton, fastened \nhis horse to the front fence, which had been newly painted. \nThe latter requested him to remove him to a tree near by, \nwhich the Doctor declined doing. Mr. Pemberton then called \nhis servant and ordered him to do it. Dr. Gordon peremp- \ntoril}- forbade him, and, on Mr. Pemberton's repeating his \norder, left the house. Mr. Pemberton refused during his last \nillness to converse with or to see the Doctor. \n\nJoseph Curtis used to relate that the Doctor had a ready \nhand in applying the birch to the j'oung catechists, of whom \nhe was one. After punishing several of them one severe \nwinter's day, his feet slipped from under him as he stepped \nfrom the icy threshold of the school, and he fell at full length, \nhis hat and wig rolling off his head. Thereupon, sa3's Curtis, \n\" we shouted in high glee, and gave three cheers.\" This was \nthe Doctor's last appearance in that character. \n\nRev. Thomas Gray, second pastor, was born in Boston, \nMarch 16, 1772, and graduated at Harvard College in 1790. \nHe married a daughter of Rev. Samuel Stillman, of Boston, \nby whom he was prepared for the ministi'y, and began to \npreach here on April 22, 1792. The parish, then small and \n\n\n424 soldiers' monument. — eliot school. \n\npoor, contained onlj' fifty-four families. For seven 3'ears it \nhad been without a minister, and even without the regular \nobservance of ordinances, and the leading member of it, \nfrom some trifling cause, had withdrawn his support. For \nmore than half a centur}' he labored here, and left the society \nprosperous and united. \n\n\" Fifty years since,\" says Dr. Gray, in his half-century discourse, \n'• I preached my first sermon to this society. The fulfilment of pre- \nvious engagements alone prevented my remaining then, as requested. \nThe small-pox had broken out in the mean time, and in the general \nalarm the doors of the church were closed till November 11, when I \nresumed my ministry here, and accepted a call on the twenty-fourth \nday of the next month to settle down in this place with a small \nhandful of people, a people of exhausted means but of noble hearts, \nand here I have ever since continued.\" \n\nSocial and full of anecdote, Dr. Gray was greatly beloved \nby his parishioners. As a preacher he was practical, agreea- \nble, and often eflective. But it was as a pastor, in the faith- \nful and aifectionate oversight of his flock, that his chief ex- \ncellence la}'. Two of his valuable historical discourses have \nbeen printed : a \" Half-Century Sermon,\" 1842 ; \" Notice of \nRev. John Bradford, and sketchofRoxbmy Churches,\" 1825. \n\nUpon the triangular piece of ground in front of the Uni- \ntarian Church, the gift of John Ruggles, where the Soldiers* \nMonument stands, the first schoolhouse in Jamaica Plain was \nerected in 1676. The present house on Eliot Street is the \nfourth school building, and was dedicated on Jan. 17, 1832. \nThe principal benefactors of the school were Hugh Thomas, \nwho, in 1676, gave to the town for this i>urpose all his real \nestate besides other propertj', and Rev. John Eliot, who, in \n1689, gave it seventy-five acres of land. The Eliot School, \nnamed from the latter donor, was not incorporated until 1804. \nThe monument erected in 1871 is of Quinc}'^ granite in the \nGothic stj'le, and is surmounted b}- the figure of a soldier. \nUpon a marble tablet within the arches at its base are the \n\n\nIn Memory of the Men ok West Roxiuky who died in tue Service \nOF their Country durin« the Rekei.lion of ISO 1-65. \n\n\nErected by the Town of West Roxbnnj, A.I), isri. \n\n\ni \n\n\nMOSES WILLIAMS. 425 \n\nnames of the men of West Roxbur}' who fell in the war for the \nUnion. At a meeting in West Roxbur^^ in 1862, it was pro- \nposed to lay out a new road ; but on motion of John C. Pratt, \nit was resolved \" that the onl}^ road desirable to be laid out \nat the present time is the road to Richmond,\" and the town \ngave eight^'-six thousand dollars for war purposes, to which \nprivate subscriptions added twenty-two thousand dollars. \n\nIn the rear of the church, on a part of the original parish \nlot, is the cemetery, established in 1785. It was laid out in \nspite of Dr. Gordon's efforts to prevent it, as injurious to the \npublic health, the Doctor also insisting that the parish had no \nlegal right to use the land for that purpose. Within its area \nare twenty-four tombs. Comparatively few interments have \nbeen made here since the consecration of Forest Hills Cem- \netery. One of the gravestones is thus inscribed : ' * In memor}' \nof Capt. Lemuel Ma}', died Nov. 19, 1805, se sixtj'-seven.\" \nThis patriot, who was a lieutenant of Roxbury minute-men at \nthe Lexington battle, resided on May Street, and was the son \nof Benjamin May, who lived on the corner of Pond Street. \n\nOn the right, just above the Monument on Centre Street, \nis a large square mansion having ample grounds around it, \nwith fine shade trees in its front, the residence of Mr. Moses \nWilliams. This gentleman, who enjo3's the distinction of \nbeing the oldest living male native of Roxburj', is still hale \nand vigorous, and preserves his memory and other faculties \nin a remarkable degree. The house, which is on a part of \nthe Eliot School land, was built by Stephen Gorham. About \nthe 3'ear 1807, Mr. John Andrews bought it and resided here \nuntil his death in 1821. Mr. Andrews, who was a merchant \nand a selectman of Boston, was quite an object of interest to \nthe boys and girls of the neighborhood, as on every 'lection \nda}- it was his custom to bring out a huge bag of copper \ncents for them to scramble for. He has a still better claim \nto our regard as the author of the diar}- recently given to the \npublic, and containing a most interesting and lifelike picture \n\n\n426 GOV. Hancock's country seat. \n\nof Boston and its inhabitants a little more than a century \nago. \"As an evidence,\" saj's Mr. \"Williams, \"that real \nestate does not alwa^'s rise in value, Mr. Gorham bought \nthis lot in 1804, containing eight acres, for three thousand \nthree hundred and thirty-three dollars. The house and \nstable, built in 1805, costing him fourteen thousand dollars, \nI bought for six thousand, in 1833. So dull were estates \nand hard to rent at that time, that the house was shut \nup, and without a tenant for two 3-ears previous to my mov- \ning in in 1832.\" \n\nNext to Mr. Williams's was the country seat of John Han- \ncock after he resigned the presidency of Congress, more \nrecently the estate of the late Nathaniel Curtis, and now the \nhome of Mr. Curtis's widow. It was bought by Hancock of \nDr. Lemuel Hayward, who received for it seven or eight \nshares in Long Wharf, then valued at only fifty dollars a share, \nbut which at the doctor's decease were appraised at one hun- \ndred thousand dollars. The present house was built in the \nyear 1800, b}' Thomas Hancock, nephew of the governor, \nwhose cottage of one story and a half occupied the ground \nin front of it. One who saw Gov. Hancock in June, 1782, \nwhile a resident of Jamaica Plain, relates that : — \n\n\"Though only forty-five, he had the appearance of advanced \nage. He had been repeatedly and severely afilicted with the gout, \nprobably owing in part to the custom of drinking punch, a common \npractice in high circles in those days. He was nearly six feet in \nheight and of thin person, stooping a little, and apparently enfee- \nbled by disease. His manners were very gracious, of the old style \nof dignified complaisance. His face had been very handsome. \nDress was then adapted quite as much to be ornamental as useful. \nGentlemen wore wigs when abroad, and commonly caps when at \nhome. At this time, about noon, Hancock was dressed in a red \nvelvet cap, within which was one of fine linen. The latter was \nturned up over the lower edge of the velvet one two or three inches. \nHe wore a blue damask gown lined with silk, a white stock, white \nsatin embroidered waistcoat, black satin small-clothes, white silk \nstockings, and red morocco slippers. \n\n\nGOV. HANCOCK. — DR. LEMUEL HAYWARD. 427 \n\n\" It was a general practice in genteel families to have a tankard \nof punch made in the morning, and placed in a cooler when the sea- \nson required it. At this visit, Hancock took from the cooler stand- \ning on the hearth a full tankard, and drank first himself, and then \noffered it to those present. His equipage was splendid, and such as \nis not customary at this day. His apparel was handsomely embroi- \ndered with gold and silver lace and other decorations fashionable \namongst men of fortune at that period, and he rode, especially upon \npublic occasions, with six beautiful bay horses, attended by servants \nin livery. He wore a scarlet coat with ruffles on his sleeves, which \nsoon became the prevailing fashion ; and it is related of Dr. Nathan \nJacques, of \"West Newbury, the famous pedestrian, that he walked \nall the way to Boston in one day to procure cloth for a coat like \nthat of Hancock, and returned with it under his arm and on foot.\" \n\nHancock's removal from Jamaica Plain to Boston was occa- \nsioned by a quarrel with Rev. Dr. Gordon, which arose in \nthis wise. He had been treasurer of Harvard College from \n1773 to 1777, and had neglected to adjust his account, greatly \nto the detriment of the institution. At a meeting of the over- \nseers, of whom Dr. Gordon was one, that gentleman spoke \nhis mind upon the singular neglect of the treasurer so plainly \nand in so gross a manner as to mortally offend Hancock, who \nceased all intercourse with him, and at once removed to \nBoston. \n\nDr. Lemuel Ha3'ward, of whom Hancock bought the place, \na native of Braintree, studied medicine under Dr. Joseph \nWarren, and establishing himself in practice at Jamaica \nPlain, continued there until his removal to Boston in 1783. \nAppointed in June, 1775, a surgeon in the General Hospital, \noccupying the Loring house for this purpose, he served in \nthat capacit}' until the British troops evacuated Boston. He \nthen, in partnership with Dr. Jonathan Davies, of Roxburj-, \nbegan the practice of inoculation for the small-pox. He \nretired from the profession, in which he acquired a high repu- \ntation, in 1798, and died in Boston on March 20, 1821. \n\nNathaniel Curtis, an eminent merchant of Boston, a man \n\n\n428 NATHANIEL CURTIS. \n\nof strict integrity and sound judgment, resided here from \n1819 until his death, April 7, 1857, aged eighty-three. He \nwas fifth in descent from William, of Roxbury, and in the ma- \nternal line descended from William Mullins, one of the \"May- \nflower \" Pilgrims. He represented the town in the Legislature \nfor four years, and in the State Constitutional Convention \nof 1820, and was for many j-ears treasurer of the Third \nChurch and a trustee of the Eliot School. On the estate \nbeyond, is the house built in 1774, in the West Indian style, \nof only one stor}', b}^ Capt. Timothy Penne3% of Jamaica, \nwho occupied it until his return to that island about the year \n1789. It was raised and enlarged hj subsequent owners. \nLong the property of George Hallet, and afterwards of Capt. \nCrowell Hatch, it is now occupied bj' Mrs. Walker's school. \n\nAt the corner of May Street, formerly Lowder's Lane, is \nthe estate of Mr. T. W. Seaverns, formerly the Bridge estate. \nEdward Bridge was one of the first settlers of the town, and \na verj^ old house is yet standing on the place. West of it, \non May Street, is the farm bought in 1771 by Capt. Lemuel \nMay. The old farm-house upon it had been used for bar- \nracks, and was, when he bought it, greatlj' in need of repair. \nHis grandson, Benjamin Ma}', now occupies and tills the \nfarm which formerl}' included a portion of the hill south of \nMaj'^ Street, upon which Messrs. Dixwell, Bowditch, Parsons, \nand others have built elegant residences. Capt. Charles \nBrewer, whose mother was a daughter of Capt. May, resides \non a part of the estate fronting on Pond Street. The eleva- \ntion to the west was known a centur}- ago as Dana's Hill. \n\nOn the southwest side of Jamaica Pond, fronting also on \nPond Street, were situated the mansion and estate of sixty \nacres belonging to Sir Francis Bernard, the ro^'al governor \nof Massachusetts from 1760 to 1769, a period of surpassing \nhistorical interest. This was and still is a most lovety spot, \nand here, but for the gathering clouds which darkened the \npolitical horizon, the remaining j'ears of this scholarly and \n\n\nGO\\^ BEENAED'S ESTATE. 