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A public-domain text about Boston, accessioned whole so the archive can quote it.","text_extract":"u \n\n\nM     ! \n\n\nm \n\n\nl>^y^M \n\n\n1 \n\n\nmii \n\ns \n\njM \n\n1 \n\n1 \n\nPt \n\nm \n\nt \n\n;fe \n\n\nM \n\n\nLIBRARY  OF  CONGRESS. \n\n\ni  <y-^ \n\n\n(UH'- \n\n\nFORCE  COLLECTION. \n\n\nUNITED  STATK \n\n\n,'S/'ife.'w^'* \n\n\n0\\ \n\n\n^^^m^A; \n\n\nm' \n\n\nM \n\n\nTWO \n\n\nCONTAINING   THE \n\n\nHISTORY \n\n\nOE    THE \n\n\nOLD  NORTH  and  NEW  BRICK  CHURCHES, \n\n\nUNITED   AS  THE \n\n\nSECOND  CHURCH  D^  BOSTON, \n\n\nDELIVERED  MAY  20,  1821, \n\n\nCOMPLETION  OF  A  CENTURY \n\n\nFROM    THE \n\n\nDEDICATION    OF    THE    PRESENT    MEETING-HOUSE    IN    MIDDLE    STREET. \n\n\nBY  HENRY  WARE, \n\nMINISTER    OF    THE    SECOND    CHURCH    AND    SOCIETY. \n\n1867 \n\nBOSTON  ?/;v    ^  .    ,; \n\nPUBLISHED    BY    JAMES  W.  BURDITT,  NO.  94,  COURT    STREET. \nSewell  Phelps,  Printer. \n\n1821. \n\n\n.opy2. \n\n\nSERMON  I. \n\n\nTHE  OLD  NORTH  CHURCH. \n\n\nHAGGAI   II.  3. \n\nWho  is  left  among  you  that  saxo  this  House  in  her  Jirst  glory  ? — \n\nThe  house,  my  brethren,  in  which  wc  assemble  to  worship, \nhas  been  occupied  a  hundred  years.  It  was  dedicated  to \nthat  holy  service  to  which  it  has  always  been  sacred,  on  the \ntenth  day  of  May,  1 721  ; — a  centurj  from  which  date,  allow- \ning for  the  difference  of  style,  is  this  very  day  completed. \nAn  epoch  so  interesting,  so  fitted  to  recall  the  remembrance \nof  past  years,  and  to  cxcile  to  salutary  contemplation  on  the \nvicissitudes  of  a  transitory  world,  and  the  dispensations  of \nan  unchanging  God  ;  I  am  not  willing  to  pass  without  explicit \nand  large  notice.  It  has  been  customary  in  our  churches, \non  such  an  occasion,  to  review  the  way  through  which  God \nhas  led  them,  and  recount  the  history  of  his  providence  to \ntheir  fathers.  It  is  a  good  custom.  And  I  doubt  not,  breth- \nren, that  you  will  be  interested  to  go  back  with  me,  and  trace \nthe  story  of  this  church,  and  the  character  and  doings  of \nits  ministers  and  people.  To  this  object  I  purpose  to  devote \nthe  discourses  of  this  day ;  and  though  none  are  left  that  saw \nihe  first  glory  of  this  house,  wc  may  thus  all  learn  what  it \nwas,  may  find  that  it  has  at  no  period  been  withdrawn,  and  is \nnot,  even  now,  wholly  departed. \n\n\nWe  are  not  confined,  however,  in  this  survey,  to  the  his- \ntory of  the  last  hundred  years,  but  are  led  back  through  the \nseventy  years  previous.  It  is  well  known  to  many  of  you, \nthough  probably  not  to  all,  that  the  church  in  this  place  is \nformed  by  the  union  of  two  churches.  When  the  Old  North \nmeeting-house,  which  stood  at  the  head  of  North  Square, \nhad  been  destroyed  by  the  British  troops  at  the  commence- \nment of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  minister  and  people  unit- \ned with  the  minister  and  people  worshipping  in  this  house, \nand  became  one  church  and  congregation  with  them.  The \nlate  venerable  Dr.  Lathrop,  who  so  long  ministered  here, \nwas  ordained  not  over  the  church  in  this  place,  but  over  the \nchurch  in  North  Square,  and  became  pastor  of  the  church \nin  this  place  by  the  transfer  of  his  relation  after  his  own \nmeeting-house  had  been  destroyed.  We  are  therefore \nequally  interested  in  the  history  of  the  Old  North,  as  of  the \nNew  Brick*  church,  for  it  was  equally  the  home  of  our  an- \ncestors. It  is  a  history,  too,  that  deserves  our  attention  ;  for \nit  was  the  second  religious  establishment  in  this  important \nplace,  and  numbers  amongst  its  ministers  some  of  the  re- \nmarkable names  of  New  England.  To  this,  therefore,  I  ask \nyour  first  attention. \n\nThe  town  of  Boston  having  been  settled  in  1630,  ten \nyears  after  the  landing  at  Plymouth,  the  first  building  for \npublick  worship  was  erected  in  1632.  This  was  sufficient  for \nthe  accommodation  of  the  inhabitants  for  nearly  twenty \nyears.  The  population  had  then  so  increased  as  to  render \nanother  building  necessary ;  and  accordingly  the  people  in \nthe  north  part  of  the  town,  Avhich  was  most  populous,  built \nthe  second  meeting-house,  at  the  head  of  North  Square,  in \n\n\n*  The  present  building  retains  its  original  name  of  the  New  Brick. \nThe  church  is  known  by  the  style  of  the  Second  Church,  as  it  was  a  min- \nister of  the  Second  Church  under  whom  the  union  was  made.  The  name \nof  the  Old  North  is  dropt. \n\n\n1C49.*  The  church  was  gathered  there  on  the  fifth  day  ol \nJune  the  next  year,  and  consisted  at  first  of  seven  mem- \nbers. (1.)  A  sermon  was  preached  on  the  occasion  by  Sam- \nuel Mather, — a  native  of  England,  but  educated  at  Harvard \nCollege, — who  was  earnestly  solicited  to  remain  as  pastor  of \nthe  church;  but  for  reasons  of  which  wc  know  nothing  he \nwent  to  England,  and  was  for  twenty-one  years  minister  in \nvarious  places,  an  eminent  and  respected  man.  (2.)  After- \nward Mr.  Norton,  minister  of  Ipswich,  who  two  years  after \nbecame  minister  of  the  first  church  in  this  town  ;  and  Mr. \nDavenport  of  New  Haven,  who  seventeen  years  after  also \nbecame  minister  of  the  first  church — both  of  them  among \nthe  distinguished  men  of  that  period  ;  and  \"  sundry  others \nwho  were  officers  in  other  churches,  but  likely  to  remove \nfrom  the  places  where  they  were  ;'\"'|  were  invited,  unsuccess- \nfully, to  take  charge  of  this  infant  church.  For  a  few  years, \ntherefore,  one  of  the  brethren,  Michael  Powell,  conducted \nthe  worship  of  God's  house,  and  to  such  satisfaction  that  he \nwould  have  been  ordained  Teacher,  had  it  not  been  for  the \ninterference  of  the  General  Court,  who  \"  Avould  not  suffer \none,  that  was  illiterate  as  to  academical  education,  to  be  call- \ned to  the  teaching  office  in  such  a  place  as  Boston  ;\"| — a \ncircumstance  which  is  well  worth  noticing,  as  it  exemplifies \nthe  jealous  care  with  which  our  fathers  guarded  the  dignity \nand  character  of  the  publick  institutions  of  religion.  After \nfour  years  passed  in  this  state,  Mr.  John  Mayo,  who  on  ac- \ncount of  some  \"difficulties  and  discouragements\"  had  left  his \nchurch  at  Nosset  in  Plymouth  colony,  was  called  to  the \npastoral  office  here,  and  ordained  the  9th  of  November, \n1635.    At  the  same  time,  Mr.  Powell  was  ordained  as  Ruling \n\n*  I  do  not  find  any  account  of  the  Dedication,  and  cannot  tell  whether \nthe  meeting-house  was  first  occupied  in  1649  or  1650. \n\n(1.)  The  figures  refer  to  the  notes  at  the  end  of  the  sermons. \n\nX  Church  Records. \n\n\n6 \n\nElder  of  the  church.  Mr.  Powell  was  soon  after  incapaci- \ntated for  all  labour  by  a  paralytick  affection,  and  his  office \nbecame  vacant.*     I  do  not  find  that  it  was  ever  again  filled. \n\nAbout  this  time,t  Increase  Mather,  brother  of  him  before \nmentioned,  returned  to  this  country,  and  was  soon  invited  to \nthe  office  of  teacher  in  the  Second  Church.  After  two \nyears'  hesitation  he  accepted  on  certain  conditions,  and  was \nordained  the  27th  day  of  May,  1664. \n\nThe  pastor  and  teacherj  continued  labouring  together \nuntil  the  year  1670;  when  Mr.  Mayo's  increasing  infirmities \nmade  it  necessary  for  his  ministry  to  cease.  Three  years \nafterward  he  removed  to  Barnstable,  and  there  spent  the \nremainder  of  his  days  with  his  daughter.  He  died  at  .Yar- \nmouth in  May,  1676,  advanced  in  years,  but  at  what  precise \nage  is  not  known.  We  have  no  means  of  acquainting  our- \nselves with  his  history  or  character  beyond  what  is  here \nstated.  (3.) \n\nAfter  the  removal  of  Mr.  Mayo,  Dr.  Mather  held  his  of- \nfice alone,  until  his  son,  Cotton  Mather,  was  ordained  as  a \n/^ 8S~  colleague.  May  1 3,  1-GBT.  During  these  years  the  church \nappears  to  have  been  prosperous,  growing  with  the  growth \nof  the  town.  A  great  misfortune  however  befell  them  in  the \nburning  of  the  meeting-house  in  1676.  (4.)  It  was  rebuilt \nthe  next  year,  and  then  stood  for  a  century.  The  prosperi- \nty of  the  church  after  this  event  may  be  inferred  from  the \ncircumstance,  that  within  six  years  it  became  necessary  to \n\n*  He  died  January  28,  1672—3.  1   September,  1661. \n\n\\  In  the  early  records  of  the  church  these  titles  are  applied  alternately \nto  the  ministers  as  they  were  settled,  evidently  without  any  difference  in \nthe  nature,  tenure,  or  duties  of  the  office.  Cotton  Mather  says,  (Rat. \nDisc.  p.  42.)  that  when  the  churches  had  more  than  one  pastor,  \"  one  of \nthem  formerly  was  distinguished  by  the  name  of  teacher  ;  though  in  re- \ngard of  their  work  and  their  power  among  these  churches,  it  has  been  so \nmuch  distinctio  sine  differentia,  that  more  lately  the  distinction  is  less  re- \ngarded.\" \n\n\nbuild  a  gallery  for  the  better  accommodation  of  the  hear- \ners. (5.) \n\nIndeed  the  character  and  reputation  of  Increase  Mather \nwere  such,  that  we  should  expect  to  find  a  crowded  attend- \nance on  his  ministrations.  He  was  one  of  the  eminent  men \nof  his  times,  and  few  possessed  and  wielded  a  wider  influence. \nAnd  although  there  were  those,  as  there  always  will  be \naround  an  elevated  man,  especially  if  he  take  a  leading  part \nin  political  transactions,  who  were  inimical  to  his  authority; \nyet  in  church  and  state,  in  religious  and  in  civil  aflairs,  he \nwas  looked  up  to  as  a  leader,  equally  active,  distinguished \nand  trusted.  This  was  partly  owing  to  the  peculiar  state  of \nsociety  amongst  the  early  puritan  settlers,  who  in  their  de- \nsign of  forming  a  \"  Christian  Commonwealth,\"  naturally \nplaced  much  of  the  power  of  government  in  the  hands  of \nthe  rulers  of  the  church  :  and  the  authority,  which  was  in \nthe  first  years  exercised  by  the  holy  and  able  ministers  who \nled  the  feeble  colonists,*  and  by  their  energy  and  prayers \nsustained  them  in  their  dark  days  of  fear  and  danger  : \ncontinued  to  abide  to  the  last  with  Increase  Mather.  We \nmust  not,  however,  attribute  too  much  to  the  character  of \nthe  age  ;  much,  doubtless,  was  owing  to  the  rare  qualities  of \nthe  man.  For  three  generations  (6.)  that  family  was  distin- \nguished by  extraordinary  gifts.  There  were  many  men \namongst  them  on  whom  nature  had  bestowed  the  power  to \nbe  great,  and  they  evidenced  that  power  in  the  influence \nwith  which  they  swayed  their  fellow  men.  Increase  Mather \nhad  his  full  share  of  these  qualities.  Ardent,  bold,  enter- \nprizing,  and  perhaps  ambitious  5  conscious  of  his  own  pow- \ner,  religiously   sensible   of    his   obligations   to   exercise   it \n\n*  No  instance  of  this  authority  is  more  remarkable  than  that  of  Cot- \nton, minister  of  the  first  church.  \"Whatever,\"  says  Hubbard,  \"Mr. \nCotton  delivered  was  soon  put  into  an  order  of  court,  if  of  a  civil,  or  sei \nup  as  a  practice  in  th<:  church,  if  of  an  ecclesiastical  concernment.\" \n\n\n•8 \n\nusefully  ;  born  and  trained  in  a  young  colony  struggling  with \nhardships,  and  forcing  its  way  through  peril  and  fear;  his \nmind  fashioned  by  a  father,  who  for  conscience'  sake  had \nquitted  all  and  settled  in  this  hopeless  land,  and  who  had  all \nthe  zeal  and  firmness  which  characterized  the  puritans  of \nthat  age,  a  race  eminently  formed  \"  to  do  and  to  dare ;\" — \nthus  gifted  and  educated,  he  became  peculiarly  fit,  and  no \nwonder  it  was  felt  that  he  was  fit,  to  have  an  ascendency \nand  exercise  a  control.  He  had  received  the  best  educa- \ntion of  his  own  country,  he  had  completed  it  abroad,  he \nhad  been  driven  from  place  to  place,  suffering  for  his  reli- \ngion, and  presented  with  strong  temptations  to  abandon  it, \nthus  acting  a  hurried  and  various  part  in  the  most  trying \ntimes  in  the  mother  country — and  after  this  discipline,  so \ncalculated  to  give  firmness  and  character,  he  returned  to  la- \nbour in  the  service  of  this  infant  state.  (7.)  Nothing  can  be \nconceived  more  likely  to  prepare  a  man  to  act  well  his  part \nin  so  peculiar  a  scene.  He  soon  became  eminent.  Talents, \nlearning,  and  virtue  are  always  commanding.  In  that  age \na  religious  spirit  was  indispensable  to  honour  and  power. \nMather  had  all.  He  was  conspicuous  for  rigid  piety  where \nall  were  rigid,  and  eminent  for  talents  and  knowledge,  where \nmany  had  been  eminent  before  him.  It  therefore  is  not \nstrange  that  he  acquired  a  control  to  which  few  are  equal, \nand  received  and  held  honours  which  would  not  now  be  be- \nstowed upon  ministers. \n\nWe  find  proofs  of  his  ascendency  in  several  remarkable \ntransactions.  When  King  Charles  II.  in  1683,  demanded \nfrom  the  colonies  an  unqualified  resignation  of  their  char- \nters, it  was  principally  by  the  authority  and  influence  of \nIncrease  Mather  that  the  people  refused  to  make  the  surren- \nder. He  not  only  wrote  upon  the  subject,  but  went  to  them \nin  publick  meeting,  and  exhorted  them  not  with  open  eyes  to \nrush  upon  their  ruin,  but  to  do  their  duty  and  trust  the  event \n\n\n9 \n\nto  God.*  The  example  of  Boston  decided  the  question \nthroughout  the  country  ;  and  this  is  one  of  the  early  in- \nstances in  which  the  lead  was  taken  by  this  town  in  those \nspirited  measures  of  opposition  to  arbitrary  oppression,  for \nwhich  the  descendants  of  the  puritans  have  been  always \ndistinguished.  The  charter,  however,  was  forfeited ;  and  a \ngovernour  was  sent  overt  with  unlimited  authority  to  make \nand  administer  what  laws  he  might  please.  This  authority \nhe  exercised  in  a  most  oppressive  manner;  which  at  length \nso  excited  the  indignation  of  the  people,  that  it  was  resolved \nto  send  an  agent  to  England  to  represent  their  grievances  to \nthe  king.  (8.)  No  one  was  found  so  fitted  to  this  important \nlabour  as  Dr.  Mather,  who  accordingly  sailed  for  England \nin  April,  1688.  