429 \n\nable representative of King George might have passed in the \nenjo3\"ment of all that seems most desirable in life, — a delight- \nful home, set in a lovel}' landscape, and the esteem and regard \nof the people he had governed. His extensive and beautiful \ngrounds were filled with choice fruit trees, plants, and shrubs, \nincluding one hundred orange and lemon trees, besides fig, \ncork, cinnamon, and other rare exotics. After Bernard, the \nsecond Sir WiUiam Pepperell occupied the premises until he \ntoo quitted the country for political reasons. This advertise- \nment shortly afterward appeared in the ''Boston Gazette \" of \nMarch 10, 1775, but the times were not propitious for a sale, \nand the propert}' soon changed hands without that forirffility : \n\n\" To be leased, a farm iu Koxbury, lately occupied by Sir William \nPepperell, on Jamaica Pond. It contains sixty acres of laud, a \ndwelling-house of three floors, with four rooms to each, a building \ncontaining an elegant hall twenty-four by fifty, a green-house, stables, \ncoach, and other out-houses.\" \n\nThen came the siege and the occupation of loyalist dwell- \nings b}' the patriot troops, Bernard's being the quarters of \nCol. Miller, of Rhode Island, in the summer of 1775. After- \nward it was used as a hospital for the camp at Roxbur}'. The \nsoldiers who died here were buried near a small fish-pond, on \nelevated ground some distance back from the buildings. This \nwas obliterated by the plough many years since. To make it \nall the hotter for the enem}', the governor's hot-house was \ntaken by Major Crane and converted into a magazine for the \nartillery. Confiscated by the State in 1770, the property was \nbought by Martin Brimmer, a Boston merchant, who died \nhere in 1804. Capt. John Prince, who purchased it in 1806, \nin 1809 took down and removed the old house, a part of which \nhad stood one hundred and forty-one years, and in which, no \ndoubt, many a bumper of good wine had been drunk to the \nhealth of the seven sovereigns of Great Britain who had \nreigned during that period. Capt. Prince made a road through \nthe propert}' from Pond Street to Perkins Street, afterwards \n\n\n430 SIR FRANCIS BERNARD. \n\ndividing the whole into good-sized building lots, on many of \nwhich elegant residences have since been erected. In front \nof the mansion house, now owned b}' Mr. J. S. Robinson, are \nsome fine, large English elms probably planted by Gov. Ber- \nnard. One of these measures twenty-five feet in circum- \nference. \n\nA native of England and a graduate of Oxford, Francis \nBernard chose the law for a profession, and after having for \ntwo 3'ears satisfactorily governed New Jersey was, at the age \nof forty-six, appointed governor of the colon}' of Massachu- \nsetts Ba}'^, and arrived in Boston on Aug. 3, 1760. The \nzealolis champion of British authority, his administration was \nmarked by the measures that initiated the Revolution. The \nwrits of assistance in support of stringent revenue laws ; the \n\nStamp Act, which, however, he opposed ; the introduction of \ntroops to overawe the town of Boston, — these and other \nlike measures caused the people to hold Bernard in detesta- \ntion, and greatly weakened their attachment to the mother \ncountry'. Evidences of his duplicity were not wanting. While \nprofessing himself a friend to the province, he was endeavor- \ning to undermine its constitution, and was constantly impor- \ntuning the ministry to send troops hither, while giving the \nstrongest assurances to the contrary. When in August, 1765, \nthe Stamp Act riots occurred, Bernard, deserting his post, \n\"hurried trembling to the castle,\" saj's the historian Ban- \ncroft, \" but could not, even within its strong walls, get rid \nof his fears, and a few days later gave wa}^ to the popular \ndemands without dignity or courage.\" \n\nThe seizure of John Hancock's sloop \"Liberty,\" for \nalleged infraction of the revenue laws, was the occasion of a \ntown meeting at the \" Old South\" on the 14th of June, 1768, \nat which an address to the governor was agreed on, and \n\n\nSIE FRANCIS BERNARD. 431 \n\ntwentj^-one men appointed to deliver it. Late in the after- \nnoon of the 15th of June, the day succeeding the meeting, \nthe quiet countiy-seat of the governor at Jamaica Plain vras \ninvaded, not indeed b}' a noisy mob of rioters intent upon \nblood and rapine, but by a peaceful procession, consisting of \neleven chaises, \"Mr. Hancock with the moderator, Eoj'al \nTyler, Esq., leading the van in his phaeton, making a splen- \ndid appearance.\" Among the \"highly respectable\" com- \nmittee of twenty-one who alighted at the governor's door \nwere Hancock, Otis, Warren, Samuel Adams, and Josiah \nQuincy. \n\n\" I received them,\" says Bernard, \" with all possible civil- \nity, and having heard their petition I talked very freelj^ with \nthem, but postponed giving a formal answer till the next da}', \nas it should be in writing. I then had wine handed round, \nand they left me, highl}' pleased with their reception, espe- \ncially that part of them,\" he significantly adds, \" which had \nnot been used to an interview with me.\" In his answer, Ber- \nnard promised to stop impressment ; but his very next move \nwas to have British regiments ordered to Boston. The arri- \nval and landing of these troops when, as Dr. Byles punningly \nput it, \" our grievances were red dressed,\" is described in a \nletter from Col. Dalrymple, their commanding oflflcer, to Com- \nmodore Hood, dated at Boston in October, 1768. This offi- \ncer's estimate of Bernard's character corresponds exactly with \nthat of his \" rebel\" opponents. \n\n\"The governor prudentially retired to the country,\" says Dal- \nrymple, \"and left me to take the whole on myself. I encamped the \nTwenty-Ninth Regiment immediately ; the Fourteenth remained with- \nout cover. By tolerable management I got possession of Faneuil \nHall, the school of liberty, from the sons thereof, without force, \nand thereby secured all their arms ; and I am much in fashion, vis- \nited by Otis, Hancock, Eowe, etc., who cry peccavi! and offer exer- \ntions for the public service, in hopes by this means to ruin the \ngovernor by exposing his want of spirit and zeal for the public \nadvantage.\" \n\n\n432 SIR FRANCIS BERNARD. \n\nOf Bernard he says : — \n\n\"It is beyond the power of my pen to paint anything so abject. \nFar from being elated that the hands of government were rendered \nso respectable, he deplored the arrival of letters that made his set- \nting out improper, and with earnest looks he followed a ship that \nhe had hired for his conveyance, and in which he declared his fixed \nintention of going the moment the troops arrived. His actions \nwere entirely of a piece with his words, for on a requisition for \nquarters he declared himself without power or authority in his \nprovince. \n\n\"By what I have related,\" says Commodore Hood, in a letter to \nMr. Grenville containing the above extracts, \"you will plainly see \nhow matters stand, and how little is to be expected from Gov. Ber- \nnard. I have long and often lamented his timid conduct, and yet \nwould not willingly bring on him more contempt than he must of \ncourse feel when the duplicity of his behavior is brought to light. \nMr. Bernard is without doubt a sensible man, but he has a vast deal \nof low cunning which he has played ofi\" upon all degrees of people \nto his own disgrace. His doubles and turnings have been so many \nthat he has altogether lost his road and brought himself into great \ncontempt. I am sorry it was not in my power to comply with his \nrequest for a ship to convey him to England, for most certainly the \nsooner he is out of America the better.\" \n\nHis recall to England came unexpectedly. True to his \ncharacter he remained, vainly trying to get an appropriation \nfor a year's salary. He left his seat in Roxbur}' on July 31, \n1769, and embarked the next da}' from the castle, taking with \nhim his third son, Thomas, thus making a timely escape from \nimpending troubles. As he departed the bells were rung, \ncannon were fired from the wharves, Liberty Tree was gay with \nflags, and at night a great bonfire was kindled upon Fort \nHill. He remained nominal governor two 3'ears longer, but \nthough rewarded for his services with a baronetcy, he was \nnever again employed, and died in June, 1779. Lady Ber- \nnard did not leave Jamaica Plain until December, 1770. \n\nThough upright, and of courteous address, Bernard left few \nfriends in the place where he passed ten years of his life. \n\n\nSIR FRANCIS BERNARD. 433 \n\nHe had too little command of his temper, and lacked those \nmollifying arts which the ferment of the times required. \nThose of his own household were of the number who afforded \namusement by furnishing the most ridiculous representations \nof his parsimony and domestic meanness. He seldom rode \nto Boston on Sunda}^, but commonly attended service at \nBrookline, where the preacher was, as he said, shorter in his \nservices than most Puritanical divines, and in particular, than \nthe Roxbury minister (Adams). He had fine conversational \ntalents, an extensive knowledge of books, and a memory so \ntenacious that he boasted that he could repeat the whole of \nthe pla3-s of Shakespeare. He was a friend to literature, and \ngave to Harvard College a large part of his private librar3\\ \nThis passage from his favorite author must in his latter days \noften have occurred to him : — \n\n\" My way of life \nIs fallen into the sear, the yellow leaf, \nAnd that which should accompany old age, \nAs honor, love, obedience, troops of friends, \nI must not look to have, but in their stead \nCurses not loud, but deep.\" \n\nOne evening at a period when mob law had become some- \nwhat prevalent, the governor heard, not far from his house, \nriotous noises, and against the remonstrances of his wife, \nwent out to use his good offices, but meeting with some rude \nrebuffs he returned home, and was thus accosted by his wife : \n\"Husband, have they beat your brains out?\" \"No, my \ndear, if I had had any I should have taken your advice and \nstayed at home.\" At the king's levee, his Majesty ques- \ntioned Bernard about the climate of New England. He \nreplied that it was much in extremes, but in general healthy. \n\" I suppose, Sir Francis,\" said the king, \"you found it very \nwarm during your residence there ? \" \n\nThe second Sir William Pepperell, grandson and heir of \nthe distinguished captor of Louisburg, resided here between \n28 \n\n\n434 WHITNEY. — CHILDS. \n\n1772 and 1775. He graduated at Harvard Universit}' in \n1766, became a member of the council, and in 1774 was \ncontinued in that body under the mandamus of the king, and \nincurred the odium visited upon those who were thus \nappointed contrary to the charter, four of whom, Pepperell, \nHallowell, Winslow, and Loring, were residents of Roxbur3'. \nHe went to England in 1775, and as president of the Amer- \nican Board of Lo3^alists is the prominent figure in West's \npicture of the reception of these gentlemen, b}^ Great Britain, \nin 1783. He is here represented in a voluminous wig, a \nflowing gown, in advance of the other figures, with one hand \nextended, and nearly touching the crown which lies on a vel- \nvet cushion on a table, and holding in the other hand, at his \nside, a scroll or manuscript, half unrolled. His vast estates \nhaving been confiscated, he was allowed £500 per annum \nby the British government until his death, which occurred \nin London in 18 IG. \n\nNext to Gov. Bernard's estate, on the right as j'ou go up \nPond Street, was the Whitney estate of nine acres. A hand- \nsome stone mansion of the Elizabethan stj^le, the residence \nof Mrs. Abel Adams, stands on the elevated plain at the rear \nof the lot. The Whitney house, which stood about a quar- \nter of a mile this side the Brookline line, disappeared nearly \na century ago, and on the removal of the family, the propert}' \nwas purchased bj' the Childs family, whose premises it joined. \nIn the rear of the spot where the old house stood, the ground \nslopes gradually downward for several rods to a narrow strip \nof meadow, through which runs a pleasant little brook. Be- \nyond the meadow the ground rises abruptly to an elevation \nmany feet higher than the front of the lot, and still rises \ngraduall}', forming a slope of considerable dimensions, and \nextending westerly to Brookline. West of the brook is a fine \ngrove of forest trees. The name of John, the grandson of \nJohn Whitney, the first settler, appears in the list of mem- \nbers of the Second Church when gathered in 1712. Eli \n\n\nPEACOCK TAVERN. 435 \n\nWhitney, the famous inventor of the cotton-gin, Rev. George, \npastor of the Second and Third Churches of Roxbury, and \nProf. William D wight Whitnej', the distinguished Oriental \nscholar, all belong to this branch of the Whitney family. \nBenjamin Child, the common ancestor of most of the name \nin Roxbury-, Brookline, Boston, and Woodstock, Conn., set- \ntled on the estate between Whitney's and the Brookline \nboundar}', owmed until recently by his descendants, and died \nin 1678. Besides his house and barn, he had eighty acres \n' ' convenient!}' adjoining to y*^ s*^ housing.\" \n\nA centur}' ago Capt. Lemuel Child kept the Peacock Tav- \nern, a somewhat noted resort at the westerlj^ corner of Centre \nand Allandale Streets, near the famous mineral springs of \nthat name. When the British oflScers were in Boston the}'' \nfrequently made up skating parties for the suppers, and \nafter exercising at the pond would ride over and partake \nof the good cheer of the Peacock. Upon one of these occa- \nsions, so says tradition, the pretty \" maid of the inn, \" after- \nwards Mrs, William Williams, a niece of the innkeeper, was \nfollowed by one of these gay young bloods into the cellar, \nwhither she had gone for supplies for the table. Being \nfamiliar with the premises, she blew out the lighted candle she \nheld in her hand and made her escape, not forgetting to \nfasten the cellar door behind her. After thumping his head \nagainst the rafters in the vain effort to follow her, her perse- \ncutor was finally obliged to alarm the house before he could \nbe released from his awkward predicament. Washington, \nKnox, and other distinguished officers were frequent ^'isitors \nduring the siege, the former stopping here on his way to New \nYork after the evacuation of Boston. Capt. Michael Cresap, \nof the Virginia riflemen, immortalized in the celebrated speech \nof Logan, the Indian chief, lay here sick in September, 1775. \nChild led the minute company of the Third Parish in the Lex- \nington battle. In the wall opposite is another of Paul Dud- \nley's milestones, — \" 6 miles to Boston. P. Dudley, 1735.\" \n\n\n436 SAMUEL ADAMS. \n\nThe son of Samuel Adams bequeathed to him his claims \nfor services as surgeon during the Revolutionary war, and in \nMay, 1794, the patriot expended a considerable portion of \nthe amount in the purchase of the Peacock Tavern estate and \nforty acres of land with the buildings thereon, \"late the \nproperty of Lemuel Child.\" Here the aged patriot resided \nduring his gubernatorial term, and for the brief remainder of \nhis days made it a summer residence. It was commonly said \nthat had not the death of an only son relieved his latter-day \npoverty, Samuel Adams would have been obliged to claim a \nburial at the hand of charity or at the public expense. \n\nSamuel Adams, the author of the scheme that organized \nthe Revolution, — the committees of correspondence, — was of \ncommon size, with a muscular form, light blue e3'es, light \ncomplexion, and was erect in person. He wore a tie wig, \ncocked hat, and red cloak. His manner was vevj serious. \nAt the close of his life and probably from his early days he \nhad a tremulous motion of the head, which probably added \nto the solemnity of his eloquence, as this was in some meas- \nure associated with his voice. Duponceau, the eminent jurist, \nwho, while at Boston as secretary to Baron Steuben, made \nthe acquaintance of many distinguished persons, relates this \nanecdote. \" I shall never forget,\" he says, \" the compliment \npaid me by Samuel Adams on his discovering my republican \nprinciples. ' Where,' said he ' did j'ou learn all that? ' ' In \nFrance,' I replied. 'In France? that is impossible.' Then \nrecovering himself, he added, ' Well, because a man was born \nin a stable it is no reason why he should be a horse.' ' I \nthought to myself,' adds the polite Frenchman, ' that in \nmatters of compliment they ordered these things better in \nFrance.' \" \n\n\nWEST ROXBURY. 437 \n\n\nCHAPTER XII. \n\nWEST ROXBURY. \n\nLocalities. — South Street. — S. M. \"Weld. —Weld Farm. — Benjamin Bus- \nsey. — Taft's. — Cajjt. Joseph Mayo. — \"Walter Street. — Rev. Nathaniel \n\"Walter. — Col. Henley. — Central Burying -Ground. — Col. \"S\\^illiam \nDudley's Residence. — Second Church. — Draper. — \"Westerly Burying- \nGround. — Theodore Parker's Residence. — Aaron D. \"Weld Farm. — \nBrook Farm. — Residents in 1820-5. \n\n\"ITTTEST ROXBURY seems to have been originally known \n' T as \"Jamaica End and Spring Street,\" a territory \nafterwards embraced in the Second Parish and lying west of \na line extending from Walk Hill Street to Brookline, and \nintersecting the southwestern extremity of Jamaica Pond. \nThe several localities embraced within its limits are in the \nnortheast, Jamaica Plain and Pond, bordering upon Brook- \nline, a region abounding in lovely landscapes and charming \nvillas ; the Busse}' Farm, a large tract lying between South \nand Centre Streets, upon which the Agricultural Institution \nstands ; Canterbur}- to the south, adjoining Dorchester, with \nits beautiful cemeteries of Forest Hills and Mount Hope ; \nRoslindale and Clarendon Hills, centrally situated, also pic- \nturesque and attractive, and already dotted with suburban \nresidences ; while in the west, bordering upon Dedham, are \nMuddy Pond, with its aboriginal woods, \"West Roxbury \nVillage, and Spring Street, so named for its springy char- \nacteristics ; Cow Island, a territory partly overflowed by \nCharles River ; and Brook Farm, once the scene of the most \nfamous of American socialist experiments. Mudd}- Pond Hill, \nthe highest elevation in Roxbury, has lately been rechristened \n\n\n438 WEST ROXBURY. \n\n\" Mount Bellevue.\" Upon its summit the city of Boston has \nerected an observatory^ whence may be obtained an extensive \nview of the harbor and of the surrounding country. \n\nNotwithstanding oft-repeated attempts at emancipation, \nWest Roxbury was long subjected to the political and ecclesi- \nastical domination of the easterly parish, by which it was \nlargely outvoted in town meeting. In June, 1777, the Second \nParish voted unanimous^ to join with the Third in a petition \nto the General Court that the two might be set off as a dis- \ntrict to be called \" Washington.\" No action was taken upon \nthis petition. A final and successful effort resulted in its \nincorporation as a separate municipalit}' in Ma}', 1851, mainly \nthrough the exertions of Hon. Arthur W. Austin and a few \nother influential citizens, backed by the persuasive eloquence \nof Rufus Choate. This event, so interesting to its people, \nwas, on the evening of June 3, 1851, joyfully celebrated amid \nthe firing of cannon, the display of fire-works, and the blaze \nof bonfires. \n\nSouth Street was described in 1663, as \" that highway lead- \ning out of Dedham highway by John Polley's home lott, and \nso along by John Weld's farm, and so leading to Bear \nMarsh,''' the latter being the name given to the territory em- \nbracing the meadows upon the head waters of Stony Brook. \nIt is most irregular in form, running first due south, and then \nnorthwest, its circuitous windings beginning at the Third \nChurch, and terminating opposite the Second. Its southerly \nbend, at Roslindale, makes a part of Washington Street. \n\nBefore coming to John Weld's farm, the old homesteads of \nJohn May, Jr., William Davis, AViiliam Lion, and Henry \nBowen lay on our right, and on Centre Street, west of May, \nwas that of William Linkhorne. These were subsequently \nthe property of Nathaniel Brewer, whose descendants lived \nhere until 1790, when the estate was sold by Joseph Brewer ■ \nto John Goddard. John Ma}', Jr., son of John the emi- \ngrant, in 1656 married Sarah, the sister of Nathaniel Brewer, \n\n\nSTEPHEN M. WELD. 439 \n\nand died in 1671. About the j'ear 1832, Stephen M. Weld \nbought a large square house, built by William Lovering, of \nBoston, at the triangle formed by the junction of Centre and \nSouth Streets. It was burned down some twenty j'ears after- \nward, and Mr. Weld built upon its site the present dwelling- \nhouse, now owned and occupied b}' his surviving family. This \ntriangle two centuries ago was opposite the \"home lott\" of \nJohn Policy, and embraced the homesteads above mentioned. \n\nHon. Stephen Minot Weld, grandson of Col. Eleazer Weld, \nwas born in Boston in 1806, graduated at Harvard in 1826, \nand for thirty years taught a boarding-school, which he estab- \nlished at the Plain in 1827. In this vocation he was remark- \nably successful, his pupils coming from all parts of the United \nStates and from Mexico, Cuba, Yucatan, and even from \nSmyrna. Mr. Weld was shrewd and sagacious in investing \nhis mone}', bujing large lots of land in Jamaica Plain, which \nwere then of little value, realizing a handsome profit by sales \nfrom time to time, and at the time of his death in December, \n1867, owned considerable real estate and other property in \nthe town. Though he would never be a candidate for any \nplace to be filled by a popular election, he held many respon- \nsible public trasts, and was remarkably energetic and con- \nspicuous in all efforts to aid in the successful prosecution of \nthe war against secession. \n\nThe Weld estate, given by the province to Capt. Joseph \nWeld for important services, was bequeathed by him to his \nson John, and, after being occupied by seven generations of \nthat family, passed into other hands about the beginning of \nthis century. It lay between Centre and South Streets ; Saw- \nMill Brook crossed it, and emptied into Stony River near \nForest Hills station, about where the toll-house stood. Bus- \nsey Street divides the estate into two nearlj^ equal parts, \ntaking you past the locality known as \" Bussey's Woods,\" \nthe scene of the murder of the two children some years ago. \nA very old farm-house stands near the corner, close to the \n\n\n440 THE WELD FARM. — BENJAMIN BUSSEY. \n\nrailroad crossing, in which it is said Deacon Ezra Davis once \nlived. \n\nJohn Weld held the rank of captain, and served in the \nPequodwar. Just before the 19th of April, 1775, Col. Elea- \nzer Weld, a graduate of Harvard in 1756, and a judge, left \nthe old homestead and settled in Dedham. Early in March, \n1776, Weld, with his regiment, was ordered to Roxbur^- to \nman the lines in the absence of Thomas's detachment, engaged \nin the occupation of Dorchester Heights. Weld's Hill, a verj' \nconspicuous eminence on this estate, was selected by Wash- \nington as a rallying point for the patriot army to fall back \nupon in case of disaster. \"Wales Hill,\" as this eminence \nhas been erroneously called b}' Mr. Sparks and others, was \nan exceedingly eligible position of great natural strength, and \nits occupation would have effectuall}^ protected the road to \nDedham, the depot of army supplies. It has been thought \nstrange that the British commanders in Boston should have \nmade no attempt to drive the enemy from their doors. This \nextract from a letter from Gen. Burgoj-ne to Lord Rochfort \nexplains the cause of their unwillingness : — \n\n\"Look, my Lord, upon the country near Boston; it is all fortifi- \ncation. Driven from one hill, you will see the enemy continually \nretrenched upon the next, and every step we move must be the slow \nstep of a siege. Could we at last penetrate ten miles perhaps \nwe should not obtain a single sheep or an ounce of flour by our \nlaborious progress, for they remove every article of provisions as \nthey go.\" \n\nThe estate was bought by Benjamin Bussey in 1806, and \nin 1815 he erected here the fine mansion which he occupied \nuntil his death in 1842, since that time the residence of Mr. \nThomas Motley. He bequeathed this valuable property, then \ncontaining some three hundred acres, to Harvard University, \nfor the establishment of a seminary for \" instruction in prac- \ntical agriculture, useful and ornamental gardening, botau}', \nand such other branches of natural science as may tend to \n\n\nTAFT'S. CAPT. JOSEPH MAYO. 441 \n\npromote a knowledge of practical agriculture and the various \narts subservient thereto and connected therewith.