During  that  year  the  English  revolution \ntook  place,  and  it  was  not  until  four  years  after  that  he  ac- \ncomplished his  commission  and  returned  home.  Upon  his \narrival^  with  a  new  governour  and  another  charter,  the  Gen- \neral Court  appointed  a  day  of  solemn  thanksgiving,  with \nhonourable  mention  of  his  exertions  in  behalf  of  the  state. \nBut  the  satisfaction  which  it  yielded  him  was  not  unmixed. \nMany  were  dissatisfied  with  the  result  of  his  negotiations,!! \nand  parties  were  formed.  Some  of  his  old  friends  forsook \nhim,  and  he  found,  like  others  before  him,  that  the  troubles \nand  anxieties  of  political  eminence  are  very  insufficiently \ncompensated  by  its  honours. \n\n*  \"  The  clergy,\"  says  Hutchinson,  \"  turned  the  scale  for  the  last  time. \nThe  balance  which  they  had  held  from  the  beginning,  they  were  allowed \nto  retain  no  longer.\" \n\nt  By  James,  in  1686.  ^  May  14,  1692. \n\nII  His  task  was  undoubtedly  a  very  difficult  one,  and  he  was  himself \nfar  from  being  altogether  satisfied  with  tlie  terms  he  was  able  to  obtain. \nThis  he  acknowledges  in  the  pamphlet  whicii  he  published  on  the  sub- \nject :  but  complains  of  the  unreasonableness  of  those,  who  accused  him \nof  having  done  nothing,  because  he  had  not  accomplished  all  that  wa^ \ndesirable. \n\n2 \n\n\n10 \n\nBut  his  peculiar  distinctions  and  happiness  were  in  the \nchurch.  He  was  eminently  fitted  for  the  work  of  the  min- \nistry, and  held  high  rank  as  a  writer  and  a  preacher.  His \nmanner  is  represented  to  have  been  grave,  dignified,  and  im- \npressive. He  never  carried  his  notes  into  the  pulpit,  gene- \nrally committing  his  sermons  to  memory,  and  oftentimes \npreaching  extempore, — especially  during  the  years  in  which \nhe  was  president  of  the  college,  when  he  had  little  leisure \nfor  writing :  for  so  devoted  to  him  were  his  flock,  that  they \nwould  consent  to  his  holding  that  office  only  on  the  condi- \ntion that  he  continued  their  minister ;  and  when  it  was  made \nnecessary  for  the  president  to  reside  in  Cambridge,  he  resign- \ned the  office  for  his  people's  sake.  (9.)  His  sermons  are \nwritten  in  a  manly  and  forcible  style,  less  marked  than \nmight  be  expected  by  the  peculiar  faults  of  the  age,  and \ncontain  passages  of  the  most  powerful  eloquence.  His  fa- \nvourite topicks  appear  to  have  been  those  of  practical  reli- \ngion, which  he  inculcated  in  all  the  severe  strictness  and \noccasional  superstition  of  that  age,  and  with  great  energy \nand  warmth.  Few  sermons  present  a  stronger  image  of  the \nentire  sincerity  of  the  writer,  and  the  anxious  workings  of \nhis  own  feelings.  They  are  remarkable  for  their  copious \nhistorical  illustrations,*  which  appear  to  have  presented \nthemselves  spontaneously  to  his  mind ;  and  not  less  so  for \niheir  frequent  lamentations  over  the  degeneracy  and  depart- \ning glory  of  New  England.  He  bewailed  in  most  pathetick \nstrains  the  rapid  decline,  which  he  witnessed,  from  the  strict- \nness of  the  first  settlers,  and  was  often  sounding  the  alarm  of \nan  exemplary  vengeance  to  overtake  that  evil  and  perverse \ngeneration.  \"  The  interest  of  New  England,\"  he  says,  \"  is \nchanged  from  a  religious  to  a  worldly  interest.\"  \"  Such  sins \nas  formerly  were  not  known  in  New  England,  have  now  be- \n\n*  This  is  true  as  a  general  remark,  though  particularly  so  of  his  occa- \nsional sermons. \n\n\n11 \n\ncome  common,  such  as  swearing,  sinful  gaming,  &,c. ;  yea, \nthe  present  generation,  as  to  the  body  of  it,  is  an  unconvert- \ned generation.\"  He  elsewhere  adds  to  this  catalogue  of  sins, \ndrunkenness,  tavern  hunting,  even  on  Saturday  evening,  and \nneglect  of  the  sabbath,  the  ordinances,  and  family  worship. \nHe  cries  out  also  against  the  lax  discipline  of  the  church, \nand  the  common  substitution  of  a  merely  historical  belief, \nfor  the  rigid  saving  faith,  which  was  once  regarded  as  essen- \ntial. (10.)  These  complaints  sound  strangely  in  our  ears, \nwho  have  been  taught  to  believe  that  the  manners  of  that \nage  were  universally  pure,  and  to  regard  them  with  venera- \ntion as  presenting  a  model  for  imitation.  But  such  com- \nplaints are  made  in  every  age.  There  are  always  those \nthat  imagine  the  world  is  going  backward,  because  it  is  not \nguided  by  their  own  rule,  and  does  not  resemble  the  picture \ntheir  fancy  has  drawn  of  times  that  are  past.  And  we  should \nbe  comforted  amidst  the  lamentations  of  present  degeneracy, \nthat  they  were  equally  loud  a  hundred  and  thirty  years  ago, \nand  on  account  too  of  the  same  sins,  which  are  said  to  be \nour  peculiar  curse.  No  doubt  changes  were  perpetually \noccurring ;  and  those  who  had  known  the  country  w^hen  it \nconsisted,  as  we  may  say,  of  but  one  little  family,  w'ould \nreadily  imagine  every  departure  from  the  simplicity  and \nstrictness  of  family  discipline  and  order  to  be  evil ;  and  yet \nit  might  be  not  only  unavoidable,  but  upon  the  whole  advan- \ntageous. The  anxiety  of  Mather  upon  this  head  is  a  most \nhonourable  proof  of  his  devotion  to  the  welfare  of  religion \nand  of  his  country;  it  was  the  spirit  of  genuine  piety  and \npatriotism.  But  it  evinced  also  how  much  he  was  governed \nby  the  impressions  of  education,  and  the  circumstances  of \nthe  times  in  which  he  lived. \n\nAnd  these  had  made  such  impression  ori  his  mind,  that \nhe  looked  as  fearfully  on  the  growing  charity,  as  on  the \ngrowing  vices  of  the  age.  He  docs  not  a[)j)ear  to  have  been \nbigoted  or  uncandid  in  his  own  private  feelings.     While  in \n\n\n12 \n\nLondon,  he  tells  us,  \"  he  did  his  utmost  to  promote  a  union  be- \ntween the  Presbyterian  and  Congregational  churches  ;\"  and \nin  a  neighbouring  town  he  assisted  to  ordain  a  minister  of  the \nBaptist  denomination,  and  spoke  with  satisfaction  of  the  part \nhe  had  taken  in  it.  And  yet  he  could  declaim  loudly  against \ntoleration,  and  pronounce  it  to  be  fraught  with  the  deadliest \nevils.  \"  Toleration,\"  he  says,  \"  of  all  religions  and  persua- \nsions is  the  way  to  have  no  religion  at  all  left.\"  \"  I  do \nbelieve  that  Antichrist  hath  not  in  this  day  a  more  probable \nway  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  darkness.\"*  (11.) \n\nThis  alarm  in  regard  to  the  state  and  prospects  of  the \ncountry  was  mingled  with  that  superstition  of  the  age,  which \nlikened  the  Commonwealth  to  the  commonwealth  of  Israel, \nand  which  accordingly  expected  perpetual  interpositions  of \nprovidence  in  favour  or  judgment.  Every  calamity — storm, \nfire,  and  sickness — he  represented  as  special  visitations  of \nGod  for  the  sins  of  the  people,  and  endeavoured  with  all  the \nenergy  of  his  eloquence  to  rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  their \nsins,  that  they  might  by  repentance  avert  the  wrath.t  On \nthe  appearance  of  the  comets  in  1680  and  1682,  which  he \nverily  believed  to  be  the  forerunners  of  calamity,  and  pub- \nlished a  considerable  treatise  in  support  of  the  opinion  (12.) — \nhe  came  forward  with  loud  exhortations  to  repentance  and  re- \nformation, denouncing  the  irritated  anger  of  heaven,  and  con- \nfidently predicting  a  heavy  day  of  vengeance  and  darkness. \n\nIt  is  not  at  all  strange,  when  we  consider  the  character \nof  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  that  his  ardent  and  devout \nmind,  which  had  been  trained  to  \"  see  God  in  every  thing \nand  every  thing  in  God,\"  should  be  thus  affected  with  super- \nstitious notions  of  the  government  of  the  world  and  the  ap- \npearances of  the  heavens.     The  strongest  and  best  minds \n\n*  Election  Sermon, \nt  His  sermons   on   such    occasions  were  principally  preached  at  the \nThursday  Lecture,  and  appear  to  have  made  an  impression,  as  I  find  som^ \nof  them  passed  through  two  editions,  and  some  through  a  third. \n\n\n13 \n\nare  as  liable  as  others  to  submit  to  the  prevalent  opinions  oi' \nthe  age,  and  their  doing  so  is  no  proof  of  deficiency  in  tal- \nents or  in  judgment.  The  character  of  this  eminent  man \nstands  upon  other  grounds ;  and  while  it  can  be  sustained  up- \non them,  it  is  but  a  small  thing  that  in  some  points  it  par- \ntakes of  the  infirmities  of  the  world  in  which  he  moved. \n\nSuch  was  the  man  by  the  light  of  whose  instruction  and \nexample  our  church  was  blessed  for  more  tiian  sixty-two \nyears,  and  who  for  sixty-six  years  was  a  preacher  of  the \ngospel.  He  died  August  23,  1723,  in  the  eighty-fifth  year \nof  his  age ; — undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men \nof  the  day ;  \"  one  who  was  indeed  a  great  man  while  yet \nbut  a  young  man,  and  a  notable  preacher  of  Christ  in  some \nof  the  greatest  churches  of  England  and  Ireland,  before  he \nhad  been  twenty  years  in  the  world.  A  great  man,  and  one \nadorned  with  great  endowments  of  knowledge  and  learning \nand  prudence,  which  qualified  him  for  stations  and  actions \nand  even  an  agency  for  his  country,  wherein  the  most  emi- \nnent persons  in  the  nation,  and  three  crowned  heads  took  a \nkind  notice  of  him.\"  Indeed,  whether  you  consider  the  ex- \ntraordinary honours  that  attended  him  while  living,  or  the \ngeneral  sentiment  which  has  followed  his  memory,  or  consult \nthe  writings  which  he  has  left  behind  him;  you  will  pro- \nnounce him  a  man  richly  endowed  by  nature,  richly  furnish- \ned hy  education,  and  deservedly  numbered  with  the  most \npious,  learned,  and  useful  men  of  New  England.  The  day \nof  his  death  was  a  day  of  general  mourning.  An  honoura- \nble funeral  was  given  him,  such  as  few  citizens  had  been \nknown  to  receive  before,  and  every  testimony  of  affection \nand  veneration  accompanied  him  to  the  tomb.  The  feelings \nof  that  day  have  passed  away  ;  the  eyes  that  knew  him  and \nwept  for  him  have  long  been  scaled  in  death  ;  and  other \ngenerations  have  risen  and  gone  by  and  been  forgotten.  But \nthe  name  of  Increase  Mather  still  lives  ;  and  when  hundreds \nof  generations  shall  have  sunk  to  irrecoverable  oblivion,  he \n\n\n14 \n\nshall  still  be  hailed,  as  one  of  the  early  worthies  of  New \nEngland. \n\nThe  most  important  event  relating  to  these  churches, \nwhich  occurred  in  the  latter  part  of  his  ministry,  was  the \ndivision  of  his  church,  and  the  establishment  of  two  new \ncongregations.  With  the  increase  of  the  town,  the  Old  North \nhad  become  excessively  crowded,  and  inconvenient  for  the \nworshippers.  A  secession  accordingly  took  place,  and  the \nNew  North  was  built  in  1714.  In  1721  a  difficulty  arose \namong  that  people  about  the  settlement  of  a  minister,  which \nissued  in  a  separation  and  the  building  of  the  New  Brick. \nIn  this  difficulty  the  pastors  of  the  Old  North  took  an  almost \npaternal  interest,  and  the  ordination  of  the  first  minister  of \nthe  New  Brick  was  the  last  which  Increase  Mather  attended. \nOf  these  events  1  shall  speak  further  in  another  place. \n\nCotton  Mather,  who  had  been  colleague  with  his  father \nfor  thirty-nine  years,  survived  him  but  four  years  and  a  half. \nHe  died,  after  an  illness  of  five  weeks,  February  13,  1728, \nthe  day  after  he  had  completed  his  sixt}? -fifth  year,  having \nbeen  minister  forty-four  years.  He  was  a  man  of  equal \nfame  with  his  father ;  and  although  I  have  already  detained \nyou  so  long,  it  is  impossible  to  proceed  without  dwelhng  at \nsome  length  on  the  character  of  the  son. \n\nHis  original  powers  of  mind  were  doubtless  equal  to \nthose  of  his  father,  and  his  industry  and  learning  far  superi- \nour ;  but  he  was  deficient  in  judgment  and  good  taste,  and \ntherefore,  with  all  his  attainments,  became  rather  an  extraor- \ndinary than  a  great  man.  His  character  was  a  very  mixed \none.  You  would  regard  him  with  wonder  and  admiration, \nbut  hardly  with  a  feeling  of  entire  confidence.  His  religious \nsense  was  as  strong  as  his  father's,  but  it  was  mingled  with \nmore  superstition,  and  was  perpetually  bordering  on  fanati- \ncism, and  running  into  the  unprofitable  observances  of  the \nascetics.  The  desire  of  being  useful  was  clearly  one  of  his \npowerful  ruling  principles,  and  few  men  have  formed  so  ex- \n\n\n15 \n\nlensive  systcmatick  designs  of  active  usefulness ;  yet  he  in- \njured this  by  talking  too  much  about  it,  and  by  a  little  too \nmuch  parade  in  it.  It  is  not  easy  to  arrive  at  satisfactory \nviews  of  his  character.  There  was  a  mixture  in  it  of  so  many \nqualities  apparently  inconsistent,  some  exciting  your  vene- \nration and  some  your  pity,  that  it  is  difficult  to  arrange  them \nin  one  view  so  as  to  form  a  connected  whole.  While  you \nlook  with  astonishment  at  his  labours,  and  acknowledge  his \npraiseworthy  zeal,  you  are  mortified  and  vexed  to  find  the \nmost  excellent  designs  frustrated,  and  the  most  indefatigable \nexertions  wasted,  through  the  mere  want  of  a  discriminating \njudgment.  It  makes  you  melancholy  to  observe,  that  after \na  life  of  almost  incredible  industry,  after  publishing  three \nhundred  and  eighty-two  books,  large  and  small,  and  leaving \nothers  of  vast  labour  behind  him  ;*  after  years  spent  in  un- \nwearying efforts  to  do  good,  to  extend  knowledge,  and  pro- \nmote religion,  which,  if  well  judged,  might  have  placed  him \nin  the  foremost  rank  of  great  men  ; — his  name  and  works  are \nviewed  by  posterity  rather  as  phenomena  to  be  talked  about, \nthan  as  substantial  blessings. \n\nHis  principal  work,  the  Magnalia,  has  been  much  sought \nafter  as  a  curiosity ;  and  that  it  has  been  so  regarded  is \nproof  sufficient  that  its  merit  is  (juite  equivocal.  As  a  store- \nhouse of  documents  and  facts  relating  to  the  early  history  of \nthe  country,  it  may  be  consulted  with  advantage  ;t  but  it  is \n\n•  The  principal  of  these  is  his  favonrite  work,  about  which  he  was  oc- \ncupied for  many  years,  Biblia  Americana  ;  a  learned  illustration  of  the \nscriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament.  It  was  proposed  after  his \ndeath  to  publish  it  in  three  volumes  folio,  but  the  design  was  dropped  for \nwant  of  sufficient  encouragement.  It  is  now  in  the  library  of  the  Histo- \nrical Society. \n\nt  \"  He  knew  more  of  the  history  of  this  country,\"  says  Dr.  Cliauncy, \n\"  from  the  beginning  to  this  day,  than  any  man  in  it ;  and  could  he  have \nconveyed  his  knowledge  with  proportionable  judgment,  and  tiie  omission \nof  a  vain  show  of  much  learning,  he  would  have  given  the  best  history  of \nit.\" \n\n\n16 \n\nso  strangely  written  as  to  become  heavy  in  the  reader's \nhands,  and  so  mingled  with  the  credulity  and  puerility  of  the \nauthor's  own  mind,  that  even  Neal,  a  cotemporary  writer  and \ncorrespondent,  hardly  ventured  to  cite  him  as  an  authority. \nIndeed,  he  was  credulous  to  a  deplorable  degree  of  weak- \nness, giving  easy  credit  to  all  tales  of  supernatural  appear- \nances, providential  interposition,  and  diabolical  agency ;  re- \nlating them  as  matters  of  sober  history ;  and  by  his  authori- \nty and  influence  feeding  the  flame  of  superstition  and  perse- \ncution in  which  so  many  unhappy  wretches  perished  on  the \naccusation  of  witchcraft  in  1692.  That  he  not  only  fell  in \nwith  this  popular  delusion,  but  rather  fostered  and  excited \nit,\"*  I  am  afraid  is  too  plain  to  be  doubted.  He  set  his  seal \nto  all  that  was  believed  and  done,  to  the  shame  of  himself  and \nhis  country,  by  publishing  on  the  subject  what  aided  the  fury \nof  the  times,  and  will  witness  against  him  to  the  latest  gene- \nration. \n\n\n•  I  confess  I  have  not  been  able  to  see  so  clearly  into  this  matter  as  1 \ncould  desire.  The  whole  history  of  that  delusion  it  appears  to  me  lies \nvery  much  in  the  dark.  In  regard  to  the  agency  of  Cotton  Mather,  I \npresume  it  will  not  be  questioned,  though  it  may  not  be  easy  to  decide \nprecisely  what  was  its  nature  or  extent.  Neal  makes  it  evident  that  he \nfavoured  the  delusion  ;  and  Watts,  in  a  letter  to  Mather,  tells  him,  Mr.  Neal \n\"  hopes  you  will  forgive  him  that  he  has  not  fallen  into  your  sentiments \nexactly.\"  Hist,  of  JV,  E,  vol.  i.  Hist.  Coll.  vol.  v.  But  there  is  no  ne- \ncessity of  going  so  far  for  testimony,  while  we  have  his  \"  Wonders  of  the \nInvisible  World,\" — the  work  to  which  I  have  alluded  above.  Mr.  Brattle \nof  Cambridge,  in  a  letter  published  in  the  Historical  Collections,  says  that \nIncrease  Mather  \"  did  utterly  condemn\"  the  proceedings  of  this  period  ; \nand  that  \"  the  Rev.  Elders  throughout  the  country,  except  three,  are  very \nmuch  dissatisfied.\"  Cotton  Mather  is  not  named  as  one  of  the  three,  and \ntherefore  probably  when  this  letter  was  written  had  changed  his  opinion. \nFor  he  did  finally  acknowledge  in  writing  that  things  had  been  urged  too \nfar.  Yet,  in  the  life  of  his  father,  written  thirty-two  years  after  the  delu- \nsion was  at  its  height,  he  expressed  his  firm  belief,  that  all  was  to  be  attri- \nbuted to  supernatural  agency.  I  wish  it  were  clear  that  he  did  not  do \nmore  than  any  one  in  urging  this  belief  to  its  fatal  consequences. \n\n\n17 \n\nAs  a  preacher,  he  differed  much  from  his  father ;  having \niess  strength,  and  more  rhapsody,  loss  dignity,  and  more  de- \nclamation. The  quaintness  and  singularity  of  his  style  was \nnot  well  suited  to  the  gravity  of  the  pulpit,  and  appears  to \nhave  been  a  subject  of  complaint  even  during  his  life  time.* \nAnd  yet  there  was  so  much  warmth  and  zeal,  so  much \nearnestness  and  sincerity,  so  evident  and  pious  longing  to  do \ngood,  \"  his  spirits  were  so  raised  and  all  on  fire,\"  to  use  the \nexpression  of  one  who  knew  him  well,t  that  his  faults  seem \nto  have  disappeared  in  his  excellencies,  and  his  preaching \nwas  impressive  and  effective.  He  seems  to  have  been  fond \nof  dwelling  on  doctrinal  subjects.  \"  He  was  a  vigorous  de- \nfender,'' says  his  colleague,  \"  of  the  reformed  doctrines  of \ngrace,  and  of  the  mysteries  of  revealed  religion,  which  he \never  regarded  as  the  excelling  glory  of  the  Christian  dispen- \nsation.\" In  other  words,  he  was  a  zealous  Calvinist,  and  it \nis  certain  that  he  was  quite  thorough  in  its  creed.  He  did \nnot  forbear  to  state  its  tenets  in  their  most  contradictory  and \nrevolting  form  ; — as  if  he  gloried  in  being  able  to  set  them \nbefore  him  in  full  array,  and  thought  to  magnify  the  merit \nof  that  faith,  which  could  receive  them  notwithstanding  their \nintrinsick  difficulties.^ \n\nHe  was  as  zealous  in  his  adherence  to  the  Congregational \nmode  of  church  discipline,  as  to  the  articles  of  his  creed. \nThis  was  a  matter  of  great  interest  at  the  early  periods  of \n\n*  Neal  complains,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Colman,  of  \"  the  puns  and  jingles \nthat  attend  all  his  writings  ;\"  and  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  funeral  sermon,  says \nthat  \"  in  his  style  he  was  somewhat  singular,  and  not  so  agreeable  to  the \ngust  of  the  age.\" \n\nt  Funeral  sermon  by  Mr.  Prince. \n\nI  This  remark  will  be  found  principally  exemplified  in  a  sermon  on \nElection  and  Reprobation,  and  his  ''  Address\"  on  Quakerism,  entitled \nLittle  Flocks  guarded  against  grievous  Wolves.  Also,  in  the  complaints \nwhich  he  makes  in  the  Magnalia  of  Baxter's  departing  in  some  respects \nfrom  the  strictness  of  the  Calvinjstick  faith. \n\n3 \n\n\n18 \n\nour  history,  when  all  remembered  it  freshly  as  the  cause  in \nwhich  their  fathers  were  driven  from  their  homes,  and  were \nexceeding  jealous  of  any  attempt  to  innovate  in  matters  of \ndiscipline,  or  to  introduce,  under  any  pretence,  the  burdens \nof  the  Episcopal  church.  \"  No  church  upon  earth,\"  he \nsays,  \"  so  notably  makes  the  terms  of  communion  run  paral- \nlel Avith  the  terms  of  salvation.\"*  It  was  through  this  watch- \nful and  suspicious  fear  of  innovation,  that  the  church  was \ninduced,  in  1697,  to  send  a  letter  of  admonition  to  the \nchurch  in  Charlestown  \"for  betraying  the  liberties  of  the \nchurches  by  putting  into  the  hands  of  the  whole  inhabitants \nthe  choice  of  a  minister.\"  (13.) \n\nThe  sentiments  which  he  expressed  concerning  tolera- \ntion were  much  more  just  and  rational  than  those  which  I \nhave  quoted  from  his  father,  and  mark  the  growing  liberali- \nty of  the  age.  \"  Persecution,\"  he  says,  \"  for  conscientious \ndissents  in  religion  is  the  abomination  of  desolation  ;  a  thing \nwhereof  all  wise  and  just  men  will  say,  Cursed  be  its  anger, \nfor  it  is  fierce,  and  its  wrath,  for  it  is  cruel.\"t  He  says  else- \nwhere, that  he  \"  abhors  it ;  has  preached  against  it,  and  writ \nagainst  it ;  he  would  have  the  Quakers  treated  with  all  imagi- \nnable civility,  and  not  have  the  civil  magistrate  inflict  the \ndamage  of  a  farthing  for  their  consciences.\"  With  an  incon- \nsistency, however,  perhaps  not  very  rare,  he  refrained  from \nall  \"  civility\"  in  his  own  treatment  of  them,  and  took  every \noccasion  to  abuse  them  and  make  them  odious.J  He  is  not, \nhowever,  the  only  man,  who  has  imagined  nothing  short  of \nimprisonment  and  the  stake  to  be  persecution.  There  are \nmany,  who  with  the  utmost  virulence  have  gone  on  destroy- \ning reputation  and  influence,  while  they  were  sedately  talking \n\n*  Letter  to  Lord  Barrington. \n\nt  Right  Hand  of  Fellowship  at  the  ordination  of  Mr.  Prince,  1718. \n\n%  See  divers  passages  in  the  Magnalia,  and  his  Address,  or  Quakerism \nDisplayed,  which  abounds  with  something  like  scurrility. \n\n\n19 \n\nof  toleration  and  the  rights  of  conscience; — as  if  they \nthought,  with  some  theorists  on  government,  that  life,  liberty \nand  property  arc  the  only  good  of  man,  and  that  influence \nand  a  good  name,  which  make  life  liberty  and  property \nworth  having,  may  be  wantonly  taken  away  without  in- \njustice. \n\nIn  the  contrast  which  I  have  mentioned,  between  what  is \nto  be  admired  and  what  is  to  be  deplored,  it  would  not  be \nstrange  if  we  erred  in  our  estimate  of  his  character.  His \nfoibles  thrust  themselves  upon  our  notice,  and  will  not  be \nhidden — while  to  learn  what  should  redeem  them,  we  must \nbe  acquainted  with  all  the  history  and  habits  of  the  man. \nThat  there  was  something  in  these  to  redeem  them,  is  clear \nfrom  the  great  influence  he  sustained  both  in  church  and \nstate,  notwithstanding  his  palpable  imperfections.  He  was \nmore  than  once  instrumental  of  great  good  to  the  state  by \nthis  influence  in  times  of  excitement  and  confusion ;  and  in \nthe  church  he  was  certainly  an  object  of  great  respect,  and \nin  spite  of  his  assuming,  to  say  the  least,  all  the  consequence \nthat  belonged  to  him,  yet  he  was  able  to  retain  that  conse- \nquence. Still  it  is  clear,  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  was  then \nfelt  that  something  was  wanting  to  complete  the  man  ;  for  in \ntwo  vacancies*  in  the  presidency  of  the  college,  when  his \nunquestioned  learning  and  talents  and  age  gave  him  a  clear \nclaim  to  the  oflice,  and  the  people,  who  regarded  him  as  a \nprodigy,  called  aloud  for  his  election,  yet  the  place  was  de- \nnied him,  and  given  to  men  his  inferiours  in  every  respect, \nexcept  judgment.  This  failing  was  palpable,  and  universally \nadmitted,  and  this  prevented  him  from  being  one  of  the \ngreatest  of  men. \n\nFrom  his  very  childhood  he  had  been  distinguished  by \nhis  attachment  to  religion  and  to  books.     He  was  graduated \n\n•  In  170G,  when  President  Lcverctt  was  chosen,  and  in  1726,  when  Di . \nColman,  Dr.  Sewall,  and  Mr.  Wadsworth  were  successively  elected. \n\n\n20 \n\nat  the  age  of  sixteen,  the  next  year  joined  his  father's  church, \nand  began  to  preach  when  eighteen,  having  by  great  pains \ncured  himself  of  a  stammering  in  his  speech,  which  once \nthreatened  to  forbid  him  the  profession.  His  ministerial \ngifts  were  at  once  appreciated,  and  having  been  for  some \ntime  assistant  to  his  father,  he  was  ordained  as  his  colleague \nMay  13,  1684.  (14.)  In  this  situation,  the  arduous  duties  of \nwhich  he  was  far  from  slighting  or  neglecting,  he  was  able \nto  read  and  write  more  than  any  man  probably  ever  did  in \nAmerica.  \"  There  were  scarcely  any  books  written,\"  says \nDr.  Chauncy,  \"  but  he  had  some  how  or  other  got  a  sight  of \nthem.  He  was  the  greatest  redeemer  of  time  I  ever  knew.\" \nThis  was  the  opinion  expressed  by  all  who  knew  him,  and  it \ngained  for  him  many  honours,  and  an  extensive  correspond- \nence among  distinguished  men  abroad. \n\nIn  the  duties  of  the  ministerial  office  he  appears  to  have \nbeen  eminently  faithful  and  successful.  He  was  much  in  the \nhabit  of  private  admonition  and  instruction,  endeavouring,  in \nhis  own  peculiar  way,  to  start  some  advice  or  reproof  from \nevery  occurrence,  and  perpetually  inventing  new  devices  for \ndoing  good.  \"  To  do  all  the  good  he  could  to  all,\"  says  one* \nwho  knew  him  intimately,  \"  was  his  maxim,  his  study,  his  la- \nbour, his  pleasure.\" — He  was  full  of  private  labours  to  this \nend,  and  he  favoured  and  assisted  many  publick  institutions \nfor  this  object.  It  was  he  that,  in  spite  of  obloquy,  insults \nand  threats,  introduced  the  practice  of  inoculation  for  the \nsmall  pox  as  a  bar  to  the  fatal  ravages  of  that  disease ;  and \nwith  the  same  ardour  and  disinterestedness,  gave  his  time  to \nother  purposes  of  publick  good,  civil,  as  well  as  moral  and \nreligious.  A  book,  which  he  wrote  upon  this  subject  of  doing \ngood,t  is  perhaps  his  most  valuable  work.  Dr.  Franklin  at- \ntributed to  it  all  his  usefulness  and  eminence  in  life ;  and  I \n\n•  Mr.  Prince. \nt  \"  Essays  to  do  good.\"     It  has  been  republished  within  a  few  years \n^t  Boston. \n\n\n21 \n\nthink  no  one  could  read  it  without  receiving  enlarged  notions \nof  his  capacity  and  obligation  to  do  good,  and  being  stimu- \nlated to  better  attempts.  With  these  active  works  of  reli- \ngion, he  united  an  austerity  of  private  discipline,  that  would \nhave  honoured  a  monastery.  He  kept  frequent  days  of  fast- \ning, and  nights  of  watching,  sometimes  for  two  and  even  three \ndays  together — regularly  once  a  month,  and  occasionally \nonce  a  week. \n\nBut  it  is  impossible  to  proceed  in  particulars.  I  have \ngone  far  enough  to  shew  what  I  intended,  that,  notwithstand- \ning his  great  defects,  which  strike  you  at  first  view,  and  can- \nnot be  concealed,  he  absolutely  was,  as  he  was  always  ac- \nkiowledged  to  be,  a  most  wonderful  man.  It  is  barely  doing \nhim  justice  to  say,  in  the  language  of  his  colleague,*  that  \"  the \ncapacity  of  his  mind,  the  readiness  of  his  wit,  the  vastness \nof  his  reading,  the  strength  of  his  memory,  the  variety  and \ntreasures  of  his  learning,  in  printed  works  and  in  manuscripts, \nwhich  contained  a  much  greater  share,  the  splendour  of  vir- \ntue, which,  through  the  abundant  grace  of  God,  shone  out  in \nthe  constant  tenour  of  a  most  entertaining  and  profitable  con- \nversation ;  his  uncommon  activity,  his  unwearied  applica- \ntion, his  extensive  zeal,  and  numberless  projects  of  doing \ngood  ;  these  things,  as  they  were  united  in  him,  proclaimed \nhim  to  be  truly  an  extraordinary  person.\"  When  he  died  it \nwas  felt  as  a  publick  loss,  and  he  was  honoured  with  a  funeral \nof  uncommon  splendour.  He  was  mourned,  according  to  Dr. \nColman's  expression,  \"  as  the  first  minister  in  the  town — the \nfirst  in  age,  in  gifts,  and  in  grace — the  first  in  all  the  provin- \nces of  ^lew  England  for  universal  literature  and  extensive \nservices.\"  (15.) \n\nCotton  Mather  was  alone  in  the  care  of  the  church  only \nfour  months  during  his  whole  ministry,  Joshua  Gee  being  or- \ndained colleague  with  him  soon  after  the  death  of  his  father. \n\n•  Mr.  