\" Courses \nof lectures were also to be given. One half the net income \nis to be applied to maintain the institution, the residue to be \nequally divided between the Divinity and Law Schools of the \nUniversit}'. The Bussey Institute went into operation in \n1871. It is built of Roxbury stone, with sandstone trim- \nmings, and in the modern Gothic style. \n\nMr. Bussey's history affords another illustration of the \nsuccess almost certain to result from industry and thrift. A \nnative of Stoughton, he learned the trade of a tailor, but at the. \nage of eighteen joined the Dedham company of minute-men, \nunder Capt. Stone. His first service was to aid in the seizure \nand carrying off of the sheep and cattle from the islands in \nBoston Harbor, for the use of the patriots. After serving in \nthe Ticonderoga and Saratoga campaigns, he returned home \nand began the business of a silversmith, in Dedham, with a \ncapital of ten dollars. Industry and strict honest}' brought \nprosperity, and removing in 1792 to Boston, he soon became \nwealth}'. \n\nHaving reached the terminus of the Bussey estate we come \nto the old tavern known till quite recently as \" Taft's,\" and \nnow called the Union Hotel, at the southernmost point of \nSouth Street where it touches \"Washington, near Roslindale. \nIt was built about 1805, the period of the construction of the \nDedham Turnpike, when it was kept b}* Sharp and Duuster, \nand was long famous for good dinners. The widow of Lemuel \nBurrill kept here during the war of 1812. \n\nOn the right, bej-ond the tavern, was the Mayo farm of \neight}' or ninety acres. The Roxbury Mayos are descended \nfrom John, a young child brought over in 1633 by Robert \nGamblin, Jr., and who was the son of his wife by a former \nhusband. He married in 1654 Hannah, daughter of John \nGraves, and died in 1688. Capt. Joseph Mayo, born in 1721, \nwas his grandson. \" Capt. Joseph Mayo, one of your Rox- \n\n\n442 REV. NATHANIEL WALTER. \n\nbury neighbors,\" so writes Gov. Hutchinson to Sir Francis \nBernard, who had returned to England, \" was foreman of the \njmy at the trial of the soldiers. I am much inclined to make \nhim a major.\" This he accordingly did, and in 1771 Mayo \nwas appointed to be major of the First Suffolk Regiment. \nNotwithstanding this and the conservatism he afterwards \ndisplayed in the town meeting before referred to, there is no \ndoubt but that he was a good and patriotic citizen. He died \nearly in 177G. April 10, 1775. the records sa}', \"Constable \nJohn Davis is ordered in His Majesty's name to warn the \nWidow Elizabeth Checkle}^ and her daughter, Nancy Check- \nley, at Major Joseph Mayo's, to depart the town of Roxbury \nwithin fourteen daj's, or give a bond of indemnity. The \nCheckleys came from Boston last July.\" As Mrs. Checkley \nwas the widow of Rev. Samuel, a Boston divine, and the \nmother-in-law of Samuel Adams, we may see that in Roxbury \nthe law was no respecter of persons. An extract from a \nletter of John Andrews, written in Jul}', 1774, refers to the \nCheckleys : — \n\n\"I forgot formerly to acquaint you that Kuthy (Mrs. Andrews) \nand I were at Betsey Checkley's wedding, at which we were enter- \ntained with a very pretty collation, consisting of cold ham, cold \nroast beef, cake, cheese, etc. It's about three weeks since her \nmother and grandmother have retired to the upper end of Roxbury \nAvith their families, together with that amiable maiden their cousin, \nSally Hatch, and the family with which she resided, so that (includ- \ning the Roxbury people resident with them) they compose an agree- \nable, social family of about tvventy-flve females, with the master of \nthe house, a worthy deacon of the parish.\" \n\nWalter Street, named for Rev. Nathaniel Walter, formed a \npart of the original county road to Dedham. On it were \nlocated the old church, the burial-ground, and: the parsonage. \nThe burial-place is still to be found, but the church which \nadjoined it on the south, and the parsonage at the easterly \ncorner of Walter and South Streets, are among the things \n\n\nREV. NATHANIEL WALTER. 443 \n\nthat were. For many years the latter locality was known as \n\" Cookson's Corner.\" Rev. Ebenezer Thayer, the first min- \nister of West Roxbury, resided here until his death, when \nthe parsonage, and two acres of land belonging to it, were \npurchased by his successor. \n\nRev. Nathaniel Walter, minister of the Second Parish, was \nthe son of Rev. Nehemiah Walter, Eliot's successor, by Sara, \ndaughter of Rev. Increase Mather. He was born Aug. 15, \n1711, and graduated at Harvard College in 1729. His wife, \nRebecca Abbott, of Brookline, to whom he was married in \n1735, died in 1790, with the character of an \" uncommonly \npious woman.\" When Dr. Boylston introduced the practice of \ninoculation for small-pox into Boston, Rev. Cotton Mather, \nwho was its powerful advocate, was violently assailed. \" His \nnephew, Mr. Walter,\" sa^'s a writer of the day, \"one of \nthe ministers of Roxbury, having been privately inoculated \nin the doctor's house, in Boston, a villain, about three o'clock \nin the morning, set fire to the fuse of a grenade shell \nfilled with combustibles, and threw it into the chamber where \nhe was Ij'ing. The fuse was fortunately displaced by the \npassing of the shell through the window, and the wildfire \nspent itself upon the floor. It was generally supposed that \nthe bursting of the shell was by that means prevented.\" Mr. \nWalter officiated as chaplain to Col. Richmond's regiment \nin the Louisburg expedition, and also acted as interpreter for \nGen. Pepperell. \n\nHis son. Rev. WiUiam Walter, a native of Roxbury, was \nminister of Christ Church, Boston. It was to his house in \nCharter Street, formerly the Gov. Phips mansion, then unoc- \ncupied, that the wounded British Major Pitcairn was brought \nfrom Bunker's Hill, and here he shortlj' afterward expired. \nMr. Walter's daughter, who was an ej'e-witness of this fact, \nrelated it to her grandson, S. F. McClear}', city clerk of \nBoston. \n\nHis daughter Sarah married Sir Robert Hesilrige, bart.. \n\n\n444 CENTRAL BURYING-G ROUND. \n\nof Leicestershire, England, great-grandnephew of Sir Ar- \nthur, the noted parliamentarian and friend of Cromwell. \nThis gentleman, having engaged in mercantile affairs in Bos- \nton, had taken up his residence in Rosbur3\\ Their daughter \nSarah was married March 12, 1782, to Col. David Henley, of \nthe Continental arm}' ; \"An event,\" says the local chronicler, \n\" which occasioned much satisfaction to friends, and was \nproductive of much mutual felicity to the parties united.\" \nThis may be the more readily believed since the course of \ntheir true love did not ' ' run smooth \" according to the story \ntold by Col. William Tudor, who defended Henley when tried \nat the instance of Gen. Burgoj'ne, for alleged severities to the \nSaratoga prisoners then under his charge. Tudor says : — \n\n\" A day or two after the trial, the judge advocate and Col. Henley \nmet at Rosbury in making a visit to a family where a lady resided \nto whom Henley was paying his addresses. He fancied himself \ncoldly received, and was in rather a melancholy humor as they rode \ninto town together. In coming over the Neck he abruptly said to \nhis companion, ' Col. Tudor, I will thank you to shoot me.' ' Why, \nwhat is the matter now?' 'You have ruined me.' ' I thought I had \nrendered you some service in the trial.' ' You said I was a man of \na passionate, impetuous temper. This has destroyed me in the \nestimation of the woman I love. You see she received me coldly. \nYou have destroyed my happiness. You may now do me a favor to \nshoot me.' Mr. Tudor was vexed for a moment at this sort of return \nfor the service he had rendered ; but these feelings were transient \non both sides, and they continued friends.\" \n\nThe earliest date to be found in the Central or Peter's Hill \nBurying-Ground on Walter Street is 1722. The principal \nnames are those of Child, Mayo, Weld, Baker, Davis, and \nChamberlain. Among the inscriptions are : — \n\nBenjamin Child, Jan. 24, 1723-4, aged 66. \nThomas Bishop, June 29, 1727, aged 82. \nJohn Baker, Nov. 7, 1732, aged 88. \n\nCapt. Jonathan Hale, of Glastonbury, Conn., March 7, 1776, in y \n56th year of his age. \n\n\nCOL. WILLIAM DUDLEY S H03IESTEAD. \n\n\n445 \n\n\nJoshua Child, Jan. 18, 1729-30, fe. 73. \n\nSarah, wife of Jacob Chamberlain, Oct. 14, 1745, se. 84. \n\nElizabeth, wife of Joshua Chield, March 6, 1752, aged 87. \n\nDeacon Icliabod Davis, March 16, 1754, te. 78. \n\nLieut. Dauiel Weld, Jan. 20, 1761, se. 64. \n\nBethiah, wife of Icliabod Davis, April 23, 1768, aj. 92. \n\nDeacon Ezra Davis, Marcli 4, 1784, a3. 74. \n\nSarah, relict of Deacon Ezra Davis, Feb. 14, 1789, se. 75. \n\nBetween South and Centre Streets, west of Walter, lay the \nestate formerly Col. William DndleT's. At its southeasterh' \n\n\n±o^ \n\n\n=35«? \n\n\nP*'^? \n\n\n^ '•f rr V -^ i \n\n\ny^4„ \n\n\nDUDLEY nOlSE. \n\n\ncorner, now the estate of Mr. Henry Dudley, stands a very an- \ncient house, in which Deacon Ephraiin Murdock, Mr. Dudlej^'s \ngrandfather, resided more than a century ago. Here, in what \nwas then a very retired spot, Col. Dudley settled, about the \ntime of his marriage in 1721, built an elegant mansion, which \nafter successive alterations by its subsequent owners, was \nfinally torn down, and cultivated his extensive farm. The \nold farm-house is ^-et standing. In Januar}-, 177.5, both his \nsons having deceased, this property, described as \" a mansion- \nhouse and thirty acres of land both sides of the road to Ded- \nham, seven miles from Boston Town House,\" was sold. In \n\n\n446 \n\n\nCOL. WILLIAM DUDLEY. \n\n\n1789 Rev. Mr. Bradford bought the house and ten and a half \nacres for a parsonage. The present dwelUng-house is on the \nsite of the old mansion represented in the picture, and is the \nresidence of Mrs. S. D. Bradford. \n\nWilham, the youngest son of Gov. Joseph Dudley, was \nborn in 1686, graduated at Cambridge in 1704, and though he \n\nnever practised the law \nas a profession is said \nto have been the first \neducated lawyer of na- \ntive birth who sat upon \nthe bench of the Court \nof Common Pleas. \nBrought early into pub- \nlic life he filled a large \nspace in the political \naffairs of his time. Sent \nto Canada when only \ntwenty years of age to \nnegotiate an exchange \nof prisoiiers, he suc- \nceeded in redeeming \namong other captives \nthe Rev. John Williams, \nof Deerfield. In 1710 he acquired considerable reputation as \nan officer in the expedition against Port Ro3'al (Annapolis) , \nand was colonel of the Suffolk County regiment from that year \nuntil his death, Aug. 10, 1743. He also represented Rox- \nbury in the General Court, and was for several j-ears Speaker \nof the House of Representatives, and a member of the gov- \nernor's council. Bv his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Addington \nDavenport, he had two sons, Thomas and Joseph. Col. Dud- \nley', like his father and grandfather before him, possessed \ntalents of a high order, and was exceedingly popular. With \nstrong intellectual powers, a brilliant fancy, and a ready \n\n\nCOL. WILLIAM DUDLEY. \n\n\nTHE SECOND CHURCH. \n\n\n447 \n\n\nelocution, he excelled in debate, and thereby exercised a com- \nmanding influence in the public assemblies of which lie was a \nmember. \n\nOn Centre Street, near South, is the meeting-house of the \nSecond Parish, erected in 1773 on land purchased of Lieut. \nWilliam Draper. This house, which was enlarged and re- \npaired not manj' years ago, was the scene of Theodore Par- \n\n\n.■«»a!-r3 \n\n\n^bb»' \n\n\nTHE SECOND CHURCH. \n\n\nker's early ministerial labors. The first building occupied by \nthe society stood on Walter Street, and adjoined the old \nburial-ground on the south. Upon the formation of the Third, \nor Jamaica Plain parish, from this in 1769, the new society, \nby previous agreement, contributed to the old the sura of \n£666 7s. 8d. to aid it in rebuilding on its present site, a mile \nor more farther from the Plain. Such of the materials of the \nold building as were fit for use were employed in the new, and \nthe old sounding-board was painted and transferred to its \n\n\n448 THE SECOND CHURCH. \n\npresent abiding-place. Tlie second, wliicli was a square \nstructure, stood broadside to the road, and had no steeple. \nIn 1821 it was given its present form, and was largely rebuilt. \nIn 1706 Joseph \"Weld and forty-four others \" at the west \nend of Roxbury towards Dedham,\" commonly called \"Ja- \nmaica End\" and \" Spring Street,\" on account of their great \ndistance from the meeting-house, and the \" great travail and \ntime in going and returning,\" prayed the General Court to be \nmade a separate precinct, to be freed from taxes for the old \nparish, and for aid in building a house. Nothing came of \nthis petition, but it seems that without waiting for leave, they \nset to work and built a church and formed a congregation, as \nappears from their petition in the town records. In April, \n1711, they sent a \" humble address\" praying for pardon, to \ntheir ' ' fathers and elder brothers \" in town meeting assem- \nbled, \" with a sincere design to give Christian satisfaction for \nany wrong, disorderly steps in our late proceedings . . . for \nwe humbly acknowledge it to be offensive for us to presume \nso precipitately and rashl}' to enterprise and prosecute such \nan important affair without the consent of the General Court, \nthe approbation of our reverend and dear pastor, and the con- \ncurrence of our ancient and honorable mother the church, and \nthe Town Assembly.\" They again humbl}^ request a dismis- \nsion, to be a distinct precinct, the line to be on the western \nside of the river, \"to run close by the schoolhouse near the \ndwelling of our neighbor, John PoUey, from the southeast to \nthe northwest, to include all of our Chi'istian neighbors that \ndesire it, and have therefore been at charges hitherto with us, \nand who are dwellers amongst us.\" Several excellent reasons \nare assigned for this request, not the least cogent of which \nis this : — \n\n\"As for the season and opportunity we took for our aboves'd \nmismanaged enterprise whether this was the time agreeable to the \napproving will of God, we dare not assert, but the event proves it \nto be his permissive and determinate will, else it had not been so \n\n\nTHE SECOND CHURCH. \n\n\n449 \n\n\nfar effected : And blessed be God in Christ altho' we have morally \nerred as to our hasty time and manner thereof: yet having obtained \nhis help, notwithstanding our unworthiness we have been carryed \nthrough and continue to this day. \n\n\" We subscribe at the western end of Roxbury, Feb. 7th, 1710-1. \n\n\n\" Nath. Holmes. \nIsaac Bowen. \nThomas Mory. \nEbenezer Lyon. \nJoseph Weld. \nJohn Fuller. \nJohn Whitney. \nJohn Griggs. \nEphraim Lyon. \nJoseph Lyon. \nThomas Parry. \n\n\nJonathan Curtice. \nDaniel \"Whitney. \nSamuel Holdridge. \nThomas Bugbee. \nJohn Case. \nThomas Mayo. \nThomas Lyon. \nSamuel Lyon. \nPeter Hanchet. \nNath. Draper. \nWilliam Lyon. \n\n\nTimothy Whitney. \nJames Griggs. \nEliphalet Lyon. \nIchabod Davis. \nJohn Weld. \nEphraim Beacon. \nJohn Curtiss. \nJohn Parry. \nSamuel Lyon, Jr. \nJoseph Parry. \n\n\n\"In answer to the petition it was clearly voted, that their pre- \ncinct line should begin at the line between Dorchester and Roxbury, \nwhere the headline between the first and second division strikes upon \nthe afores'd line, so running down to the river, and then the river \nto be the bounds untill it comes to the place where the road crosseth \nit by Isaac Bowen's, running as the way goes to the school house \nand so to the line between the school land and the land of Josiah \nHolland and so cross the south end of the great pond to Brookline. \nAnd that the petitioners together with all such as dwell on the \nsouth side of the afores'd line who are willing to joyne with them, \nand do embody so as to maintain an able learned Orthodox minister \namongst them, shall be freed from any charge to the minister of the \neast end of the town, and allso from charge to the repairing and \nsweeping the meeting house so long as they do maintain a minister \namong them as afores'd and no longer.\" \n\nThis precinct line was probably coincident with a line which \nshould include Walkhill, South, Eliot, and Prince Streets. \nHaving accomplished their purpose, the Second Church, con- \nsisting of eighteen members formerly belonging to the First, \nwas gathered on Nov. 2, 1712, and on the 26th, Eev. Eben- \nezer Thayer, of Boston, was settled over them as their first \nminister. In 1733 the town refused its assistance in main- \ntaining a minister or repairing the meeting-house in the upper \n29 \n\n\n450 \n\n\nTHE SECOND CHURCH. \n\n\nDRAPER. \n\n\nor westerly part of the town, or even to repair two pews that \nwere damaged. A curious regulation was at this time made, \nthat those who sat by the windows should mend all the broken \nglass. \n\nThe first record extant in the parish book bears date Nov. \n28, 1733, when Rev. Mr. Thayer having deceased, a call \nwas extended to Rev. Nathaniel Walter, son of the minister \nof the First Parish. Notwithstanding the rigidity of manners \nof that da}', various entries show that youth was quite as \nirrepressible then as now. Pour men were at first chosen \n\" to take care of disorderl}- boj'S and girls and others at \nthe meeting-house on the Lord's day\" ; afterwards six were \nappointed. Mr. Bradford's salar}-, about the j'ear 1798, was \nthree hundred and thirt3'-three dollars and thirtj'-three cents. \nThe pastors of the Second Parish had originally a small salary, \n— twenty cords of firewood and all \"onmarked\" money in \nthe contribution-box, and in some cases were entitled to two \nannual contributions, and sometimes the pastor is to have the \n\" usual contributions.\" \n\nPastors of the Second Parish : — \n\n\nI \n\n\nEbenezer Thayer. \n\nOrd. 2(3 Nov., \n\n1712. \n\nDied 6 March, \n\n, 1733. \n\nNathaniel \"Walter. \n\n\" 10 July, \n\n1734. \n\n\" 11 March, \n\n1776. \n\nThomas Abbot. \n\n\" 29 Sept., \n\n1773. \n\nDis. 10 March, \n\n1783. \n\nJohn Bradford. \n\n\" 30 May, \n\n1785. \n\nDied 27 Jan., \n\n1825. \n\nJohn Flagg. \n\n\" 2 Feb., \n\n1825. \n\n\" 14 March, \n\n1831. \n\nGeorge Whitney. \n\n\" 15 June, \n\n, 1831. \n\nDis. Feb., \n\n1836. \n\nTheodore Parker. \n\n\" 21 June, \n\n, 1837. \n\n\" 8 Feb., \n\n1846. \n\nDexter Clapp. \n\n\" 20 Dec. \n\n1848. \n\n\" 23 Nov., \n\n1851. \n\nEdmund B. Willson. \n\n\" 18 July, \n\n1852. \n\n\" May, \n\n1859. \n\nT. B. Forbush. \n\n\" 1 July, \n\n18G3. \n\n\" 8 May, \n\n1868. \n\nAugustus M. Haskell. \n\n\" 22 May, \n\n1870. \n\nJust beyond the church is the residence of Miss Betsey \nDraper, a portion of which is said to be two hundred years \nold. Miss Draper, who, at the age of eight3'-six, is still \nactive and vigorous, is the granddaughter of Capt. William \nDraper, who commanded the second compaii}' of Roxbury \n\n\nWESTERLY BURIAL-GROUND. 451 \n\nminute-men at Lexington, and wlio died in the service while \nat Ticonderoga in 1776. William, her father, was drummer \nin his father's compan}'. Moses Draper was a lieutenant in \nWhiting's company at Lexington ; a captain in Gardiner's \nregiment at Bunker's Hill ; captain of a Roxbur}' corapan}- in \nthe suppression of Shaj's's Insurrection ; and was elected \ncolonel of the first Suffolk regiment in 1788. He kept a \ntavern in 1786 near Dedham. \n\nIn 1683 the town voted, \"That our brethren at Jamaco \nhave liberty to provide a convenient place for a herring place, \nand 3'° towne in generall will bare the charge provided the \nselectmen doe judge the place convenant, and the aforesaid \nherring place if so provided shall be for any of the towne to \nbur}' their dead in if they please.\" Pursuant to this vote, the \nwesterly' burjing-ground on Centre Street, near La Grange, \nwas established soon afterward. In it are found the names \nof Draper, Lj'on, Whiting, Heale}', Newell, Richards, Her- \nring, and others of the fathers of the town. Among the \nearlier inscriptions are : — \n\nMr. James Draper, aged about 73. DeC^ July, 1691. \n\nMrs. Marriam Draper, wife to Mr. James Draper, aged about 77. \n\nDeed Jan., 1G91. \nJohn Lyon, aged 55 years, died Jan. ye 15, 1702. \nAbigail Lyon, wife to John Lyon, aged 48 years, died Jan. ye 15, 1702. \n\n[The same day as her husband.] \nJames Herring, dec^ March, 1732, se. 76. \nJohn Colburn, died June ye 7, 1732, £E. 57. \nNath'l Healy, died June ye 2, 1731, 88. 76. \nRobert Newel, died Feb. 17, 17il, ss. 68. \nMehitabel, wife of Robert Newel, Nov. 4, 1739, aged about 70. \n\nIn the house at the corner of Cottage Street, built about \n1800 b}' John Whiting, lived Theodore Parker during his min- \nistry here. It was in 1818 purchased by \" The Rain Water \nDoctor,\" who signed himself \"I, S3lvan, Enem^* of Human \nDiseases,\" and whose stay was necessaril}' brief in a commu- \n\n\n452 \n\n\nTHEODORE PARKER'S RESIDENCE. \n\n\nnit}- not tolerant of quacks. It is now the residence of Mr. \nJames Tilden. Sa5's Mr. Parker's biographer, Mr. John \n\nWeiss : — \n\n\" The pleasant white house about a mile from the church stood \nclose to the straggling village street, but the study looked out \nthrough trees upou flowers, vines, and garden beds. Two flue tulip- \ntrees stood before the windows. The laud adjoined the beautiful \n\ngrounds of Mr. George K. \nRussell, his parishioner and \nfriend, with whom and \nwhose family he found such \nrefreshment and delight ; \nand next, going up the hill, \ncame the grounds of another \ngood and faithful friend, Mr. \nFrancis G. Shaw. Mr. Par- \nker had a right of way over \nthe pleasantly settled hill- \nside. The hedges defined \nbut did not divide the re- \nspective places of his \nfriends. When jaded with \nthe old folios he never failed \nto find some one at his gar- \nden limit in whose attach- \nment his heart recovered \nstrength and joy. The Rus- \nsells used to have famous visitors. . . . They used to hold ' Olym- \npics,' over which Theodore jovially presided. Sometimes the \ncelestial council met in a barn, where the fresh, fragrant hay, which \nhe had just helped toss and gather, served for the divan. Here \nGoethe, Fourier, the 'Latest Form of Infidelity,' Emerson's last \nlecture, and all cosmic questions were discussed.\" \n\n\nPAEKER'S KESIDENCE. \n\n\nTo a friend Mr. Parker writes soon after his settlement : — \n\n\" Well, cleverly am I settled. Our neighbors are pleasant. About \nfifty or sixty families in the parish ; one hundred to one hundred and \nfifty worshippers. Sunday-school teachers' meeting at the house of \nthe pastor once a fortnight, pastoral visits made, schools attended, \n\n\nTHEODOEE PARKER. 453 \n\ncalls received, baptisms, funerals, — such are my out-of-door mat- \nters. . . . We have a very pleasant house aud garden, 'men servants \nand maidens,' a cow, horse, and pig. I 'm as practical as Stebbins ; \nbuy and sell, dig, lend, aud borrow. ' To this complexion must we \ncome at last.' . . . I am very pleasantly situated. The people good, \nquiet, sober, church-going, capital listeners. I preach abundant \nheresies, and they all go down, for the listeners don't know how \nheretical they are. I preach the worst of all things, transcenden- \ntalism, none calling me to account therefor, but men's faces looking \nlike fires new stirred thereat.*' \n\nIn his volume of \" Experiences\" Mr. Parker thus refers to \nthis period of his life : — \n\n\" On the longest day of 1837 I was ordained minister of the Uni- \ntarian Church and congregation at \"West Roxbury, one of the small- \nest societies in New England, where I found men and women whose \nfriendship is still dear and instructive. For the first year or two the \ncongregation did not exceed seventy persons, including the children. \nI soon became well acquainted with all in the little parish, where I \nfound some men of rare enlightenment, some truly generous and \nnoble souls. I knew the characters of all, and the thoughts of such \nas had them. I took great pains with the composition of my ser- \nmons ; they were never out of my mind, but I was a learner quite \nas much as a teacher, and was feeling my way forward and upward \nwith one hand, while I tried to lead men with the other. . . . At- \ntempts were secretly made to alienate my little congregation and \nexpel me from my obscure station at West Roxbury ; but the little \nsociety came generously to my support and defence, giving me \nthe heartiest sympathy, and ofifered me all the indulgence in their \npower.