Gee'B  Sermon  on  his  death. \n\n\n22 \n\nMr.  Gcc  is  represented  on  all  hands  as  having  been  a  very \nsupcriour  man — not  possessing  popular  talents,  but  of  great \nprofoundness  and  learning,  excelling  in  argument,  and  capa- \nble of  rising  to  any  height  of  excellence ;  but  unhappily  of \nan  indolent  habit,  which  prevented  his  making  that  use  of  his \nadvantages,  which  would  have  secured  to  him  the  ascenden- \ncy for  which  he  seems  to  have  been  formed.  His  character \nwas  particularly  marked  with  zeal  and  fervour.  He  was \nsomewhat  bigoted  to  high  Calvinism,  and  somewhat  bitter \nin  controversy. — He  was  an  earnest  promoter  of  the  religious \nexcitement,  which  prevailed  throughout  the  country  after \nWhitfield's  first  visit;  and  refused  to  open  his  eyes  to  the \nevils  which  attended  it,  even  after  many  of  its  friends  h^d \nbecome  convinced  of  then*  existence.  And  when  the  Con- \nvention, in  1 745,  felt  it  a  duty  to  bear  testimony  against  cer- \ntain errours  in  doctrine  and  practice,  which  prevailed  to  the \ngreat  confusion  of  the  churches, — he  warmly  and  rather  pas- \nsionately opposed  them  ;  and  was  the  occasion  of  a  separate \nConvention  in  the  following  September,  which  issued  a  coun- \nter testimony.  (16.)  With  all  his  great  qualities,  he  was,  as  this \ntransaction  proves,  rash  and  over-ardent ;  so  that  Dr.  Chaun- \ncy,  Avho  knew  him  well,  said,  \"  it  was  happy  Mr.  Gee  had \nan  indolent  turn ;  for  with  such  fiery  zeal  and  such  talents^ \nhe  would  have  made  continual  confusion  in  the  churches.\" \n\nHis  ministry  in  this  church  continued  for  twenty-five \nyears.  He  had  been  an  invalid  for  many  years,  and  died, \nafter  a  lingering  illness.  May  22,  1748,  in  the  fifty-first  year \nof  his  age.  (17.) \n\nHe  enjoyed  the  society  of  his  venerable  colleague  but \nfour  years.  When  at  his  death  the  people  looked  round  for \none  to  succeed  him,  their  choice  fell  upon  his  son,  Samuei \nMather,  who  was  ordained  over  them  June  21,  1732,  about \nfour  years  after  his  father's  death.  (18.)  He  was  recommended \nto  them,  not  only  by  their  respect  for  the  ancient  family,  but \nby  his  own  character  for  diligence,  zeal  and  learning,  of \n\n\n23 \n\nwhich  he  certainly  possessed  an  uncommon  share.  He  had \nalready  made  himself  known  by  several  publications,  espe- \ncially by  his  Life  of  his  father.  He  continued  in  the  minis- \ntry but  nine  years,  when,  on  account  of  some  dissatisfaction \nwith  his  preaching,  which  was  thought  by  some  to  be  not \nsufficiently  explicit  upon  certain  points  of  doctrine,  together \nwith  some  other  grounds  of  uneasiness,  a  division  took  place \nin  the  church,  and  he  with  one  party  withdrew  and  erected \na  separate  place  of  worship.  This  was  in  1740  and  41,  and \npossibly  had  some  connexion  with  the  religious  excite- \nments of  that  period,  about  which  his  colleague,  Mr.  Gee, \nwas  so  zealous.  He  continued  to  be  the  minister  of  a  sepa- \nrate congregation  until  his  death,  at  the  advanced  age  of \nseventy-nine  years.*  By  his  own  directions  he  received  a \nprivate  funeral.  Most  of  those  who  at  that  time  were  wor- \nshipping with  him,  returned  to  this  church ;  and  some  are \nwith  us  still. \n\nAfter  the  removal  of  Mr.  Mather,  Gee  remained  sole  pas- \ntor, until,  in  his  declining  health,  Samuel  Checkley  was  united \nwith  him  the  year  before  his  death.  (19.)  He  was  the  son \nof  an  eminent  minister  of  the  New  South  church,  and  is  said \nto  have  been  distinguished  for  a  peculiar  sort  of  eloquence, \nand  an  uncommon  felicity  in  the  devotional  service  of  pub- \nlick  worship.  He  published  nothing,  except  one  sermon  on \nthe  death  of  Mrs.  Lydia  Hutchinson,  and  left  the  records  of \nthe  church  so  imperfect,  that  little  can  be  learned  from  them \nof  its  state  and  fortunes  during  his  connexion  with  it.  He \ndied,  after  a  ministry  of  twenty-one  years,  on  the  19th  of \nMarch,  1768. \n\nHe  was  succeeded  in  the  ministry  by  the  late  Dr.  Lalhrop, \n(20.)  whom  you  well  knew,  and  whom  all  thit  knew  honoured. \nDuring  his  ministry  the  Old  North  meeting-house  was  de- \n\n*  June  27,  178.'>. \n\n\n24 \n\nstroyed,  and  the  church  and  congregation  formed  a  union \nwith  those  worshipping  in  this  house. \n\nHaving  thus  brought  down  the  account  of  the  ancient \nchurch  to  the  period  of  the  union,  I  leave  it  for  the  present, \nthat  I  may  resume  it  in  the  afternoon,  when  I  shall  first  have \nfollowed  the  history  of  the  New  Brick  to  the  same  period. \n\n\nSERMON  U. \n\n\nTHE  NEW  BRICK  CHURCH. \n\n\n1  THIS  morning  spoke  to  you  of  the  origin,  establishment,  and \nhistory  of  the  Old  North  church,  and  of  the  lives  and  char- \nacters of  its  ministers,  until  its  union  with  the  New  Brick  at \nthe  close  of  the  revolutionary  war.  I  now  go  on  to  a  simi- \nlar account  of  the  New  Brick  church.  It  originated  in  cir- \ncumstances not  very  honourable  or  happy.  It  had  its  birth, \nnot  from  the  regular  overflow  of  increasing  population,  nor \nwas  it  a  separation  of  brethren  in  the  spirit  of  Christian  love, \nbut  it  was  the  offspring  of  heated  passions  and  violent  dis- \nsention.  The  circumstances,  as  far  as  can  be  positively \nascertained,  or  are  important  to  be  known,  appear  to  have \nbeen  the  following. \n\nThe  New  North  church  was  established  in  1714.  It  was \nregularly  and  peaceably  gathered  in  the  necessary  course \nof  a  growing  population.  They  had  ordained  one  min- \nister, the  Rev.  John  Webb,  and,  agreeably  to  the  custom \nof  the  times,  were  desirous  of  settling  another  in  connexion \nwith  him.  In  consequence  of  some  irregularities  in  the  pro- \nceedings of  those  who  were  most  active  in  the  aflair,  \"  they \nfell,\"  as  their  records  express  it,  \"  into  unhappy  and  divided \ncircumstances.\"  The  principal  ground  of  division  was  in \nregard  to  inviting  a  minister  already  settled.  Many  desired \n4 \n\n\n26 \n\nto  call  to  this  place  Mr.  Peter  Thacher,  then  over  the \nchurch  in  Weymouth,  a  preacher  of  great  popularity.  Oth- \ners esteemed  it  contrary  to  Congregational  usage  and  princi- \nples ;  and  in  this  dispute,  fermented  probably  by  private  and \nlocal  circumstances,  of  which  we  have  little  account,  their \npassions  became  heated,  and  they  approached  at  last,  in  a \nstate  of  exasperation  which  gave  little  promise  of  unanimity, \nto  the  choice  of  a  minister.  The  choice  fell  upon  Mr. \nThacher,  which  was  ratified  in  the  congregation  by  a  major- \nity of  one,  and  that,  it  is  said,  was  obtained  by  the  casting \nvote  of  the  minister.  A  great  storm  of  trouble  ensued. \nThe  ministers  of  the  town,  who  unanimously  agreed  in  dis- \napproving the  measures  of  the  majority,  interfered,  and  ad- \nvised a  reference  of  their  difficulties  to  a  council.  This  not \nbeing  done,  they  gave  the  church  to  understand  that  they \nwished  not  to  be  invited  to  attend  at  the  ordination. — The \nordaining  council  was  composed  of  only  two  ministers,  one \nof  whom  came  with  the  consent  of  his  church,  accompanied \nby  delegates ;  and  the  other  alone,  in  opposition  to  the  vote \nof  his  church.  The  most  violent  attempts  were  made  to \nprevent  their  proceeding,  and  it  was  only  by  being  conduct- \ned by  a  private  passage,  that  the  council  obtained  possession \nof  the  meeting-house.  Here  a  scene  of  the  most  outrageous \nand  disgraceful  tumult  occurred.  It  is  difficult  to  give  credit \nto  all  the  stories  of  the  indecencies  which  were  acted  there ; \nit  is  certain,  however,  that  after  one  more  ineffectual  attempt \nat  a  mutual  council,  the  ordination  proceeded  in  the  midst  of \na  disorder  little  inferiour.to  the  uproar  in  the  theatre  at \nEphesus.  The  discontented  members  separated  themselves, \nto  the  number  of  forty,  and  in  the  course  of  the  next  year \nerected  the  building  in  which  we  now  worship.  (1.) \n\nThis  house  was  dedicated  on  the  10th  of  May,  1721.  A \nday  of  prayer  and  fasting  was  kept  on  the  occasion,  and  two \ndiscourses  were  delivered,  one  by  Cotton  Mather,  many  of \nwhose  congregation  were  engaged  in  the  new  design,  and  the \n\n\n27 \n\nathcr  by  Mr.  Wadsworth,  minister  of  the  first  church,  and  af- \nterward president  of  Harvard  College.  The  house  appears \nto  have  been  regarded,  at  that  time  and  for  many  years \nafter,  as  a  building  of  uncommon  elegance  and  taste.  The \npreacher  expressed  only  the  common  opinion,  when  he \nsaid,  \"  I  suppose  there  is  not  in  all  the  land  a  more  beautiful \nhouse  built  for  the  worship  of  God,  than  this  whereof  you \nnow  appear  to  make  a  dedication  to  the  Lord.  But  what \nwill  it  signify,\"  he  added,  \"  if  the  beauty  of  holiness  be  want- \ning.\" A  church  was  gathered  amongst  the  worshipfiers. \nMay  22  of  the  next  year,  consisting  of  ten  persons,  six  of \nwhom  were  from  the  New  North,  and  three  of  them  had \nbeen  original  members  of  that  church.  (2.)  One  of  the \ndeacons  chosen  at  this  time,  Thomas  Lee,  lived  to  be  ninety \nyears  old,  and  died  in  1769,  having  survived  all  the  original \nmembers  of  this  church  and  congregation. \n\nOn  the  same  day,  William  Waldron  was  ordained  the  first \npastor.  (3.)  His  ministry  was  short,  being  only  of  five  years' \ncontinuance,  when  he  died  at  the  age  of  thirty.  The  inte- \nrests of  the  church  appear  to  have  flourished  beneath  his \ncare.  If  we  may  judge  by  the  representations  of  those  who \nknew  him,  he  was  a  man  of  uncommon  promise.  In  the  ma- \nny sermons  which  were  published  on  occasion  of  his  death,* \nhe  is  spoken  of,  not  in  the  language  of  common-place  eulogy, \nbut  in  the  genuine  accents  of  imaffccted  lamentation,  and \nsincere  respect  and  love.  There  appears  to  have  been  a \nmixture  of  the  severity  and  simplicity  of  an  apostle,  with \naffability  and  urbanity,  which  secured  to  him  respect  as  a \nminister  and  warm  attachment  as  a  friend.  Ministerial  cour- \nage was  an  eminent  trait  of  his  character,  and  this  was  unit- \ned, as  you  might  expect  to  find  it,  with  great  activity  in  the \nservice  of  the  gospel.     His  death  appears  to  have  excited \n\n*  I  have  in  my  popses^sion  a  volume  containing  sermons  on  tlie  occasion \nby  C.  Mather,  Webb,  Foxcroft,  (with  a  dedication  by  Cooper,)  and  Wads- \nworth.     Sam.  Mather  also  published  a  sermon. \n\n\n28 \n\na  very  unusual  sympathy,  not  solely,  it  would  seem,  on  ac- \ncount of  his  own  distinguished  worth,  but  as  \"  he  was  the \nyoungest  minister  by  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  that  had  yet \ndied  in  Boston,\"  and  because  there  had  been,  for  several \npreceding  years,  a  succession  of  deaths  among  the  younger \nministers  almost  as  remarkable  as  that,  which  has  desolated \nour  churches  for  the  last  twenty  years.*  These  circum- \nstances doubtless  contributed,  together  with  the  rapidity  of \nhis  disease,  to  produce  the  deep  and  general  feeling  with \nwhich  he  was  lamented.! \n\nAfter  an  interval  of  about  six  months,  William  Welsteed, \nwho  had  been  for  some  time  a  respected  tutor  at  the  college, \nwas  invited  to  fill  the  place  vacated  by  the  death  of  Mr. \nWtddron,  and  was  ordained  on  the  27th  day  of  May,  1728. \nHe  preached  his  own  ordination  sermon.  He  continued  to \nhold  the  office  of  pastor  singly  for  a  little  more  than  ten \nyears,  when  Mr.  Ellis  Gray  was  united  with  him  as  a  col- \nleague ;  in  which  relation  they  remained  together  fifteen \nyears.  (4.) \n\nDuring  this  period  of  time,  I  am  unable  to  say  particu- \nlarly what  was  the  state  of  the  congregation.  I  cannot  learn \nthat  it  was  remarkably  flourishing  or  remarkably  otherwise, \n\n*  \"  We  have  seen  within  these  few  years  many  other  sorrowful  instan- \nces of  early  death  among  those  of  the  ministerial  order,  and  many  more \namong  Christians  of  a  private  character.  I  could  reckon  up  above  a \ndozen  in  the  ministry,  that  have  in  a  few  years  past  been  removed  by  mor- \ntality in  their  youth,  or  in  the  meridian  of  their  days,  who  were  all  useful \nin  their  places  and  some  of  them  eminently  so.\"     FoxcrofVs  Sermon. \n\nHe  gives  in  a  note  a  list  of  twenty-one  who  had  lately  died  within  the \nstate,  of  whom  \"  several  were  under  thirty,  and  the  most  not  above  for- \nty.\" Within  what  period  of  time,  it  is  not  stated.  Mr.  Cooper,  refering \nto  the  same  mortality,  says,  \"  the  removal  of  valuable  and  excellent  per- \nsons is,  alas,  no  uncommon  thing  in  this  land  of  dying.''''  C,  Mather,  in \nthe  preface  to  his  sermon,  speaks  in  a  similar  strain. \n\nt  Foxcroft  says,  \"  I  find  his  death  as  much  regretted  amongst  us  as \nalmost  any  I  have  known  ;\"  and  Cotton  Mather  speaks  of  the  \"  sorrow, \nyea,  a  general,  a  very  uncommon  sorrow.\" \n\n\n29 \n\nbut  it  probably  enjoj^cd  about  the  ordinary  share  of  pros- \nperity. The  two  pastors  were  not  among  the  most  distin- \nguished in  town,  though  faithful  and  highly  respectable  men. \nDuring  the  great  religious  excitements  of  this  period,  they \nappear  to  have  fallen  in  with  the  current.  I  find,  however, \nfrom  a  well  written,  serious,  animated  sermon,  delivered \nin  1742,  at  an  ordination,  by  Mr.  CIray,  that  he  was  fully \naware  of  the  dangers  and  evils  of  that  period,  and  did  not \nhesitate  to  speak  of  the  \"  discord,  division,  bitterness,  clam- \nour, wrath,  evil  speaking,  groundless  surmises  and  jealous- \nies,\" which  prevailed  in  the  churches.  Neither  of  the  min- \nisters, however,  were  among  the  leaders  on  either  side, \nthough  possibly  it  was  to  his  opinion  on  this  su Inject  that \nWelsteed  alluded,  when  he  said,  in  his  last  illness,  \"  I  have \nin  some  things  thought  differently  from  my  brethren,  but  I \nthank  (jlod  I  have  constantly  meant  well.