\" \n\nAllusion is here made to the ill-judged efforts of the Uni- \ntarian body to ostracize Mr. Parker, whose theological views \nhad graduall}' but widel}' diverged from their own, — an attempt \nwhich, as is well known, resulted in transferring him from an \nobscure field of action to one that placed him prominently \nbefore the world and largely increased his opportunities of \nusefulness. While the principle of association was on trial \nat Brook Farm, Mr. Parker would sometimes walk over there \n\n\n454 \n\n\nParker's oak. — a. d. weld's farm. \n\n\nto visit his friends Ripley- , Channing, cand others, and as Mr. \nWeiss tells us, \" was occasionalh- rather sly over some of the \ndetails, and had a humorous eye for the little weaknesses of \nthe recruits.\" The motive called forth his unbounded respect, \nbut he never could be made to see the availability of any of \nthe plans. \n\nFor several years after his removal to Boston in May, 1846, \nhe spent his summer vacations in the house at West Roxbury, \n\nto which he returned \nevery spring with \nchildlike delight. He \nwas fond of flowers, \nand knew the names \nof most of those found \nin New England, and \ntook frequent rambles \nthrough the woods. \nOne of his favorite \nwalks took him \nthrough the Whiting \nfarm to a grove now \non the land of Mr. \n\nC. S. Perham, where his favorite tree, known far and wide as \n\"Theodore Parker's Oak,\" still lives and flourishes, though \nvenerable with age and showing sj'mptoms of deca3\\ In his \njournal he thus refers to it : — \n\n^' Mmj, 1S51. At West Roxbury iu the aftenioou. The Polycjalla \npauciflora just openiug ; laid some at the foot of my favorite tree in \nmemory of old times, — the great oak.\" \n\nOne of the finest farms in Roxbury is that of Mr. Aaron \n\nD. Weld, h'ing on both sides of Weld Street, a part of it in \nBrookline, and containing nearl}^ three hundred acres. Some \nof this land belonged originally to the family, but a portion \nof it was bought by Deacon David, great-grandson of Lieut. \n\n\nIRE I'AllKKK' \n\n\nBROOK FARM. 455 \n\nJohn Weld, of the heirs of Capt. John Baker, in 1786. \nDeacon David Weld's maternal grandfather was Col. Aaron \nDavis, whose name was borne by his son, and is continned \nby his son, the present owner of the estate. The old farm- \nhouse formerly stood on the west side of the street, near \nChurch Street, half a mile from the new mansion house, and \nnear where a large barn now stands. \n\nBrook Farm, a tract of two hundred acres in the north- \nwest corner of the town, between Baker Street and Charles \nRiver, formerly a part of Newton, was purchased in 1841 by \nGeorge Riple}' and others, who associated themselves together \nas \"The Brook Farm Institute of Education and Agricul- \nture,\" and who were afterwards incorporated under the name \nof \" The Brook Farm Phalanx.\" After occupying it for five \nor six years the}' sold it to the city of Roxburj' in 1849 for a \nPoor Farm. In 18G1, while the property of Rev. James Free- \nman Clarke, who gave the use of it to the State, the Second \nMassachusetts Regiment was recruited here, — \"the best \ncrop,\" says Mr. Clarke, \" that I ever raised.\" It is now the \n\"Martin Luther Orphans' Home.\" In the original farm- \nhouse, afterwards called the Hive, most of the domestic occu- \npations of the association were performed, and it was also \nthe eating-house and cooking-establishment. It was nearest \nthe entrance, and usually received the new-comers. This \nbuilding afterwards received man}- additions to accommodate \nthe increase of members. There was a small, terraced flower- \ngarden near it, that led to the brook that gave the name to \nthe place. A long ridge, crowned with a pleasant grove, \nlooked down upon it, and a large elm shaded it agreeably. \nEhot's Pulpit, one of the natural features of the farm, is so \nnamed from a tradition that the apostle had preached there \nKo an Indian auditory. It rose some twenty or thirtj' feet, a \nshattered granite bowlder or heap of bowlders, with an ii'regu- \nlar outline and many fissures, out of which sprang shrubs, \nbushes, and even trees. At its base the broken bowlders \n\n\n456 BROOK FAEM. MARGARET FULLER. \n\ninclined towards each other, so as to form a shallow cave. \nAt the summit the rock was overhung b}' the canopy of a \nbirch-tree, which served as a sounding-board to the pulpit. \n\nApplicants for admission to the association were received on \nprobation, after which, a two-thirds vote entitled them to mem- \nbership. Its income was principall}' derived from the pupils \nsent them, most of whom had their rooms in the Aerie, the \nfirst house built on the place after it became the property of \nthe association. Mr. and Mrs. Riple}' also occupied it. Mr. \nRipley was the founder of the association, and strained every \nnerve to promote its success, in which endeavor he was \nabl}^ seconded by his wife. Miss Eliza Ostinelli, afterwards \nMadame Biscacianti, the famous vocalist, was for some \nmonths an inmate of Brook Farm. Thence she went with \nher father to Europe, to complete her musical education. \nWhen singing in the open air in the evening, her voice could \nbe distinctly heard in Spring Street, three fourths of a mile \ndistant. \n\nThe Brook Farm experiment, though a failure, must be \nregarded as a noble aspiration, a prophecy of the good time \ncoming, when by just methods labor, skill, and capital are to \nmeet in practical co-operation. Its histor}' forms an inter- \nesting chapter in the annals of socialism. It numbered \namong its members and inmates man}' persons of culture, \nsince celebrated in literature, among them Riplej*, Thoreau, \nCurtis, Dana, Mrs. Diaz, W. H. Channing, ^Y. F. Dwight, \nand Hawthorne, who has written entertainingly of it in his \n\"Blithedale Romance,\" the heroine of which has been erro- \nneously supposed to be Margaret Fuller. \n\nThis remarkable woman resided near Forest Hills station \nfrom 1839 until her removal to New York in 1844. Bussey's \nWoods was her favorite retreat, where she thought and \nread or talked with intimate friends, chief among whom was \nRev. George Ripley, who, with Rev. Theodore Parker and \nCranch, the artist and poet, were frequent visitors at her \n\n\nBROOK FARM. 457 \n\nhouse. While at heart iu sympathj- with the Brook Farm \nmovement, she judged it premature. She, however, visited \nher friends there often, aiding them with encouragement and \ncounsel. An extract or two from her journal gives her im- \npressions of Brook Farm : — \n\n\" The first day or two here is desolate. You seem to belong to \nnobody, to have a right to speak to nobody; but very soon you \nlearn to take care of yourself, and then the freedom of the place \nis delightful. . . . Mrs. Ripley and I had a talk. I said, ' My posi- \ntion would be uncertain here ; I could not work.' We talked of the \nprinciples of the community. I said, ' I had not a right to come, \nbecause all the confidence I had iu it was as an experiment worth \ntrying, and that it was a part of the great wave of inspired thought.' \n... In the evening a husking iu the barn, men, women, and chil- \ndren all engaged. It was a most picturesque scene, only not quite \nlight enough to bring it out fully. I stayed and helped about half an \nhour, then took a long walk beneath the stars. There are too many \nyoung people in proportion to the others. . . . Here I have passed \na very pleasant week. The tone of the society is much sweeter \nthan when I was here a year ago. There is a pervading spirit of \nmutual tolerance and gentleness with great sincerity. There is \nno longer a passion for grotesque freaks of liberty, but a disposi- \ntion rather to study and enjoy the liberty of law. The great devel- \nopment of mind and character, observable in several instances, per- \nsuades me that the state of things affords a fine studio for the soul \nsculptor . . . and one might have for a few months' residence here \neuough of the human drama to feed thought for a long time.\" \n\nIn the \"Blithedale Romance,\" Hawthorne speaks of Brook \nFarm, his old and affectionately remembered home, as being \ncertainly the most romantic episode of his own life, — essen- \ntially a day-dream and yet a fact. He expresses a most \nearnest wish that some one of the many cultivated minds \nwhich took an interest in that enterprise might now give \nthe world its history: \" Riple}-, Curtis, Dana, Dwight, \nChanning, Burton, Parker, among these is the ability.\" Some \namusing passages, describing the fraternity and how it was \nregarded by its neighbors, are here given : — \n\n\n458 BROOK FARM. — HAWTHORNE. \n\n\" They were mostly individuals who had gone through such an \nexperience as to disgust them with ordinary pursuits. Thought- \nful, strongly lined faces were among them. \"We had very young peo- \nple with us, but these had chiefly been sent hither for education' \nwhich it was one of the objects and methods of our institution to \nsupply. Then we had boarders from town and elsewhere, who lived \nwith us in a familiar way, sympathized more or less in our theories, \nand sometimes shared in our labors. On the whole, it was a society \nsuch as has seldom met together, nor perhaps could it reasonably \nbe expected to hold together long. Persons of marked individuality \n— crooked sticks, as some of us might be called — are not exactly \nthe easiest to bind up into a fagot. \"We were of all creeds and opin- \nions, generally tolerant of all, on every imaginable subject. \n\n\"Arcadians though we wei-e, our costume bore no resemblance to \nthat of the pastoral people of poetry and the stage. In actual show \nI humbly conceive we looked rather like a gang of beggars or ban- \nditti, than either a company of honest laboring men or a conclave of \nphilosophers. Whatever might be our points of difference, we all of \nus seemed to have come to Blithedale with the one thrifty and laud- \nable idea of wearing out our old clothes. Such garments as had an \nairing whenever we strode afield ! Coats with high collars and with \nno collars, broad-skirted or swallow-tailed, and with the waist at \nevery point between the hip and armpit, pantaloons of a dozen suc- \ncessive epochs, and greatly defaced at the knees by the humiliations \nof the wearer before his lady love, — in short we were a living \nepitome of defunct fashions. \"We might have been sworn comrades \nin Falstaft's ragged regime-nt. Little skill as we boasted in other \npoints of husbandry, every mother's sou of us would have served \nadmirably to stick up for a scarecrow. So we gradually flung them \nall aside and took to honest homespun and linsey-woolsey. \n\n\" After a reasonable training the yeoman life throve reasonably \nwell with us. Our faces took the sunburn kindly, our chests gained \ncompass, and our shoulders in breadth and squareness. The plough, \nthe hoe, the scythe, and the hayfork grew familiar to our grasp. \nThe oxen responded to our voices. \"We could do a fair day's work, \nsleep dreamlessly after it, and awake at daybreak with only a little \nstiffness in the joints, which was usually quite gone by breakfast- \ntime. To be sure, our next neighbors pretended to be incredu- \nlous as to our real proficiency in the business which we had taken in \nhand. They told slanderous fables about our inability to yoke our \nown oxen, or to drive them afield when yoked, or to release the poor \n\n\nBROOK FARM. — HAWTHORNE. 459 \n\nbrutes from their conjugal bond at nightfiill. They had the face to \nsay, too, that the cows laughed at our awkwardness at milking time, \nand invariably kicked over the pails, partly in consequence of our \nputting the stool on the wrong side, and partly because, taking \nofl\"ence at the whisking of their tails, we were in the habit of hold- \ning these natural fly-flappers with one hand and milking with the \nother. They further averred that we hoed up whole acres of Indian \ncorn and other crops, and drew the earth carefully about the weeds ; \nand that we raised five hundred tufts of burdock, mistaking them \nfor cabbages ; and that by dint of unskilful planting few of our seeds \never came up at all, or if they did come up it was stern foremost ; \nand that we spent the better part of the month of June in reversing \na field of beans which had thrust themselves out of the ground in \nthis unseemly way. They quoted it as nothing more than an ordi- \nnary occurrence for one or other of us to crop off two or three fin- \ngers of a moi'uing, by our clumsy use of the hay-cutter. Finally, and \nas an ultimate catastrophe, these mendacious rogues circulated a \nreport that we communitarians were exterminated to the last man \nby severing ourselves asunder with the sweep of our own scythes ! \nand that the world had lost nothing by this little accident.