\" \n\nIt  was  at  this  period,  that  our  evening  lecture  before  the \ncommunion  was  established  ;*  and  at  the  same  time  the  sea- \nson of  the  communion  was  changed  from  every  fourth  week, \nto  the  first  sabbath  of  every  month.  After  two  months,  how- \never, the  vote  was  reconsidered,  and  the  old  term  of  rotation \nrestored,  which  continues  unchanged  to  the  present  time. \nIt  was  during  this  period,  the  year  after  the  ordination  of \nMr.  Welsteed,t  that  the  custom  was  drojipcd  of  singing  by  the \nseparate  reading  of  each  line.  Jn  1735,  after  much  debate, \nit  was  determined  to  have  two  Ruling  Elders  in  the  church  ; \nan  office  which  had  become  almost  obsolete,  and  which,  after \nthis  attempt  to  revive  it,  sunk  forever.J  In  1751,  [July  10,] \nWatts'  Psalms  and  Hymns  were  introduced  in  the  worship  of \nthe  sabbath,  and  continued  in  use  until  superseded  by  Bel- \n\n*  March  15,  1741.  t  July  31,  1729. \n\nX  This  matter  of  the  Ruling  Elders  was  debated  at  numerous  churcli \nmeetings  from  March  17,  1735,  to  November  11,  1736  ; — at  which  lime \nonly  one  person  (Deacon  James  Halsy)  had  been  found  to  accept  the  of- \nfice, and  the  church  at  last  voted  not  to  choose  another. \n\n\n30 \n\nknap's  Collection  in  1817,  [Nov.  9,] — a  period  of  sixty-six \nyears. \n\nThe  circumstances  attending  the  death  of  these  two  min- \nisters were  remarkable  and  melancholy.  Gray  died  sudden- \nly on  Lord's  day,  January  7, 1 753,  in  the  thirty-seventh  year \nof  his  age,  and  fifteenth  of  his  ministry.  We  have  little  means \nof  knowing  intimately  his  character,  but  he  is  represented \nto  us  as  a  man  much  respected,  of  early  and  uniform  piety, \nremarkably  given  to  hospitality,  and  directing  his  life,  says \nSamuel  Mather,*  as  if  he  had  perpetually  in  view  Paul's  de- \nscription of  his  own  conversation  ; — \"  that  in  simplicity  and \ngodly  sincerity,  not  by  fleshly  wisdom,  but  by  the  grace  of \nGod,  he  had  his  conversation  in  the  world.\"  If  we  might \nJudge  of  his  gifts  in  preaching  by  the  two  sermons  which  I \nhave  seen,  we  should  assign  him  quite  a  respectable  rank \nas  a  writer,  and  as  a  man  of  talents  and  piety. \n\nHis  colleague,  Welsteed,  survived  him  not  quite  four \nmonths.  He  died  on  the  29th  of  April,  having  been  struck \nwith  palsy  the  preceding  Sunday,  just  after  the  commence- \nment of  the  morning  service,  having  lived  fifty-seven  years, \nand  been  minister  twenty-five.  Here  was  the  melancholy \nspectacle  of  a  church  in  mourning  for  two  pastors  at  once, \nboth  cut  off  suddenly  in  the  midst  of  life.  And  to  render \nthe  visitation  yet  more  affecting,  they  both  died  of  the  same \ndisease,  both  died  on  the  sabbath,  on  the  communion  sab- \nbath, at  the  same  time  of  day ;  each  having  preached  for \nthe  last  time  to  his  own  people,  and  the  last  sermon  preach- \ned by  both  being  on  the  same  subject — \"  redeeming  the  time, \nbecause  the  days  are  evil.\"* \n\nWelsteed  is  characterized  as  a  man  of  eminent  sincerity \nand  integrity,  \"  good  natured,  contented,  patient,  and  always \nready  to  every  good  oflice  of  morality  and  religion,  and \nconscientiously  diligent  in  his  ministerial  labours,  especially \n\n*  Sermon  after  the  death  of  Welsteed  and  Gray. \n\n\n31 \n\nin  his  preparation  tor  the  pulpit.\"  In  preaching,  it  was  re- \nmarked of  him,  that  \"  he  was  careful  not  to  insist  on  those \npoints,  about  which  wise  and  good  Protestants  have  different \nsentiments  ;\"  but  confined  himself  to  \"  those  doctrines  of  re- \nligion, which  are  not  disputed  amongst  sound  Protestants, \nand  the  impressive  duties  of  repentance,  faith,  love  and  uni- \nversal and  constant  obedience.\"  This  sufficiently  expresses \nto  us  the  nature  of  his  views  of  religion,  and  it  is  corrobo- \nrated by  the  circumstance,  that  he  derived  particular  sup- \nport in  his  last  days,  \"  from  his  upright  walk  before  the \nLord,  and  his  consciousness  of  it.\"  This  fact  is  mentioned \nby  the  preacher  on  his  death  with  great  emphasis,  as  if  to \nmark  the  character  of  his  faith.*         , \n\nAfter  the  death  of  Gray  and  Wclsteed,  the  pastoral  office \nwas  vacfint  eleven  months,  ajid  was  then  filled  by  the  in- \nstalment of  Ebcnezer  Pemberton,  previously  minister  of  a \nPresbyterian  church  in  New  York,  and  a  preacher  of  un- \ncommon popularity,  who  attracted  crowds  by  his  captivat- \ning manner.  In  the  earlier  part  of  his  life,  he  had  been \nchaplain  at  Castle  William,  and  in  1727t  had  been  ordained \nminister  of  a  Presbyterian  church  in  New  York.  The  or- \ndination took  place  in  the  Old  South  church,  and  Dr.  Col- \nman  preached.  After  a  ministry  in  that  city  of  twenty-two \nyears,  he,  together  with  his  colleague,  Alexander  Cumraing, \nwere  obliged  to  relinquish  their  places  on  account  of  dissen- \ntions  in  the  congregation,  although  it  is  said  they  took  no \npart  in  the  disputes.  This  was  during  the  vacancy  occasion- \ned by  the  death  of  Mr.  Welsteed,  and  he  was  soon  invited  to \nsucceed  him.  The  installation  took  place  the  6th  of  March, \n1754,  and  his  ministry  lasted  twenty-three  years.  (5.) \n\nIt  was  during  his  ministry  that  the  Old  North  meeting- \nhouse was  destroyed  ;  and  when  the  inhabitants  returned  to \ntheir  homes,  after  the  evacuation  of  the  town,  this  mecting- \n\n•  S.  Mather's  sermon.  t  August  9. \n\n\n32 \n\nhouse  being  sufficiently  large  to  accommodate  both  congre- \ngations, they  worshipped  together  for  three  years,  and  then \na  junction  was  formed  which  has  proved  perpetual.  (6.) \nDr.  Pemberton  died  before  this  event  at  the  advanced  age  of \nseventy-two.*  During  the  last  years  of  his  life,  he  had  lost \nthat  extraordinary  popularity,  which  followed  him  at  first, \nand  his  manner  was  thought  to  be  even  so  disagreeable,  that \nthe  congregation  in  consequence  became  extremely  thin. \nHe  was  esteemed  however  as  a  faithful  minister,  and  is  stat- \ned to  have  been  particularly  remarkable  for  a  \"  fervid  kind\" \nof  piety.  \"  He  vehemently  aspired  after  the  spirit  of  the \ngospel,  and  had  the  consolations  of  it  during  a  long  and  try- \ning sickness.\"!  He  was  a  strict  Calvinist,  the  last  min- \nister of  that  faith  in  this  church,  in  his  earlier  days  exceed- \ning zealous  against  hereticks,  though  in  later  life  he  grew \nmore  candid.  In  these  particulars  he  resembled  Whit- \nfield, of  whom  he  was  a  warm  admirer  and  adherent,  and \nwhose  eulogy  he  pronounced  at  his  death.  He  was  not  a \nman  of  remarkable  powers  of  mind,  but  well  acquainted \nwith  books,  and  had  the  command  of  a  style  not  only  cor- \nrect, but  elegant  and  oftentimes  beautiful.  He  published  a \nvolume  of  sermons  a  few  years  before  his  death,  on  salva- \ntion by  grace,  which,  besides  the  ordinary  views  of  that  sub- \nject, which  you  might  expect  from  one  of  his  faith,  contain \nmany  appeals  and  exhortations  that  are  not  wanting  in  pa- \nthos and  power. \n\nWhen  Dr.  Lathrop  took  charge  of  these  churches,  after \ntheir  union,  he  had  been  ordained  over  the  Old  North  elev- \nen years  ;  and  he  afterward  accomplished  a  faithful  and \nhonourable  ministry  of  thirty-nine  years.  Of  his  life,  char- \nacter and  labours,  you  do  not  need,  brethren,  that  I  should \nspeak  to  you  ;  for  they  are  familiar  to  your  memories.  Ma- \nny of  you  have  grown  up  from  childhood  under  his  minis- \n\n*  September  15,  1777.  t  Dr.  Eliot,  Biog.  Dictionary. \n\n\n33 \n\ntry,  and  retain  for  him  a  filial  and  affectionate  respect ;  and \nall  can  remember  his  venerable  and  serene  old  age,  when \nfor  years  he  presented  the  only  hoary  head  that  appeared \nin  our  pulpits,  was  the  father  amidst  a  numerous  clergy \nmuch  younger  than  himself,  and  became  an  object  of  in- \ncreasing interest  and  value  as  he  drew  nearer  his  home.  No \none,  who  ever  knew  him  at  all,  can  forget  the  benignity  of \nhis  appearance,  the  apostolical  simplicity  of  his  character, \nhis  gentleness  and  affectionatencss  of  disposition,  and  his  de- \nvotion to  the  best  interests  of  his  country  and  of  man.  Af- \nter a  long  life,  in  which  he  gave  himself  much  to  publick \ncares,  and  was  the  faithful  patron  of  many  of  our  best  insti- \ntutions, he  passed  to  his  reward  on  the  4th  day  of  January, \n1816,  at  the  age  of  seventy-six  years. \n\nHis  successor  was  ordained  on  the  first  day  of  the  next \nyear.  (7.)  The  history  of  the  remaining  time  I  need  not  re- \npeat. It  has  been  a  season  of  tranquillity  and  prosperity,  for \nwhich  we  should  be  devoutly  thankful.  And  I  congratulate \nyou,  my  brethren,  that  the  century,  which  began  in  discord  and \nstrife,  we  have  seen  close  in  perfect  harmony ;  that  the  con- \ngregations, which  separated  from  each  other  with  hostile \nfeelings  and  enkindled  passions,  we  see  walking  together  in \nlove,  and  minding  the  things  that  make  for  peace,  and  unit- \ning as  sister  churches  in  the  nearest  offices  of  Christian  fel- \nlowship. Long,  long  may  this  continue ;  never  may  it  be \ninterrupted ;  may  no  greetings,  but  those  of  love,  ever  pass \nbetween  them  ; — but  when,  century  after  century,  to  the  end \nof  time,  this  day  shall  come  round,  may  they  be  still  found \nstriving  together  only  in  love  and  good  works — with  one \nfaith,  one  Lord,  one  baptism,  one  God  and  Father  of  all. \n\nWe  have  thus  looked  back  upon  the  history  of  this  unit- \ned church  through  a  scries  of  one  hundred  and  seventy \nyears.  We  have  traced  its  ancient  branch  from  that  time, \nwhen  there  was  but  one  other  in  the  town,  and  when  the \nwhole  neighbouring  country,  instead  of  a  flourishing  land  of \n\n\n34 \n\ncivilized  inhabitants,  presented  to  view  only  an  uncultivated \ndesert,  trodden  by  savages,  with  here  and  there  a  few  settle- \nments, which  had  been  reared  as  cities  of  refuge  for  perse- \ncuted puritans — who  tilled  the  fields  with  their  armour  girded \non,  and  kept  their  sabbaths  and  their  fasts  with  muskets  by \ntheir  sides ;  from  that  perilous  and  romantick  period  we \nhave  traced  it,  step  by  step,  seeing  it  grow  under  the  abun- \ndant blessing  of  Heaven,  and  the  toils  of  celebrated  men, \ntill  it  has  sent  off  one  after  another  company  to  erect  new \naltars  to  the  Most  High,  and  at  length  blended  itself  with  a \nyounger  church,  which  it  had  favoured  in  a  day  of  weakness \nand  fear,  and  then  received  again  to  its  bosom  the  remnant \nof  those,  who  had  once  gone  from  it  in  the  day  of  division. \nWe  have  traced  the  other  branch  from  its  birth,  precisely  a \ncentury  ago,  and  followed  it  through  the  various  discipline \nof  God's  judgment  and  mercy ;  till  at  length  it  was  reconcik \ned  to  its  sistei-,  and  received  beneath  its  roof  its  venerable \nancestor:  and  now,  to-day,  we  rejoice  together  in  the  way \nthrough  which  God  has  led  us  these  forty  years  of  our \nunion.  We  notice  the  vicissitudes  of  the  world,  the  flight  of \ntime,  the  providence  of  God  toward  our  land,  and  gather  les- \nsons of  wisdom  from  a  consideration  of  the  past.  We  look \nup  to  Him  who  planted  and  watered  this  vine,  and  has  caused \nsuccessive  generations  to  see  its  beauty  and  partake  of  its \nfruit,  and  exclaim  with  the  pious  king  of  Israel,  The,  Lord  our \nGod  be  with  iis  as  he  was  with  our  fathers ;  let  him  not  leave  us \nnor  forsake  us ! \n\nIn  the  period  which  we  have  been  thus  surveying,  two \nchanges  have  taken  place  of  such  magnitude  and  importance, \nthat  they  cannot  escape  our  observation.  The  first  is  in  re- \ngard to  the  observance  of  the  ordinances  of  our  faith.  In \nthe  days  of  our  fathers,  the  number  of  those,  who  felt  so  far \nbound  to  their  religion  as  to  observe  its  peculiar  rites,  was \nmuch  larger  than  amongst  ourselves.  During  the  ministry \nof  the  Mathers,  the  average  number  of  those  annually  ad- \n\n\n35 \n\nmitted  lo  the  communion  of  the  church,  was  twenty ;  in  se- \nveral years  rising  above  fifty,  and  in  that  preceding  the \ndeath  of  Cotton  Mather,  amounting  to  seventy-one.  The \nnumber  during  his  ministry  was  eight  hundred  and  forty- \neight  ;  more  than  the  whole  number  of  communicants  for  the \nlast  seventy  years.  With  respect  to  the  other  ordinance,  the \ndifference  is  quite  as  remarkable.  The  number  of  baptisms \nduring  the  last  thirty-nine  years  of  the  period  just  mention- \ned, was  three  thousand  three  hundred  and  eighty-four ;  being \na  yearly  average  of  eighty-six,  and  rising  in  several  instan- \nces to  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty.  This  shows  the \ndifference  of  Christian  fidelity  in  regard  to  the  positive  ap- \npointments of  religion.  Not  that  there  is  probably  less  real \nChristianity.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe,  that  the  general \nmass  of  the  community  is  worse  in  faith  or  in  practice  than \nat  that  time ;  in  many  respects  it  is  certainly  better.  But  in \nthose  days  there  was  a  strict  adherence  to  all  the  forms  and \nexternal  observances  of  the  gospel,  on  which  it  was  the  char- \nacter of  their  faith  to  lay  peculiar  stress  ;  whilst  we  are  too \nmuch  satisfied  with  a  very  general  regard  to  what  we  call \nthe  spirit  of  religion,  and  are  prone  to  undervalue  its  positive \ninstitutions.  So  that,  while  our  places  of  publick  worship \nare  as  fully  and  seriously  attended,  and  the  purposes  of \nChristianity  in  ordinary  life  as  well  accomplished,  the  table \nof  the  Lord  witnesses  a  thinner  attendance,*  and  more  of  our \nchildren  grow  up  without  baptism.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  bet- \nter understanding  of  the  nature  of  our  Lord's  kingdom,  which \nelevates  the  spirit  above  the  form.  But  why  will  not  men \nlearn,  that  they  may  avoid  one  extreme  without  rushing  to \n\n*  Though  I  speak  here  in  general  terms,  I  refer  'particularly  to  this \nchurch ;  for  I  am  not  able  to  decide  how  far  it  may  be  warranted  as  a \ngeneral  remark.  