\" \n\nHis personal experiences are thus referred to in his note- \nbook : — \n\n\"I have not yet been two hundred yards from our house and \nbaru, but I begin to perceive that this is a beautiful place. The \nscenery is of a mild and placid character, with nothing bold in its \naspect ; but I think its beauties will grow upon us and make us love it \nthe more the longer we live here. There is a brook so near the house \nthat we shall be able to hear its ripple summer evenings. ... I could \nnot have believed that there was such seclusion at so short a dis- \ntance from a great city. Many spots seem hardly to have been vis- \nited for ages, — not since John Eliot preached to the Indians here. \nIf we were to travel one thousand miles we could not escape the \nworld more completely than we can here. \n\n\" Sept. 27. A ride to Brighton yesterday morning, it being the \nday of the weekly cattle fair. William Allen and myself went in a \nwagon, carrying a caif to be sold at the fair. The calf had not had \nhis breakfast, as his mother had preceded him to Brighton, and he \nkept expressing his hunger and discomfort by loud, sonorous bass, \nespecial]}' when we passed any cattle in the fields or in the road. \n\n\n460 BROOK FARM. \n\n... At a picnic party in the woods, Mr. Emerson and Miss Fuller, \nwho had just arrived, came into the little glade where we were \nassembled. Here followed much talk.\" \n\nHawthorne goes on to sa}' that they had pleased themselves \nwith delectable visions of the spiritualization of labor, \" but the \nclods of the earth, which we so constantly belabored and \nturned over and over, were never etherealized into thought. \nOur thoughts, on the contrar}', were fast becoming cloddish. \nOur labor symbolized nothing, and left us mentall}'' sluggish \nin the dusk of the evening. Is it a praiseworth}' matter,\" \nso he writes in his diarj\", ' ' that I have spent five golden \nmonths in providing food for cows and horses? It is not so.\" \nHe left the association in November, 1841, and did not \nreturn. \n\n\" Often, however, in these years that are darkening around me, I \nremember our beautiful scheme of a noble and unselfish life, and \nhow fair in that first summer appeared the prospect that it might \nendure for generations, and be perfected, as the ages rolled away, \ninto the system of a people and a world ! Were my former asso- \nciates now there, were there only three or four of those true-hearted \nmen still laboring in the sun, I sometimes fancy that I should direct \nmy world-weary footsteps thitherward, and entreat them to receive \nme for old friendship's sake. More and more I feel that we had \nstruck upon what ought to be a truth. Posterity may dig it up and \nprofit by it. The experiment, so far as its original projectors were \nconcerned, proved long ago a failure, first lapsing into Fourierism, \nand dying as it well deserved for this infidelity to its own higher \nspirit. Where once we toiled with our whole hopeful hearts, the \ntown paupers, aged, nerveless, and disconsolate, creep sluggishly \nafield. Alas, what faith is requisite to bear up against such results \nof generous eflbrt ! \" \n\nThe names and locations of the principal residents of West \nRoxbury from 1820 to 1825 have been kindly furnished by \nMr. John D. Colburn, whose recollection of the people and \nplaces with which he was familiar in his boyhood seems very \ndistinct. The residences starred are no longer standing. \n\n\nRESIDENTS IN 1820-25. 461 \n\nThe right-hand names are those of the present owners or \noccupants of the estates. The initial letter on the right indi- \ncates the side of the street : — \n\n\"Washikgtox Street, herjinning at the Dedham line. \n\nMott Johnsou, now occupied by his daughter, \"W. \n♦William Bullard, toll-gate house, Muddy Pond Hill. \nEead Taft's Tavern, now Union Hotel, W. \nLemuel Richards, now Lindall, nearly opposite Tafts, E. \nCapt. Duuster, now John Smith, W. \nMichael Whittemore, now John Smith, W. \nEben Dudley, wheelwright, near Taft's, \"W. \n\nCentre Street, beginning at the Dedham line. \n\n♦David and Moses Draper, E. \n\nBenjamin Draper, son of Moses, nowBenj. J. G. Draper's heirs, W. \n\nJohn Mayo's old tavern, now E. Stone and W. Colburn, W. \n\nMrs. Jones or Herring, now G. B. Mason, near Summer Street, E. \n\nHenshaw, now I. Joyce, E. \n\nBenjamin Davis, shoemaker, now John D. Colburn, — very old \nhouse, E. \n\nHenry Smith, corner Spring Street, E. \n♦James Griggs, corner of Cottage Street, E. \n\nRain Water Doctor, now Tilden, E. \n\nJames Reed, now I. G. Whitney, E. \n•Seth Whiting, W. \n\nWhiting Tavern, now Dr, G. Hay, W. \n\nLuke Baker, now Mrs. Abner Guild, E. \n\nLemuel Billings, hatter, now R. Hewins, W. \n\nBenjamin Billings, \" leather dresser and breeches maker,\" E. \n\nS. Peck, formerly \"Merchant\" Davis, now Benjamin Guild, W. \n\nAaron (\"Merchant\") Davis's store, W. \n\nHenry Smith, house and store, now Newhall, corner La Grange, W. \n\nJ. Dugan, now Chapin, next the burying-ground, W. \n\nAmasa Davis, now Gowing, very old house, W. \n\nNathaniel Richards's tavern, very old, opposite the church, E. \n\nOld schoolhouse, next the church, W. \n\nWilliam Draper — Sol. Richards, now C. Bird, W. \n\nCapt. Richards, now Edward Richards, N. \n\nTalbot, blacksmith, now Hartshorn, N. \n\n\n462 EESIDENTS IN 1820-25. \n\n♦Benjamin Corey, -westerly corner Corey Street, N. \n\n*Moses Griggs, later, Keith estate, easterly corner Corey Street, N. \n\nCol. Mann, now G. W. Mann, near Highland station, S. \n*Capt. Palmer, now Albert Whittemore, near Beech Street, S. \n\nBetty Richards, now Woodward heirs, corner Beech Street, S. \n\nBroad's tannery, now \" \" S. \n\nWilliam Draper, now Betsey Draper, near Willow Street, N. \n\nEgbert Draper, now Mrs. Benjamin Brown, next the church, N. \n\nRev. Mr. Bradford's church, N. \n\nTileston, now Davidson, corner South Street, S. \n\nSouth Steeet. \n\n• Hatch, now owned by Mrs. S. D. Bradford, N. \n\nRev. John Bradford, \" \" \" \" N. \n\n*Wheeler — Hazelwood (burnt), N. \n\nDea. Murdock, now owned by Henry Dudley, N. \n*Rev. N. Walter — Allen, now E. Skinner, N. \n\nScott — Aldeu, now Mrs. Baste, N. \n\nDavid Corey, now Joseph Williams, near Roslindale station, S. \n\nDandridge Taft, later, Davis Lj'on, N. \n\nCapt. Joseph Mayo, IST. \n*Elisha Whitney, now part of Bussey Farm, opp. stone house, N. \n\nPoplar Street. \n\n*Schoolhouse, corner Florence Street, E. \nDea. Joseph Arnold, now T. Orrall, E. \n\nR. McDaniels, now Goldsmith, opposite Clarendon Park, E. \n♦Chamberlain homestead, built by Payson Chamberlain, great- \ngrandfather of Daniel Chamberlain, nearly opposite Dea. Noah \nDavis's, W. \n*Sylvanus Lindall, corner Hilburn Street, W. \n\n*Dea. Noah Davis (son of Col. Aaron), corner Metropolitan Street. \nFrom this elevated site, formerly known as Clapboard, or Flax \nHill, there is a magnificent view of Hyde Park and the Blue \nHills, E. \nStephen Chamberlain, now Daniel Chamberlain, W. \nMichael Whittemore, Sen., now Wedger, Hyde Park Avenue, W. \n\nBeech Street. \n\nDaniels, now Mrs. Wiggin, W. \n\nDea. Benjamin Farrington, now Dyer, corner Annawan, W. \n\n\nRESIDENTS IN 1820-25. 463 \n\n\nWeld Street. \n\nBart. White, now DwiDcU, E. \n\nDeacon Weld house, occupied by Caleb Parker, removed, W. \n\nDavis Weld, now Aaron D. Weld, W. \n\nBellevue, formerhj Lyon Street, \n\nCol. Jeremiah Richards, now Willcutt, between Bellevue and Park \n\nStreets, E. \nIsaiah Richards — William Whittemore, now Attwood, E. \n*Lyou homestead, southwest of Attwood, E. \nBenjamin Lyon, now George Richards, W. \n\nSpring Street. \n\nHenry Smith — Tidd, now George Morse, N. \nCapt. Amasa Gay, now Otis Gay, next house, N. \n\n, now Cain, beyond railroad crossing, N. \n\nBenjamin Billings, now , near railroad crossing, N. \n\nCapt. Leonard Whiting, now Cotter, N. \n\nHenry Whiting, now owned by Gardner, corner Gardner Street, N. \n\nBaker Street. \nJohn Baker — Dervin, next railroad crossing, E. \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nA. \n\nAbbott, John S. C, 367; Ja«ob, 367; \n\nThomas, 450. \nAdams, Samuel, 25, 436; Rev. Amos, \n\n30, 101, 302, 310; John, 84, 357; \n\nJoseph, residence, 208; Mrs. Sarah, \n\n397; Rev. William, 98; Zabdiel, \n\n150; Dr. Z. B., 150. \nAlarm at Rocksbury, 9. \nAlbany Street, 110, 115. \nAlcock, George, 50, 87, 290, 363; Dr. \n\nJohn, 102, 309, 363 ; Palsgrave, \n\n327, 370. \nAlden, Capt. Judah, 81. \nAlexander, Giles, 123. \nAlger, Rev. William R., 114. \nAllen and Watts, 87; Allen's furni- \nture store, 142; Jacob, 306; Rev. \n\nJames, 122; Rev. Joseph H., 421; \n\nStillman B., 340. \nAmory, R. G., 221; John, 398; \n\nThomas, 399; Gen. T. J. C, 110; \n\nStreet, 397. [50. \n\nAnderson, Rev. T. D., 113; Gawin, \nAndrews, John, 73, 256, 425, 442. \nAndros, Gov., overthrown, 18, 245. \nAnnals, 14-16, 275-82. \nAnselme, 83. \n\nAntinomian controversy, 291. \nApprentices, 63. \nArms and armor, 105. \nArnold, Dea. Joseph, 462. \nArtillery practice, 79. \nAstwood, James,50; homestead, 394. \nAthenaeum, 154. \nAuchmuty, Robert, 208; estate, 207, \n\n351; Robert, Jr., 351, 353; house, \n\n352. \nAunt White, 342. \nAustin, Hon. Arthur W., 416, 438. \n\n\nB. \n\nBacon, Jeremiah, 32; Bacon's Block, \n\n154. \nBack Street, 225, 351. \nBailey, Joseph, 32. \n\n\nBainbridge, Com., 84, 338. \n\nBaker, David, 32; Capt. John, 444, \n454,463; Luke, 408, 461 ; Thomas, \n17, 60, 287, 402; Street, 463. \n\nBaker's Mill, 325; Baker's Valley, \n370. [Street, 89. \n\nBall and Pin Tavern, 83\" ; Ball \n\nBallou, Rev. Hosea, 257-9. \n\nBaptist Church, First, 111-13. \n\nBardin, Edward, 85. \n\nBarker, Mrs., 301. \n\nBarnard, Rev. John, 248. \n\nBarnes, Capt. , 205. \n\nBartholomew. Rev. J. G., 259. \n\nBartlett, Enoch, 119; Dr. Henry, \n358; Dr. John, 305,360; Bartlett \npear, 119; Bartlett Street, 359. \n\nBarry, Samuel, 168, 382. \n\nBarton, Sally, 85. \n\nBass Point, the west j^oint of Brook- \nline Creek, where it empties into \nthe full basin. \n\nBay Psalm Book, 296. \n\nBeacon, Ephraim, 449. \n\nBeach Street, 462. \n\nBear Marsh, 438. \n\nBell, Thomas, 49, 398-9. \n\nBeecher, Laban S., 309. \n\nBernard, Sir Francis, 352, 428-33. \n\nBerthier, 83. \n\nBicknell, Capt. Humphrey, 306, 318. \n\nBillings, Benjamin, 461-3; Lemuel, \n461. \n\nBishop, Thomas, 444. \n\nBiscaccianti, Madame, 456. \n\nBixby, Samuel, 275. \n\nBlack Neck, a woody knoll at the \nmouth of Dorchester Brook, for- \nmerly covered with a grove of \nblack oaks. \n\nBlaney, Aaron, 87, 315; William, \n168, 175. \n\nBlaney's store, 279, 315. \n\nBlue Store, 206. \n\nBooks condemned, 14. \n\nBook of Houses and Lands, 48. \n\nBorrodaile, Anne, 91. \n\nBosson, Major William, 154, 318; \nWilliam, Jr., 32, 167. \n\n\n466 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nBoston & Providence R. E., 51, 823; \n\nNeck, 65-9i; Massacre, 23; Tea \n\nParty, 27, 79, 386; boundary, 48. \nBowdoin, Gov. James, (W; Sarah, \n\n33U; William, 21-26, 335. \nBowen, George, 16; Henry, 17, 438; \n\nIsaac, 449; Joshua, 403; William, \n\n100. \nBowles, John, 18, 19, 49, 160, 286. \nBowman, Brooks, 264; Mrs. Lucy, \n\n154, 200; William, 82, 154; Sam- \nuel, 32. \nBoyle, Hon. Robert, 182. \nBoylston, Ward Nicholas, 407, 411 ; \n\nStreet, 398-410; hermitage, 409. \nBradlee, N. J., residence, 371. \nBradstreet, Ann, 243. \nBradford, Charles F., 351 ; Eev. \n\nJohn, 446. \nBraintree Road, 199, 210. \nBrewer, Daniel, 49; Col. David, 212, \n\n278; Ebenezer, 205, 288; Deacon \n\nJoseph, 33, 417, 438; Nathaniel, \n\n60,438; Sally, 414; Stephen, 414; \n\nCapt. Thomas, 119. \nBridge, Edward, 18, 49, 428. \nBrimmer, Martin, 429. \nBrinlev, Col. Francis, 211, 333; Brin- \n\nley Place, 327. \nBrintnall, Jonathan, 32. \nBrissot, 389. \nBroad's Tannery, 