I  know  myself  of  many  exceptions.  To  take  for  exam- \nple the  church  in  West  Boston  ;  it  appears  from  a  sermon  lately  published \nby  the  pastor,  that  the  admissions  to  that  church  for  tlie  last  sixteen  years \nhave  been  twenty  on  an  average ;  which  is  et^ual  to  the  best  days  of  the \nMathers. \n\n\n36 \n\nthe  other  ?  When  will  they  feel  the  force  of  that  admonition \nof  our  blessed  Lord — These  ought  ye  to  have  done,  and  not  to \nhave  left  the  other  undone  ? \n\nThe  other  change,  to  which  I  alluded,  is  that  which  has \ntaken  place  in  the  views  of  religious  faith,  which  have  been \nhere  presented  and  professed.  This  is  a  most  important  and \nhappy  change.  The  church  was  established  on  those  doc- \ntrines, into  which  men  settled  when  they  first  broke  from  the \nRomish  domination,  which  had  been  confirmed  amidst  the \npassion  and  excitements  of  contention  with  the  English \nhierarchy,  and  were  finally  set  in  an  authorized  form  during \nthe  violent  storms  of  a  civil  and  religious  war.  These  doc- \ntrines our  ancestors  held,  and  the  founders  of  this  church \nreceived  them  as  they  were  fashioned  and  exhibited  by  the \nAssembly  of  Divines  at  Westminster.  One  of  the  eminent \npuritans,  the  minister  of  the  first  company  of  pilgrims,  had \nwarned  our  fathers  not  to  bind  themselves  to  the  faith  as \nthen  established.  His  great  mind  perceived  that  the  refor- \nmation was  not  yet  accomplished.  He  was  assured,  he  said, \nthat  God  had  still  more  light  to  break  forth  from  his  holy \nword  ;  and  he  exhorted  them  not  to  stick  where  Calvin  and \nLuther  had  left  them,  for  they  saw  not  all  things.  And  yet, \nfor  a  long  time  there  they  did  stick.  But  at  length  the  light \nhe  had  predicted  broke  forth,  and  the  eyes  of  one  church \nafter  another  were  opened.  For  nearly  fifty  years,  the  doc- \ntrines of  Calvin  have  not  been  heard  within  these  walls  ;  but \na  milder,  happier  faith  has  won  sinners  to  heaven,  and  com- \nforted the  hearts  that  tremble  at  God's  word.  Brethren,  I \ncongratulate  you  on  the  change.  I  rejoice  with  you,  that  we \nare  not  bound  down  to  any  form  of  words  of  human  device, \nnor  enslaved  by  the  fear  of  man  to  any  set  of  opinions  pub- \nlished to  the  world  by  pope,  council,  or  assembly.  I  joy \nwith  you,  that  we  can  say  to-day,  the  Bible  only  is  our  creed  ; \nwe  drink  from  none  but  this  fountain  of  living  waters ;  we \nhave  not  committed,  and  we  will  not  commit,  either  of  the \n\n\n37 \n\ntwo  evils,  the  forsaking  this,  or  the  going  to  other  cisterns, \nbroken  cisterns,  that  can  hold  no  water. — You  cannot  value \nyour  privilege  too  highly.  If  there  be  any  loud  call  for  your \ngratitude  to-day,  it  is  for  this  blessing,  in  which  it  has  pleas- \ned God  to  distinguish  you  beyond  your  fathers.  And  I  en- \ntreat you,  consider,  if  they,  less  favoured  in  the  rights  of \nconscience  and  the  inestimable  blessing  of  religious  liberty, \nwere  yet  so  devoted  and  zealous  men,  of  whom  the  world \nwas  not  worthy, — consider  what  manner  of  persons  you \nought  to  be  in  all  holy  conversation  and  godliness.  Put  not \nfrom  you  their  love  of  the  scriptures,  their  faithful  at- \ntendance on  the  publick  and  private  worship  of  God,  their \neminent  and  firm  attachment  to  principle,  their  fidelity  in  the \nreligious  education  of  their  children.  Let  it  never  be  said, \nthat  with  increasing  privileges  there  is  a  decreasing  religion. \nBut,  as  you  ho})e  at  last  to  join  them  in  that  world,  where \nyour  errours  and  their  errours  shall  be  alike  removed,  and \nall  shall  see  with  one  eye,  let  it  not  be  then  found,  that  with \nyour  better  knowledge  you  have  fallen  short  in  the  race, \nwhile  their  higher  attainments  rise  up  to  your  shame  and \ncondemnation. \n\nThe  occasion  reminds  us  what  a  changing  and  dying \nworld  we  live  in.  This  house  has  stood  for  a  hundred  years \n— and  rvho  is  there  left  among  you  that  sazo  it  in  its  first  glory  ! \nEvery  one  of  the  crowd  that  thronged  it  then  has  long  since \ndeparted  to  his  eternal  home.  Five  successive  ministers \nhave  laboured  here,  and  gone  to  their  account.  Even  in  the \nmemory  of  many  present,  every  seat  has  changed  its  occu- \npant. You  seek  the  friends  whom  you  once  met  here,  and \nthey  are  gone.  Time  has  more  than  once  swept  clean  these \nseats ;  and  how  soon  will  it  be  done  again  !  The  celebration \nof  a  day  like  this,  no  man  can  hope  to  see  twice.  When \nXerxes  looked  upon  his  immense  army,  and  thought  that  in  a \nhundred  years  not  one  of  that  multitude  would  be  living,  he \nwas  overcome  by  the  reflection,  and  wept  aloud.    I  would  not \n\n\n38 \n\nhave  you  weep^  brethren,  as  the  same  thought  passes  your \nmind  in  looking  round  you  now  ; — for  the  Christian  in  his \nchurch  should  regard  time  and  death  with  other  views,  than \nthe  heathen  at  his  army's  head ; — but  I  would  to  God  you \nwould  pause  and  consider.  The  time  is  short.  A  century  ! \nWhat  is  a  century?  Ask  the  man  of  eighty^  who  has  almost \nseen  that  term,  and  he  will  tell  you  it  is  as  yesterday  Avhen \nit  is  past;  it  is  but  as  a  day  and  a  night,  and  he  that  has  sur- \nvived it,  does  not  feel  that  he  has  lived  longer  than  when  he \nhad  lived  but  twenty  years.  Yet  in  that  space  what  changes \noccur  !  The  strong  men  and  women,  and  the  very  children  of \nthis  assembly,  shall  in  that  time  be  no  more  numbered  among \nthe  living;  the  youngest  child  here,  yea,  the  very  infant  that \nwe  have  this  day  offered  in  baptism,  shall  have  witnessed  all \nthe  fortunes  of  life,  and  perhaps  worn  a  grey  head  for  years, \nand  perchance  grown  weary  of  a  helpless  and  burdensome \nold  age,  and  then  slumbered  for  years  in  the  mighty  congre- \ngation of  the  dead,  before  a  century  shall  close.  In  a  cen- \ntury, cities  flourish  and  decay,  the  boundaries  of  nations  are \nbroken  up,  and  the  earth  changes  all  its  inhabitants  again \nand  again.  Observe  what  has  taken  place  just  around  you \nduring  that  which  has  now  past.  Instead  of  eleven  churches \nin  this  town,  you  find  twenty-eight,  and  all  have  been  built  or \nrebuilt  within  that  time  excepting  two.*  You  find  a  flour- \nishing city  instead  of  a  small  town,  a  sovereign  state  for  a \ndependent  colony,  a  mighty  nation  for  a  few  scattered  prov- \ninces. And  who  can  number  the  changes  in  the  old  eastern \nworld ! — the  improvements,  that  have  carried  the  sciences \nand  arts  to  an  unequalled  perfection,  and  the  convulsions \nand  revolutions,  that  have  removed  again  and  again  the \nlandmarks  of  empire,  and  elevated  the  low  and  depressed \nthe  high  amongst  the  nations,  like  the  heaving  of  the  earth \nin  the  throes  of  an  earthquake  !  All  this  has  been ;  and  yet \n\n*  The  New  Brick  and  the  Old  South. \n\n\n39 \n\nwhat  is  a  century?  He  that  should  have  lived  through  all, \nand  look  on  the  world  in  its  present  state,  would  almost  feel \nas  if  the  whole  had  been  effected  in  a  moment,  by  the  wand  of \nenchantment: — the  time  has  fled  like  a  dream.  What  then \nAvill  time  be  to  those,  who  know,  as  we  do,  that  we  have \nprobably  a  small  part  of  such  a  period  to  live !  Oh,  that  we \nmight  learn  so  to  number  our  days,  that  we  should  apply \nour  hearts  unto  wisdom  ! \n\nFinally,  brethren,  permit  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the \nprosperous  condition  in  which  this  day  finds  you.  These \nwalls  have  stood  a  hundred  years, — and  they  still  stand  firm. \nWhilst  you  have  seen  most  of  your  sister  churches  com- \npelled to  destroy  the  ancient  temples,  in  which  they  and \ntheir  fathers  had  worshipped,  lest  they  should  fall  upon \nthem  in  ruins,  and  burdened  with  the  costly  labour  of  rear- \ning other  places  of  worship;  you  have  the  privilege  of  still \nassembling  in  this  house  of  your  ancestors,  consecrated  by \nage,  and  by  the  devout  breathings  of  great  and  pious  men \nof  the  times  that  are  gone  by;  where  the  word  of  lilc \nhas  been  preached  to  four  successive  generations,  where  ev- \nery spot  is  hallowed  as  your  appropriate  religious  home,  and \nthe  very  ground  on  which  you  stand  is  holy.  There  is \nsomething  solemnly  pleasing  in  the  thought,  that  the  walls \nwhich  are  echoing  back  the  voice  of  your  preacher  and  the \nsongs  of  your  praise,  have  resounded  with  those  of  venera- \nble men,  whose  praise  is  in  all  the  churches,  that  have  long \nbeen  sleeping  in  the  dust,  and  are  strangers  to  all  themes  but \nthose  of  religion.  And  there  is  something  delightful  in  the \nhope,  that  our  children  and  children's  children  shall  sit \nwhere  we  have  been  sitting,  and  seek  the  inspiration  of  Hea- \nven on  the  same  spot  where  we  have  found  it.  This  hope, \nmy  friends,  is  yours.  God,  it  is  true,  may  commission  his \nelements,  and  they  shall  shake  this  house  to  its  founda- \ntions at  once.  The  earthquake  and  storm  have  hitherto  as- \nsailed it  in  vain,  and  it  has  thrice  been  rescued  from  devour- \n\n\n40 \n\ning  flames.*  Another  visitation  may  destroy  it  without  rem- \nedy. But  in  the  ordinary  course  of  providence  it  may  see \nthis  day  return, — and  listen  to  the  devout  thanksgivings  of \nthose  who  shall  assemble  here — without  one  of  us  amongst \nthem — to  celebrate  the  mercy  of  Him,  who,  in  the  midst  of \nchange  and  death,  is  forever  the  same.  And  when  that  day \nshall  come,  oh,  may  it  find  our  children  wiser  and  purer  and \nworthier  that  we.  If  God  have  any  more  light  to  break  forth \nfrom  his  word,  may  it  be  theirs  to  see  it  and  rejoice  in  it. \nAnd  we  too  will  rejoice  in  it, — as  we  doubt  not  the  spirits  of \nthe  good  men  that  came  up  here  to  dedicate  this  house,  are \nrejoicing  in  the  greater  light  which  God  has  poured  upon  us. \nMay  that  day  find  all  the  darkness  of  errour  and  superstition \nwhich  clouds  our  faith  removed,  and  all  the  sins  which  defile \nour  lives  banished,  and  as  many  surrounding  the  table  of \ntheir  Lord,  as  worship  at  the  altar  of  their  God.  Happy \nthey  that  shall  see  that  day !  Thrice  happy  they  that  shall \nwalk  in  that  light !  Yea,  happy  even  these  venerable  walls, \nthat  shall  have  witnessed  the  gathering  knowledge  and  grow- \ning virtue  of  many  generations,  and  shall  then  hear  prayers \nof  warmer  devotion,  and  the  out-pouring  of  hearts  lifted \nnearer  to  heaven,  and  shall  learn  something  of  that  purer \nand  more  perfect  worship,  which  is  to  be  the  employment \nand  glory  of  the  temple  above  !  In  that  temple  there  shall \nbe  no  change  of  day  and  night,  and  no  revolution  of  time ; \na  thousand  years  shall  be  but  as  one  uninterrupted  day  ;  and \nno  returning  century  shall  warn  us  that  life  is  drawing  near- \ner to  its  close — for  that  life  shall  have  no  close.  In  that \nglorious  temple,  in  that  unchanging  day,  may  it  be  our \nhappiness  to  meet  those  venerable  saints,  who  have  crowded \nthese  courts  before  us,  and  the  multitude  of  our  posterity, \n\n*  A  memorandum  of  Deacon  Tudor  in  1779  informs  us,  that  \"  the \nsudden  judgments  of  an  earthquake,  terrible  storm,  and  fire  have  all  three \ndone  damage  to  the  meeting-house  within  his  remembrance  ;\"  and  records \nthree  instances  in  which  it  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  consumed \nby  fire. \n\n\n41 \n\nwho  shall  have  received  the  beginning  of  that  life  on  this \nspot,  where  their  fathers  worshipped.  This  is  our  heart's \ndesire  and  prayer,  that  the  power  of  the  gospel  may  always \nbe  exhibited  here  in  preparing  men  for  salvation. \n\nAnd  in  that  great  decisive  day. \nWhen  God  the  nations  shall  survey, \nMay  it  before  the  world  appear. \nThousands  were  born  to  glory  here. \n\n\nNOTES  TO  SERMON  I. \n\n\n(1.)  p.  5.  THE  names  of  those  first  gathered  in  the  church  were,  Mi- \nchael Powell,  James  Ashwood,  Cliristopher  Gibson,  John  Philips,  George \nDavis,  Michael  Wills,  John  Farnham.  The  original  covenant  is  an  instru- \nment of  some  length,  not  at  all  in  the  manner  of  articles  of  faith,  but  sim- \nply an  expression  of  unworthiness,  of  dependance  on  Jesus  Christ,  and  ol \nresolutions  to  walk  agreeably  to  the  gospel.  The  form,  which  was  adopted \nand  used  in  the  reception  of  members  afterward,  was  in  these  words : \n\n\"  You  do  in  this  solemn  presence,  give  up  yourself,  even  your  whole  self, \nyou  and  yours,  to  the  true  God  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  his  people  also  ac- \ncording to  the  will  of  God,  promising  to  walk  with  God  and  with  this \nchurch  of  his,  in  all  his  holy  ordinances,  and  to  yield  obedience  to  every \ntruth  of  his,  which  has  been  or  shall  be  made  known  to  you  as  your  duty, \nthe  Lord  assisting  you  by  his  spirit  and  grace. \n\n\"  We  then,  the  church  of  Christ  in  this  place,  do  receive  you  into  the \nfellowship,  and  promise  to  walk  towards  you,  and  to  watch  over  you  as  a \nmember  of  this  church,  endeavouring  your  spiritual  edification  in  Christ \nJesus  our  Lord.\" \n\n(2.)  p.  5.  Samuel  Mather  was  the  son  of  Richard  Mather,  who \ncame  from  England  for  conscience'  sake  in  1635,  and  was  for  many  years \na  worthy  minister  in  Dorchester.  He  was  nine  years  old  when  he  accom- \npanied his  father  to  New  England,  and  was  in  the  second  class  that  was \ngraduated  at  Harvard  College.  He  was  so  much  beloved  as  an  instructer \nafterward,  that,  on  his  quitting  the  place,  the  students  \"  put  on  tokens  of \nmourning  in  their  very  garments  for  it.\"  He  went  to  England  in  1650,  to \nthe  disappointment  of  more  than  one  church  which  had  greatly  desired  his \nsettlement.  After  five  years  spent  in  England  and  Scotland,  he  went  to \nDublin,  and  became  senior  fellow  of  Trinity  College.  Here,  upon  the \nking's  restoration,  he  preached  two  sermons  against  the  revival  of  the  cere- \nmonies of  the  English  church,  which   were  full  of   poAver  and  spirit,  for \n\n\n44 \n\nwhich  he  was  silenced,*  He  then  returned  to  England,  and  preached  with \ngreat  reputation  until  the  act  of  conformity  in  1662,  under  which  he  was \none  of  the  two  thousand  sufferers.  He  then  returned  to  his  church  in  Dub- \nlin, and  preached  to  them  without  molestation  in  a  private  house  the  re- \nmainder of  his  life.  He  died  October  29,  1671,  aged  45— greatly  respected \nand  of  extensive  reputation  as  a  preacher.  During  his  last  residence  in \nDublin,  he  had  a  pressing  invitation  from  one  of  the  churches  in  this  town, \naccording  to  Dr.  Calamy,  to  become  their  minister. \n\n(3.)  p.  6.  There  is  little  known  of  Mr.  Mayo,  excepting  what  is  con- \ntained in  the  records  of  the  church  in  the  handwriting  of  Increase  Mather. \nI  copy  it  here,  because  it  has  often  been  said,  that  nothing  is  known  of  him \nexcept  that  he  was  minister  of  the  Second  Church  ;  and  the  records  have \nbeen  so  carelessly  examined,  that  in  the  Collections  of  the  Historical  Soci- \nety (HI.  258.)  it  is  asserted,  that  \"neither  the  time  of  his  ordination  nor \ndecease  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  the  church.\" \n\n\"  In  the  beginning  of  which  year,  [16'72,]  Mr.  Mayo,  the  Pastor,  like- \nwise grew  very  infirm,  inasmuch  as  the  congregation  was  not  able  to  hear \nand  be  edified  ;  wherefore  the  Brethren  (the  Pastor  manifesting  his  concur- \nrence) desired  the  Teacher  to  take  care  for  a  supply  of  the  congregation, \nthat  the  worship  of  God  may  be  upheld  amongst  us,  which  was  for  the  pre- \nsent by  him  consented  to,  as  Christ  should  enable  him. \n\n\"On  the  15th  day  of  the  2d  monlh,  1673,  Mr.  Mayo  removed  his  per- \nson and  goods  also  from  Boston  to  reside  with  his  daughter  in  Barnstable, \nwhere  (and  at  Yarmouth)  since  he  hath  lived  a  private  life  ;  as  not  being \nable  (through  the  infirmities  of  old  age)  to  attend  the  work  of  the  ministry. \nThe  •^——  day  of  third  month,  [May,]  1676,  he  departed  this  life  at  Yar- \nmouth, and  was  there  buried.\" \n\nI  will  add  here,  that  through  the  kindness  of  the  Rev.  E.  Q.  Sewall, \nwho  examined  at  my  request  the  church  and  town  records  of  Barnstable,  I \nhave  learned  that  Mr.  Mayo  was  one  of  the  original  settlers  of  that  town, \nbut  from  what  place  he  came  does  not  appear.  The  Hon.  John  Davis  has \nalso  favoured  me  with  the  sight  of  a  passage  in  the  records  of  the  Plymouth \nchurch,  which  informs  us  that  Mr.  Mayo  was  Teacher  in  the  church  at \nBarnstable,  while  the  Rev.  John  Lothropp  was  Pastor  there,  and  was  thence \nremoved  to  Eastham  [Nauset]  upon  the  gathering  of  a  church  in  that  place, \nand  was  afterward  settled  in  Boston.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Shaw  of  Eastham  in- \nforms me,  that  he  cannot  find  that  such  a  person  ever  was  minister  in  that \nplace  ;  that  previous  to  his  own  settlement,  there  had  been  but  three  min- \n\n*  These  sermons  I  met  with  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  and  found  in \nthem  passages  in  the  finest  style  of  that  peculiar  puritan  eloquence,  which \nis  so  happily  imitated  in  Walter  Scott's  Romances. \n\n\n45 \n\nisters,  Mr.  Treat,  Mr.  Webb  and  Mr.  Cheever,  with  the  exception  of  Mr. \nOsborn,  who  removed  to  another  part  of  the  town  now  called  Orleans. \nHe  thinks,  therefore,  that  Mr.  Mayo's  residence  must  have  been  only  oc- \ncasional in  the  town. — That  nothing  of  Mr.  Mayor's  ministry  appears  on \nthe  church  records  of  Eastham,  does  not,  I  think,  argue  any  thing  against \nhis  having  been  minister  there  ;  for  he  left  no  records  at  all  of  his  ministry \nin  Boston,  and,  if  it  were  not  for  the  testimony  of  otiier  men,  would  not  be \nknown  to  have  resided  here. \n\n(4.)  p.  6.  This  fire  broke  out  at  five  oVlock  in  the  morning,  November \n27.  It  burnt  forty-five  dwelling  houses,  and  several  warehouses,  besides \nthe  meeting-house.  Its  progress  was  stopped  by  a  heavy  rain.  The  follow- \ning vote  is  all  the  notice  contained  in  the  records  of  this  event.  It  would \nappear  from  the  last  clause,  that  it  was  customary  at  that  time  for  some  of \nthe  pews  to  be  entered  by  a  door  through  the  side  of  the  house. \n\n\"  At  a  church  meeting  at  our  Deacon  Philips  his  house,  3  of  10  month, \n1676. \n\n\"  Voted  and  agreed,  that  Mr.  Richards,  Brother  CoUicot,  Brother  Phil- \nips, Brotlier  Tyril,  Brother  Hudson,  be  appointed  as  a  committee,  in  order \nto  the    rebuilding  of  a  meeting-house,  for  the  comrf'ortable  attending  the \n\npublick  worship  of  God — and  that  Mr.  K ,  Mr.  W.  Taylor,  Mr.  Mid- \n\ndlecott,  and  Mr.  Anthony  Checkley,  be  desired  to  join  with  the  committee, \nin  order  to  the  transacting  this  affair.  It  was  also  agreed,  that  in  case  any \nthat  built  pews  in  the  meeting-house  should  see  cause  afterwards  to  leave \nthem,  the  pews  should  be  disposed  of,  not  by  them,  but  as  the  church \nshould  see  cause.  And  that  no  pews  should  be  made  with  a  door  into  the. \nstreet.'''' \n\n(5.)  p.  7.  This  was  in  1682.  Whether  there  were  no  gallery  before, \nor  wliether  this  were  an  additional  gallery,  is  not  absolutely  certain.  The \nrecords  of  the  church  only  say,  \"  it  was  agreed  that  a  gallery  should  be \nbuilt  for  the  boys  to  sit  in,  and  that  the  place  where  they  at  present  sit \nshould  be  improved  for  pews.\"  The  probability  is,  that  this  was  the  galle- \nry which,  as  I  have  been  told,  run  along  behind  tiie  pulpit. \n\n(6.)  p.  7.  The  first  was  Richard  Matl)er,  born  in  1596,  who,  having \nsuffered  for  non-conformity,  came  to  New  P^ngland  in  1635,  and  was  or- \ndained pastor  of  the  church  in  Dorchester,  August  23,  1636.  He  was  \"  a \ndistinguished  ornament  of  the  churches,\"  very  useful  in  the  several  synodo \nof  that  century,  an  able  writer  in  their  defence,  and  a  solid,  judicious \npreacher.  Mr.  Higginson  of  Salem,  speaking  of  his  rei)iy  to  Mr.  Davenport, \nsaid  that  \"  he  was  a  pattern  to  all  the  answerers  in  the  world.\"  He  died \nApril  22,  1669,  while  moderator  of  a  council  in  Boston, — which  occasioned \nthe  following  epitaph  :   Vixtrat  in  synodit.,  moritur  moderator  in  illis.-^He \n\n\n46 \n\nleft  fovir  sons  :  Samuel,  the  first,  was  mentioned  in  a  former  note.  TLe  se- \ncond, Nathaniel,  born  in  England,  March  20,  1630,  and  graduated  at  Har- \nvard College,  1647.  He  was  minister  for  some  years  in  England,  and  being \nejected  among  the  two  thousand  in  1662,  went  to  Holland  and  settled  at \nRotterdam,  succeeded  his  oldest  brother  at  Dublin  in  1671,  afterward  took \ncharge  of  a  church  in  London,  and  died  July,  1697,  aged  67.  \"  There  is \nupon  his  tomb-stone  a  long  Latin  inscription  by  Dr.  Watts,  Avhich  ascribes \nto  him  a  high  character  for  genius,  learning,  piety,  and  ministerial  fidelity.'* \nThe  third  son,  Eleazar,  was  born  May  13,  1637,  and  graduated  at  Har- \nvard College  in  1656  ;  was  ordained  first  minister  at  Northampton  in \n1661,  and  died  July  24,  1669,  aged  32.  He  appears  not  to  have  been \ninferiour  to  either  of  his  brothers.  The  fourth  son  was  Increase, — born  June \n21,  1639,  graduated  1656. \n\n(7.)  p.  8.  Increase  Mather  began  to  preach  the  year  after  leaving \ncollege,  and  upon  invitation  from  his  brother  in  Dublin,  sailed  for  England \nJuly  3,  1657.  He  proceeded  master  of  arts  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  the \nnext  year,  \"  performing  the  usual  exercise  with  great  applause,\"*  and  was \nchosen  fellow  ;  but  not  being  able  to  remain  on  account  of  ill  health,  went \nto  England,  and  for  some  time  preached  at  Torrington ;  then  went  to  the \nIsland  of  Guernsey  as  preacher,  on  invitation  of  the  governour;  from \nthence,  at  the  solicitation  of  his  friends,  removed  to  Gloucester,  and  again, \nafter  some  time,  returned  to  Guernsey,  where  he  was  at  the. time  of  the \nrestoration.  It  was  then  required,  that  he  should  conform  to  the  establish- \ned church,  or  give  up  his  living,  and  he  accordingly  returned  to  England. \nHere  \"he  was  offered  a  living  of  several  hundreds  a  year,  if  he  would  for- \nsake his  principles ;  but  he  chose  rather  to  trust  God's  providence,  than \nviolate  the  tranquillity  of  his  own  mind  ;\"*  and  therefore  he  returned  to \nNew  England  after  an  absence  of  four  years.  In  a  memorandum  now  be- \nfore me,  written  with  his  own  hand,  he  says,  \"  Providence  so  ordered,  that, \nthe  Bishops  and  Ceremonies  prevailing  in  England,  I  was  constrained  (that \nso  I  might  keep  my  conscience  pure)  to  leave  that  land  ;  and  being  strange- \nly disappointed  and  released  as  to  an  engagement  I  was  under  to  go  for \nHolland,  I  was  returned  to  New  England  in  September,  1661.\"  He  was \nthe  next  week  after  his  arrival  invited  to  preach  at  the  North  Church,  and \ncontinued  preachuig  until  ordained.  May  27,  1664.  His  father  gave  him \nthe  charge. \n\nI  have  said  in  the  sermon  that  his  settlement  was  conditional.  The  con- \nditions were,  \"  if  hereafter  the  Lord  should  call  me  to  greater  service  else- \nwhere, or  in  case  of  personal  persecutions,  wherein  not  they  but  I  shall  be \naimed  at,  or  of  want  of  health,  or  if  I  should  find  that  a  competent  mainte- \n\n*  Non-conformist's  Memorial,  II.  245,  246. \n\n\n47 \n\n■ance  for  me  and  mine  should  not  be  offered, — then  (my  relation  to  theni \nQotflrithstanding)  I  would  be  at  liberty  to  return  to  England,  or  to  remove \nelsewhere.\"  From  the  account  of  his  son  in  the  Remarkables,  it  seem* \nthat  he  was  far  from  having  a  comfortable  maintenance  during  many  year^, \nand  was  even  distressed  with  poverty. \n\n(8.)  p.  9.  This  is  according  to  the  representation  of  Hutchinson  and \nothers.  The  following  minutes  iu  the  church  records  would  seem  to  give  a \nlittle  different  complexion  to  the  affair. \n\n\"October  30,  1687.  After  the  sermon  and  service  of  the  afternoon \nended,  I  desired  the  brethren  of  the  church  to  stay  iu  the  meeting-house, \nand  proposed  to  them,  that  their  officers  might  in  their  name  draw  up  an  ad- \ndress of  thanks  to  the  king  for  his  declaration,  wherein  he  does  promise  us \nthe  free  exercise  of  our  religion,  and  that  he  will  maintain  us  in  the  enjoy- \nment of  our  rights  and  possessions.  I  told  the  brethren  I  would  take  their \nsilence  for  consent.     All  were  silent.     Nemine  contradicente. \n\n\"Deceiuber  11,  1687.  I  desired  the  brethren  to  stay,  and  acquainted \nthem,  that  it  was  thought  needful  that  some  one  should  be  sent  witli  an  ad- \ndress of  thanks  to  the  king,  for  his  gracious  declaration ;  and  that  it  had \nbeen  proposed  to  me  that  I  should  go  on  the  service.  I  told  them,  if  they \nsaid  to  me,  go,  I  would  cast  myself  on  the  providence  of  Grod,  and  go  in  his \nname ;  but  if  they  said  to  me,  stay,  I  would  not  stir. \n\n\"  Major  Richards  and  Way  declared  their  willingness  and  free \n\nconsent  that  I  should  go.  I  said  to  the  brethren,  if  any  of  them  were  oth- \nerwise minded,  I  desired  they  would  express  themselves.  Also,  I  would \ntake  their  silence  for  consent.  They  were  tlien  all  silent,  and  so  did  unan- \nimously consent.\" \n\nThe  account  in  the  Remarkabks  agrees  with  this : — \"  Tiie  superioui \ngentlemen  thought,  that  a  well  qualified  person  going  over  with  the  addres- \nses of  the  churches  to  the  king,  might  obtain  some  relief  to  the  growing \ndistresses  of  the  country.'\"  The  voting  of  addresses  was  strenuously  opposed \nby  many,  who  thought  they  discovered  popery  at  the  bottom.  Hutchinson \nquotes  a  letter  from  President  Danforth  to  Mather,  dated  November  8  oi \nthis  year,  in  which  he  expresses  his  apprehensions  very  strongly, \n\n(9.)  p.  10.  He  was  twice  chosen  president  of  the  college  ;  first  in \n1681,  when  he  declined  the  office  because  his  church  refused  to  part  with \nhim  ;  and  again  in  1684,  when  he  accepted  it  on  the  condition  of  still  re- \ntaining hie  rt^ation  to  his  church.  He  relinquished  the  place  in  September, \n1701,  on  account  of  an  act  of  the  General  Court  requiring  the  president \nto  live  at  Cambridge.  In  the  liemarkablcs  of  his  life  it  is  intimated,  that \nthis  vote  wag  aimed  against  him,  personally,  and  was  a  measure  which  hib \npnemicB  carried  for  the  very  purpose  of  removing  him.     Dr.  Eliot,  in  hif \n\n\n48 \n\nBiographical  Dictionary,  attributes  his  resignation  to  the  pressure  of  age \nand  infirmities.     I  find  only  the  following  vote  of  his  church  on  this  subject : \n\n\"  The  Brethren  of  the  church  being  assembled  at  the  desire  of  the  Gov- \nernour  and  the  General  Assembly,  and  messengers  from  both  houses  in  the \nGeneral  Assembly  coming  to  them  with  a  motion,  that  they  would  consent \nunto  the  removal  of  their  Teacher's  residence  to  the  College  in  Cambridge — \nthe  ensuing  vote  was  passed  : — Being  under  the  sense  of  the  great  benefit, \nwe  have  long  enjoyed,  by  the  labour  of  our  Reverend  Pastor,  Mr.  Increase \nMather,  among  us,  it  must  needs  be  unreasonable  and  impossible  for  us  to \nconsent  that  his  relation  to  us,  and  our  enjoyment  of  him  and  them  should \ncease. \n\n\"  Nevertheless,  the  respect  we  have  to  the  desire  and  welfare  of  the \npublick,  does  compel  us  to  consent,  that  our  good  Pastor  may  so  remove \nhis  personal  residence  to  the  College  at  Cambridge,  as  may  be  consistent \nwith  the  continuance  of  his  relation  to  us,  and  his  visits  of  us  with  his  pub- \nlick  administrations,  as  often  as  his  health  and  strength  may  allow  it.\" \n\n(10.)  p.  11.  The  expressions  quoted  in  this  place  are  from  his  Election \nSermon,  1677.  