462. \nBroglie, Prince de, 83. \nBromfield, Edward, 304. \nBrook Farm, 453, 455-60. \nBrookliue boundary, 48, 346. \nBrooks, Gov. John, 131 ; Rev. John \n\nG., 302. \nBrown, Daniel, 29; Enoch, 78, 311; \n\nEnoch, house and shop burnt, 78. \nBu£;bee, Ebenezer, 222; Edward, \n\n49, 50, 221; Daniel, 128, 222, 226; \n\nThomas, 449. \nBulgar, Richard, 292. \nBull, Henry, 293, 300. \nBunker's HUl battle, 34, 93, 217, \n\n274. \nBurchly, John, 50. \nBurial-grounds, Eustis Street, 95; \n\nCentral, 444- Westerly, 451; Bur- \nial-ground redoubt, 93. \nBurial customs, 98. \nBurrill, James, Jr., 32; Lemuel, 317. \nBurr, Jehu, 12. \nBurroughs, George, 149; William, \n\n414; Burroughs Street, 414. \nBussey, Benjamin, 440; Institute, \n\n440; Woods, 439. \nBuswell, John, 49. \n\n\nCabot Street, 76, 306. \n\nCaldicott, Rev. T. F., 113. \n\nCalef, Robert, 102, 140, 142-9. \n\nCalves' Pasture, on the Dorchester \nRoad. \n\nCanada soldiers, 108. \n\nCanal, 103; Canal House, 104. \n\nCannon secreted in Roxbury, 73. \n\nCanterburv, 47, 437; Street, 235. \n\nCarleton, Guy, 320. \n\nCase, John, 449. \n\nCazneau, Andrew, 119. \n\nCedar Street, 370. \n\nCemeteries, Forest Hills, 231; Mt. \nHope, 235; Warren, 211; Jamaica \nPlain, 425. \n\nCentre Street, 379. \n\nChamberlain, Payson, Sarah, Ste- \nphen, 462; homestead, 462. \n\nChampney, Jonathan, 323; J. W., \n92. \n\nChandler, John. 368; William, 49, \n368. \n\nChanniug, William H., 456. \n\nCliapin, Samuel, 49. \n\nCharles Josiah, 5. \n\nCharter abrogated, 18. \n\nChase, William, 290. \n\nCheckley, Widow Elizabeth, 442. \n\nCheever, Joshua, 415. \n\nChenery's wheelwright shop, 350. \n\nCheney, Ebenezer, 286; Thomas, 17; \nWilliam, 49, 95, 113. \n\nChickatabut, 4; death of, 14. \n\nChild, Elijah, 33; John, 23, 33; \nJoshua, 445; Capt. Lemuel, 31, \n435; Benjamin, 435, 444. \n\nChipman, Judge Ward, 194, 196. \n\nChurch, Baptist, 111; St. James's, \n210; St. Joseph's, 225; Walnut \nAvenue, 226; Universalist, 236, \n257; Unitarian, 114; Methodist, \n218; First, 28-'; Second, 447; Third, \n418; Eliot, 367; Swedenborgian, \n218; church customs, 294; music, \n174, 285, 297. \n\nCity Hall, 259; City Hotel, 169. \n\nClapboard Hill, 402. \n\nClapp, Dexter, 450; Stephen, 32. \n\nClarke, Rev. James Freeman, 455; \nJohn J., 41, 332; Thomas, 37, 380. \n\nCleaves, William, 17; Sister, 301. \n\nClewly's Corner, 225. \n\nCoggeshall, John, 293. \n\nColburu, John, 451; John D., 460. \n\nCole, Robert, 162. 290. \n\nComins, Linus B., 41. \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n467 \n\n\nCommittee of Correspondence, 27. \n\nConfiscated estates, 35, 123, 351,407, \n415, 429. [40. \n\nConnecticut Lane, 403; emigrants, \n\nConsumptives' Home, 222. \n\nCopeland, B. F.. 371, 381. \n\nCorbin, Jolin, 17. \n\nCorey, Benjamin, 33, 4G2; David, \n4G2; Ebenezer, 32. \n\nCookson's Corner, 443. \n\nCow Island, 437. \n\nCrafts, Daniel, 340; Ebenezer, 28C, \n297. 340, 343; Griffin, 49, 60, 341; \nJohn, 5, .\"^1; Jonathan, 342; Mo- \nses, 18; Nathaniel, 342; Lieut. \nSamuel, 341; William A., 344; \nWilliam F., 344. \n\nCrafts homestead, 340. \n\nCranch, T. P., 45(5. \n\nCrane, Col. John, 78, 273, 275. \n\nCrehore, Joseph, 168 ; Timothy, 33. \n\nCresap, Capt. Michael, 435. \n\nCurrency, 37, 62. \n\nCurtis, Georges., 402; Isaac, 18,102, \n286; John, 49. 397, 449; Jonathan, \n449; George William, 456 • Jostf,h, \n403; Catherine P., 403; 'Nathan- \niel, 427; Obadiah, 55; Philip, 401; \nSamuel, 403 ; William, 49, 401 ; \nhomestead, 399. \n\nCushing, Judge William, 196. \n\nCustine, 83. \n\nCustoms, 59-61. \n\nCutshamokin, 4, 5, 180. \n\n\nD. \n\nDale Street, 226. \n\nDana, Charles A., 456; Dana's Hill, \n\n428. \n\nDane, John, 303, 368-9. \n\nDanforth, John, 142; Piev. Samuel, \n140, 142, 159, 302; William, 17. \n\nDatchet House, 327. \n\nDavenport, Joseph, 168. . \n\nDavis, Col. Aaron, 23-30, 36, 82, 89 \nCapt. Aaron, 89; Aaron, 89, 92 \n110, 461 ; Aaron and Charles, 103 \n110, 142; Deacon Billy, 197, 318 \nCharles, 207 ; Deacon Ezra, 33, 440 \n445; Ebenezer, 286, 339; Isaac, 168 \n339; Lieut. Jacob, 31; Lieut. John \n31, 102, 350; Deacon Moses, 29, 32 \niX), 287; Noah, 32,462; Nehemiah \n32; Nathaniel, 33; Stephen, 381 \nTobias, 111, 351 ; William, 89, 438, \nIchabod,445; Bethiah,445; Sarahj \n445; Amasa, 4(jl. \n\n\nDavis Street, 110. \n\nDawes, Col. Thomas, 122; Wil- \nliam, 74. \n\nDavies, Dr. Jonathan, 36, 82, 207, \n427. \n\nDay Street, 387. \n\nDearborn, Gen. Henry, 40, 131, 334; \nGen. H. A. S., 41, 234, 337. \n\nDedham Eoad, 379; Turnpike, 65, \n350; boundary, 48. \n\nDenison, Daniel, 91; Edward, 50, 91, \n2i12; George, 91, 107; William, 50, \n90, 102, 2'M, 292. \n\nDenison's Bottom Lane, 133. \n\nDennis Street, 132. \n\nDexter, Franklin, 394; Samuel, 85, \n394. \n\nDeuxponts, Count, 83. \n\nDiaz, Mrs., 456. \n\nDinsdell, John, 32; William, 32. \n\nDillaway, Charles K., 191, 310. \n\nDoggett, Elizabeth S., 88; Capt. \nJesse, 87, 168; John, 92-3; Sam- \nuel, 93, 207. \n\nDomestic life, 59. \n\nDorchester boundary line, 95 , \nBrook, 122; Heights, 281, 330; \nRoad, 95, 111, 199. \n\nDorr, Ebenezer, 27, 29, 60, 82, 149, \n286, 343; Edward, 75, 140, 149, 154, \n287; Capt. Jonathan, 31, 149, 288, \n383; Joseph, 149; Nathaniel, 149, \n259, 368; William, 32, 167, 227. \n\nDove, John, 208. \n\nDowner, Dr. Eliphalet, 347. \n\nDowse, John, Jr., 32. \n\nDraper, Aaron, 33; Betsey, 450; \nJonathan, 32; Ichabod, 33; Mary, \n350; Nathaniel, 32, 449; Capt. \nMoses, 31, 38, 451; James, 451; \nMarriam, 451; Paul, 32; Capt.Wil- \nliam, 31, 447, 451; Egbert, 462. \n\nDress, 53. \n\nDresser, John, 17. \n\nDrunkenness punished, 162. \n\nDubuque, M., 124. \n\nDudley, David, 382; Mrs. David, 90; \nGov. Joseph, 187, 244-51; Major \nJoseph, 82; Col. Joseph, 84, 259, \n339; Joseph W., 259; Joseph, 239; \nJudge Paul, 33, 251-5, 2S6; Gov. \nThomas, 6-9, 50, 99, 107, 237, 241-3; \nThomas. 33, 238; William, 239; \nMrs. Lucy, 253; Col. William, 82, \n108,239,445-6; Dudley tomb, 99; \nSchoolhouse, 259; School for Girls, \n361; homestead, 236-65; Street, \n111; town of, 252. \n\nDuick, Benjamin, 311. \n\n\n468 \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\nDumas, Count Matthieu, 83. \nDummer, Richard, 319; Mary, 299. \nDunster, Capt., 205, 461. \nDunton, John, 107, 185. \nDwellings, 57. \nDwight, W. F., 456. \n\n\nE. \n\n\nEarthquakes, 15, 16. \n\nEast Street, 118. \n\nEaton, Amherst, 87. \n\nEayres, John, 32. \n\nEliot, John, 18, 49, 100, 174-90, 265, \n290; Eliot's Corner, 350; Pulpit, \n455; Pasture, 226; Square, 310; \nMrs. Eliot, 189; Eev. John, 196; \nPhilip, 50, 393; Jacob, 67; Eliot \nHills,233; Street, 414; School, 424; \nChurch, 367. \n\nElliot, Rev. Joseph, 113, 189. \n\nElm Hill, 221. \n\nEpidemic, 15. \n\nEpiscopal Church, 210. \n\nEpitaphs, 99-102, 444-5, 451. \n\nEstaing, Count d', 135. \n\nEstates and persons in Roxbury, 49. \n\nEustis, Gov. William, 95, 124; Mrs. \nEustis, 132; house, 120-32; Street, \n95-138; Burial-ground, 95. \n\nEwell, Perez, 120. \n\n\nP. \n\nFairland Street, 114. \n\nFaneuil, Benjamin, 412. \n\nFarrington, i)ea. Benjamin, 462. \n\nFashions, 55, 56. \n\nFaunce's grocery store, 314. \n\nFay, Rev. Cyrus H., 259. \n\nFaxon, Eleb, 338; Faxon's Hill, 338. \n\nFellowes, Caleb, 358 ; Fellowes's \nAthenaeum, 358. \n\nFelton, Nathaniel, 27, 30, 82, 154; \nEnsign Joshua, 29, 30, 154, 167. \n\nFinch, Samuel, 49. \n\nFire engines, 167; firemen, 167-8. \n\nFirst newspaper, 87; church, 282- \n302 ; horse railroad, 265 ; child \nborn, 5; library, 153; omnibus, \n265; pews, 285; choir, 285; school, \n191. \n\nFitzpatrick, Madame, 123. \n\nFlag, Colonial, 105; Union, 81. \n\nFlagg, Rev. John, 450. \n\nFlower de Luce Tavern, 365. \n\nFood, 5(j. \n\n\nForbush, Rev. T. B., 450. \n\nForest Street, 115. \nForest Hills, 231 ; Street, 231. \nFort Avenue, 375; Monument, 378. \nFortifications, 69. 76, 93, 110, 275-81, \n\n306, 329, 339, 371; British, 70-2, \n\n331. \nFoster, Capt. Samuel, 31, 32. \nFowler House, 235. \nFox, Ebenezer, 150-1, 297. \nFoxholes, 351. \nFrancis, Ebenezer, 339. \nFrankland, Sir Charles, 67. \nFranklin, Dr. 121, 126-7, 280. \nFrankling, William, 300. \nFreeman, Thomas, 50. \nFreemasons, 164, 205, 381-2. \nFrench, Samuel, 32. \nFrench troops in Roxbury, 83. \nFrench's Woods, 221. \nFresh meadow, 226. \nFrost, George, 382. \nFugitives from Boston, 75. \nFurniture, 58. \nFuller, John, 449; Margaret, 456. \n\n\nG. \n\n\nGage, Gov. Thomas, 70. \n\nGale, Major Isaac, 84. \n\nGallows, on the Neck, 68. \n\nGamblin's End, 397; Robert, 49, \n397. \n\nGardiner, Samuel, 17; Samuel J., \n208, 382; Capt. Andrew, 108; Pe- \nter, 210, 369; Sarah, 322. \n\nGardiner's Green, 210 \n\nGarduier's Canada, 108. \n\nGary, Samuel, 32; Arthur, 49, 393. \n\nGas introduced, 51. \n\nGaston, William, 42. \n\nGates, Gen. Horatio, 85 ; Robert, \nduel with John Carter, 282. \n\nGay, Capt. Amasa,463; Aaron, 320. \n\nGen. Arnold, privateer, 124. \n\nGeorge Tavern, 76, 84, 278. \n\nGeyer, George, 32. \n\nGibbs, Capt. A. H., 109, 306. \n\nGiles Payson's Corner, 133. \n\nGiles, Thomas, 32. \n\nGleanings, 14-16. \n\nGoad, Joseph, 17. \n\nGoddard, John, 222, 286, 438. \n\nGoggen, James, 32. \n\nGoldthwait, Ezekiel, 392. \n\nGookin, Gen. Daniel, 190. \n\nGoodrich, S. G., 231. \n\nGordon, Dr. William, 37, 420-3. \n\n\nINDEX. \n\n\n469 \n\n\nGore, Joseph, 32; homestead, 321; \n\nSamuel, 322 ; Christopher, 322 ; \n\nEbenezer, 60, 108, 3-71, 290; Daniel, 169, 195. \n\nW»st Point Cadets' visit, 331. \n\nWest Eoxbury Town Hall, 416; lo- \ncalities, 4.37; incorporated, 438; \nprecinct line, 449. \n\nWhipping-post, 384. \n\nWhite, Aaron. 114, 221; David, 33; \nJohn, 221; Moses, 114; Samuel, \n133. \n\nWhitefield, Rev. George, 125, 173, \n293. \n\nWhitcomb, Col. Asa, 123, 281. \n\nWhitewash Hall, 111, 198. \n\nWhiting, Ebenezer, 27, 29; Tavern, \n461; Henry, 4(53; Leonard, 463; \nMoses, 31; Rufus, 33; Seth, 461. \n\nWhitney, Daniel, 449; Ebenezer, 32; \nElisha, 462; Rev. George, 421, 450; \nIsaac, 32; Jacob, 32; John, 434, \n449; Stephen, 32; Timothy, 449. \n\nWhittemore, Jacob, 32; Lawrence, \n49, 193; Michael, 461-2. \n\nWigs, Eliot's aversion to, 188. \n\nWild. Charles, 382. \n\nWilder, Marshall P., 223. \n\nWilson, Nathaniel, 17. \n\nWillson, Rev. E. B., 450. \n\nWillard, Aaron, 153, 167, 374; Ben- \njamin, 152\" Simon, 152. \n\nWilliams, Col. Joseph, 20-30, 34, 58, \n60, lOS, 384-5; Capt. Eleazer, 21, \n116, 286; Elizabeth, 102; Henry, \n22; Theoda, 114; Rev. John, 17b; \n\n\nDudlev, 93; Samuel Sprague, 93, \n2.57; Lawver Tom, 93, 115; Dr. \nThomas, 76, 82, J 03, 116; Moses, \n228, 358, 425; Samuel, 18, 37, 64, \n95, 175, 286; Stephen, tanner, 29, \n82, 116, 134, 227, 286, 360; Capt. \nJoseph, 30, 383, 397; Lieut. Isaac, \n31, 235; Henry Howell, 34; Major \nEdward Pavson, 31, 398; Lieiit. \nRobert, 31,197; Thomas, 32; Rob- \nert, 49, 95, 115, 117; John, 60, 119, \n133; John, Jr., 23, 29, 167, 286: \nCapt. Nathaniel, 102, 108, 286, 358; \nAaron D., 228, 235; homestead, \n227; John D. W., 221 ; Stedman, \n228, 230; Capt. John, 228; Benja- \nmin Payson, 235; Stephen, tin- \nman, 276 ; Mrs. Dorothy, 286 ; \nJonathan, 286; Noah Perrin, 360; \nPatty, 386; Jeremiah, 398; Otho \nHolland, 271 ; Williams Street, 92. \n\nWinchester, Elhanan, 257; Nathan- \niel, 403. \n\nWindship, Dr. C. M., 208, 225; \nGeorge B., 208. \n\nWinslow, John A., 211; Isaac, 25, \n26, 255-7; Samuel, 257. \n\nWinthrop Street, 114. \n\nWitchcraft, 143. \n\nWithiiigton, Phineas, 402. \n\nWolf Trap. 219. \n\nAYoudere of the Invisible World, 147. \n\nWood, Francis, 32; John, 87; Wil- \nliam, 33. \n\nWoodbridge, Joshua Lamb, 82, 87. \n\nWoodstock settled, 40. \n\nWoodward, W. Elliot, 115. \n\nWoody, John, 97, 179; Richard, 164. \n\nWorcester Turnpike, 65, 304. \n\nWorkhouse, 382. \n\nWvmun farm, 402; Capt. William, \n31, 347. \n\n\nYoung, Calvin, 414; Mrs. Calvin, \n414; Mrs. Lot, 158. \n\n\nZeigler, George, 169, 207-8; Zeigler \nStreet, 169, 207. \n\n\n;j 928^ \n\n\n","title":"The Town of Roxbury: Its Memorable Persons and Places","updated_at":"2026-09-05T09:48:55.485218Z","urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-town-of-roxbury-its-memorable-persons-and-places","version":1,"withdrawn_reason":null},"urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:the-town-of-roxbury-its-memorable-persons-and-places","version_history":[{"change_note":"accessioned from the Internet Archive, item townofroxburyits00drake","changed_by":"archive-ingest 0.1.0","recorded_at":"2026-09-05T09:48:55.785348Z","version":1}]}