Sentiments  and  passages  of  a  similar  character  may  be \nfound  in  his  two  sermons  on  the  Comets,  1680  and  1682,  in  his  volume  of \nsermons  on  Providence,  1688,  and  in  his  series  of  discourses  on  the  Beati- \ntudes, 1717. \n\nWhen  I  made  this  reference,  I  intended  to  quote  here  a  few  remarkable \npassages  of  some  length  ;  but  my  notes  are  swelling  to  such  a  size,  that  I  am \nforced  to  omit  them. \n\n(11.)  p.  12.  It  was  not  till  after  the  sermons  were  in  the  press,  that  I \nwas  able  to  procure  the  Remarkabki;  or  I  should  have  modified  the  state- \nment in  this  paragraph.  In  the  thirteenth  article  of  that  book,  we  have  an \naccount  of  his  change  of  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  toleration  ;  by  which \nit  appears,  that  the  expressions  I  have  quoted  represent  him  only  as  he  was \nin  the  earlier  part  of  his  life.  This  article  is  by  far  the  best  and  most  elo- \nquently written  passage,  which  I  have  met  with  in  all  Cotton  Mather's \nworks.  Probably  much  of  the  illustration,  and  even  the  language,  is  taken \nfrom  his  father. \n\n(12.)  p.  12.  The  Treatise  here  referred  to  was  published  in  1683, \nand  gives  \"  an  historical  account  of  all  the  comets  which  have  appeared \nfrom  the  beginning  of  the  world,\"  together  with  \"  the  remarkable  events \nwhich  have  followed  them,\"  and,  as  he  supposed,  were  predicted  by  them. \nIt  is  a  work  of  considerable  labour,  showing  an  extensive  acquaintance  with \nhistory,  and  written  in  a  very  good  style.  The  credulity  of  the  age  peeps \nout  in  some  curious  stories, — which  I  intended  to  copy  when  I  referred  to \nthis  place,  but  am  compelled  to  omit  for  want  of  room. \n\n\n49 \n\n(13.)  p.  18.  \"  1697,  4a.  6m.  [August.]  This  day  the  church  voted \na  letter  of  admonition  to  the  church  in  Charlestown,  for  betraying  tlie  hb- \nerties  of  the  churches  in  their  late  putting  into  the  hands  of  the  whole  in- \nhabitants the  choice  of  a  minister.\" \n\nI  have  noticed  this  vote  particularly,  because  it  is  sometimes  attempted \nto  make  us  believe,  that  the  choice  of  ministers  by  the  people,  instead  of \nthe  church,  is  a  modern  innovation,  opposed  to  the  uniform  usage  in  times \npast.  Here  is  an  example  to  tiie  contrary  of  as  long  ago  as  one  hundred  and \ntwenty-four  years  ;  and  the  example  and  opinion  of  the  church  in  Charles- \ntown  are  as  valuable  in  settling  the  question  of  usage,  as  those  of  any  other \nchurch.  It  satisfies  us  that  usage  is  not  invariable,  and  that  the  principle,  so \nfar  from  being  settled,  was  actually  contested  from  the  first.  Accordingly, \nCotton  Mather  acknowledges,  \"  Many  people  would  not  allow  the  church \nany  privilege  to  go  before  them  in  the  choice  of  a  pastor.\"  Ratio  Disci- \nplincB,  p.  16.  And  from  the  following  passage  (^Rat.  Disc.  p.  17.)  it  is  evi- \ndent that  the  congregation  had  not  only,  in  some  instances,  claimed  and  ex- \nercised the  right  against  the  cliurch,  but  that  the  church  had  often  found  it \nnecessary,  in  order  to  preserve  the  appearance  of  a  control,  which  they  felt \nthey  could  not  exercise,  to  resort  to  so  numerous  a  nomination,  as  to  leave \nnone  for  the  people  to  choose  whom  they  had  not  chosen. — \"  The  churches \ndo,  sometimes,  by  their  vote,  make  a  nomination  of  three  or  four  candi- \ndates, for  whom  the  majority  of  the  brethren  have  so  voted,  that  whomsoev- \ner of  these  the  choice  falls  upon,  it  may  still  be  said, — the  church  has  cho- \nsen him.\"  So  that,  even  at  that  time,  the  principle  was  so  far  acknow- \nledged unsound,  as  to  be  satisfied  witli  a  mere  form  and  show. \n\n(14.)  p.  20.  Cotton  Mather  was  invited  to  assist  his  father  in  preach- \ning, once  a  fortnight,  September  27,  1680,  (having  been  graduated  two \nyears.)  The  following  February  he  was  requested  to  do  it  \"  once  every \nLord's  day.\"  In  December,  1682,  the  church  expressed  their  great  satis- \nfaction, and  desired  that  his  labours  might  still  be  continued  with  a  view  to \nhis  settlement.  In  January,  1683,  they  gave  him  a  unanimous  call,  and \nanother  impatient  one  in  August,  1684.  There  is  an  errour  in  the  sermon \nrespecting  the  date  of  the  ordination.  It  was  in  1685 — as  will  be  seen  by \nthe  following  extract  from  the  church  records : \n\n''2d  month,  [April,]  5th  day,  1685.  The  brethren  stayed  in  the  meet- \ning-house and  unanimously  consented,  that  tlie  13th  day  of  May  should  be \nthe  day  for  my  son  Cotton's  ordination  as  their  pastor ;  and  that  letters \nshould  be  sent  to  the  two  churches  in  Boston,  to  Charlestown,  Cambridge, \nRoxbury,  Dorchester,  to  desire  them  to  send  their  messengers  to  give  us  the \nrigid  hand  of  fellowship  ;  that  Mr.  Allen  and  Mr.  Willard  should  be  de- \nsired to  join  with  myself  in  imposing  hands.\" \n\n\n50 \n\n(15.)  p.  21.  The  ministry  of  the  two  Matiiers  continued  dining  sixty- \nfour  years,  besides  nearly  three  years  that  passed  before  the  ordination  of \nIncrease.  The  record  of  church  members  during  this  period  is  very  careful \nand  complete,  there  being  no  less  than  three  separate  catalogues.  The  whole \nnumber  is  eleven  hundred  and  four.  The  record  of  baptisms  is  complete \nonly  after  the  year  1689,  from  which  time  to  1728,  (thirty-nine  years)  the \nwhole  number  recorded  is  three  thousand  three  hundred  and  eighty-four. \n\nThe  first  instance  of  any  one  being  received  to  baptism  by  the  half-way \ncovenant,  as  it  is  called,  appears  to  have  been  January  15,  1693 ;  when  I \nfind  the  following  minute  : — \"  Received  into  covenant  Mary  Sunderland  ; \nand  her  son  John  baptised.  They  being  the  first  so  admitted,  in  pursuance \nof  the  church's  addresses  unto  me  for  that  purpose  and  practice.\"  The \nhalf-way  covenant  has  been  laid  aside  since  April,  1786. \n\nCollections  for  charitable  and  religious  purposes  were  frequent  during \nthis  period,  and  I  have  been  surprised  at  the  amount  of  them.  £62  for  re- \ndeeming captives  from  the  Indians  ;  £53  for  redeeming  two  persons  from \nTurkish  captivity  ;  £80  for  relieving  three  young  men  from  the  same  ;  £44 \nfor  the  relief  of  the  poor  inhabitants  of  frontier  towns  in  the  east ;  £53  at  fast \nfor  the  poor,  and  £60  the  same  year  at  thanksgiving  for  propagation  of  the \ngospel ;  and  in  1726  a  large  contribution  was  distributed,  partly  for  the \nsupport  of  the  ministry  in  destitute  places,  and  partly  for  the  distribution  of \nBibles  and  other  pious  books.  The  church  had  an  \"  Evangelical  Treasury,'''' \nfor  the  purpose  of  promoting  religious  objects,  and  distributing  Bibles,  from \nwhich  considerable  sums  were  frequently  appropriated.  This  was  not  very \ndifferent  from  a  Bible  society. \n\nIt  may  gratify  some  to  see  in  this  connexion,  a  copy  of  a  memorandum, \nwhich  I  found  amongst  Deacon  Tudor's  papers,  of  the  collections  in  the \ndifierent  churches  \"  for  the  sufferers  in  the  great  fire,  March  20,  1760,  on \nand  round  Oliver's  Dock,  part  of  King  Street,  &c.\"  It  may  serve  as \nanother  link  between  the  charity  of  Boston  at  the  present  day,  and  the \nyear  1698 — when  C.  Mather  said  in  a  sermon,  \"  For  charity,  I  may  indeed \nspeak  it  without  flattery,  this  town  has  not  many  equals  on  the  face  of  the \nearth.\" \n\nBrattle  Street,  £3407.  Old  South,  1860.  King's  Chapel,  960.  West \nChurch,  992.  First  Church,  1050.  New  Brick,  445.  Old  North,  418. \nNew  North,  1467.  Mr.  Mather's,  140.  Federal  Street,  209.  Mr.  Cundy's \n188.     Mr.  Bound's,  145. \n\n(16.)  p.  22.  The  pamphlet  published  by  the  Convention  was  entitled, \n\"The  Testimony  of  the  pastors  of  the  churches  in  the  Province  of  the \nMassachusetts  Bay  in  New  England,  at  their  annual  Convention  in  Boston, \nMay  25,  1743,  against  several  errours  in  doctrine,  and  disorders  in  practice, \nwhich  have  of  late  obtained  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  Ac.\"     Mr.  Gee \n\n\n51 \n\npublished  \"  A  Letter  to  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Eells,  Moderator  of  the  late \nConvention,  &c.  containing  some  remarks  on  their  printed  Testimony.\" \nIn  this  he  complains  that  the  title  of  the  pamphlet  was  afcfeulated  to  mis- \nlead ;  that  the  pamphlet  itself  was  adapted  to  give  false  impressions  abroad \nand  at  home  of  the  state  of  the  churches ;  that  owing  to  the  thinness  of \nthe  Convention,  the  real  opinion  of  the  ministers  of  the  province  was  not \nrepresented  ;  and  that  no  testimony  was  suffered  to  be  brought  forward  in \nfavour  of  the  revivals  in  the  land  ;  and  in  order  to  attain  these  objects,  he \np\\iblishes  the  design  of  another  meeting  of  ministers,  to  be  held  the  day  af- \nter commencement,  [Jidy  7.]  The  result  of  this  meeting  was  \"  The  Tes- \ntimony and  Advice  of  an  Assembly  of  pastors  of  churclies  in  New  Eng- \nland, &c.\"  which,  at  the  same  time  that  it  spoke  favourably  of  the  great \nreligious  work,  acknowledged  that  it  was  accompanied  with  evils  and  dan- \ngers, and  warned  against  them.  It  was  signed  by  fifty-three  ministers,  and \nby  fifteen  others,  M'ho  ndded  a  stronger  protest  against  itinerancy,  and  the \nintruding  into  parishes  without  consent  of  their  ministers.  Besides  these, \nseparate  testimonies  to  about  the  same  purport  from  absent  ministers,  were \nadded  in  an  appendix,  and  increased  the  whole  number  of  names  to  one \nhundred  and  eleven. \n\nGee's  attack  upon  the  Convention  was  answered  very  satisfactorily  by \nMr.  Prescott  of  Salem,  and  Mr.  Hancock  of  Braintree,  who  make  it  evi- \ndent that  he  wrote  in  great  hastiness  of  temper,  and  under  the  influence  of \nwhat  he  regarded  a  personal  affront.  They  prove  several  of  his  statements \nto  be  incorrect,  and  completely  defend  the  doings  of  tlie  Convention.  Dr. \nChauncy,  who  had  been  personally  assailed  by  Mr.  Gee,  defended  himself \nin  a  letter  published  in  the  Boston  Evening  Post  of  June  24th,  and  Mr.  Gee, \naccording  to  Mr.  Hancock,  retracted. \n\nAnother  meeting  of  the  \"Assembly\"  was  held  in  September,  1745, \nwhen  a  further  defence  was  attempted  of  the  religious  excitements  of  the \ncountry.  This  second  \"  Testimony\"  was  signed  by  Prince,  Webb  and \nGee,  of  Boston,  and  twenty-one  others. \n\nThere  were  also  published,  in  this  feverish  season,  two  \"  Testimonies\"  of \nlaymen  against  the  prevalent  evils  of  the  churches. \n\n(17.)  p.  22.  Mr.  Gee's  parents  were  members  of  this  church,  to \nwhich  they  were  admitted  by  dismission  from  the  old  church,  May  2,  1697. \nHe  was  himself  admitted  to  the  church  May  13,  1716  ;  was  graduated  at \nHarvard  College,  1717;  called  by  the  church,  October  22,  1723  ;  ordained \nDecember  18.  [He  had  been  a  candidate  at  the  New  Brick  with  Mr.  Wal- \ndron  in  1721  ;  and  had  a  call  to  settle  in  Portsmouth  in  1723.]  The \ncouncil  consisted  of  \"  the  six  churches  of  the  united  brethren  in  this  town, \nand  the  church  in  Roxbury.\"  C.  Mather  gave  the  charge.  On  the  19th \nday  of  the  next  February,  I  find  the  following  record  of  C.  Matlier  : — \"  The \nfirst  baptism  administered  by  Mr,  Gee  ;  and  indeed  tfie  first  that  has  beeu \n\n\n52 \n\nadministered  by  any  hands  but  those  of  Mather  (father  and  son)  in  the  Old \nNorth  church  for  more  than  half  a  hundred  years  together.\" \n\nIt  would  seem,  from  the  records  of  the  church,  that  Mr.  Gee  was  a  great \npromoter  of  prayer  meetings  for  the  revival  of  religion,  which  were  frequent- \nly held  during  his  ministry.  The  church  is  also  indebted  to  him  for  the  es- \ntablishment of  a  library  for  the  use  of  its  pastors,  to  which  he  made  large \ndonations  of  valuable  books.  The  church  originally  exercised  a  constant \nsuperintendence  over  its  concerns  by  a  committee,  and  provided  occasion- \nally for  its  increase.  For  a  long  time,  however,  this  has  been  neglected, \nand  many  of  the  books  have  been  lost.  There  are  now  about  a  hundred \nvolumes,  principally  old  folios,  and  many  of  them  very  valuable. \n\nIt  was  during  the  ministry  of  Mr.  Gee,  in  1733,  that  the  celebrated  dif- \nficulties in  the  first  church  in  Salem  occurred,  which  occasioned  its  exclu- \nsion for  some  time  from  the  communion  of  many  of  the  churches  of  the \nstate.  The  Old  North  church,  as  appears  from  the  records,  which  are  full \nand  minute  upon  this  subject,  took  an  active  and  leading  part  in  this  work \nof  inquiry  and  discipline.  After  writing  to  and  visiting  the  church  and  min- \nister in  Salem,  it  summoned  an  ecclesiastical  council  to  proceed  in  the  busi- \nness, and  \"join  with  us  in  taking  the  second  step  of  the  third  way  of  com- \nmunion, wherein  we  have  been  visiting  the  first  church  of  Christ  in  Salem.\" \nThe  minister  and  church  refused  to  be  disciplined,  and  were  in  consequence \nshut  out  from  Christian  fellowship  for  many  years.  It  is  not  until  October, \n1745,  that  I  find  a  letter  of  penitent  acknowledgment,  entreating  to  be  re- \nstored to  communion,  was  received  and  acted  upon  by  the  Old  North \nchurch,  who  took  off  the  sentence  of  nou-communion,  with  the  express \nexception  of  the  late  minister. \n\n(18.)  p.  22.  Mr.  Mather  was  chosen,  January  28,  1732,  by  sixty-nine \nvotes  out  of  one  hundred  and  twelve.  The  council  at  his  ordination  was \ncomposed  of  the  churches  of  Boston,  Roxbury,  Charlestown  and  Cambridge. \nDr.  Colman  gave  the  charge. \n\nThe  number  of  the  church  that  withdrew  with  him  were  thirty  men  and \nsixty-three  women  ;  the  number  that  remained  were  eighty  men  and  one \nhundred  and  eighty-three  women.  The  date  of  their  dismission  is  Decem- \nber 21,  1741.  The  house  which  they  built  [at  the  corner  of  North  Bennet \nStreet]  is  now  occupied  by  a  society  of  Universalists. \n\n(19.)  p.  23.  Mr.  Checkley  was  ordained  September  3,  1747.  The \nchurches  invited  to  the  council  were,  the  First  Church,  the  New  South,  the \nOld  South,  Brattle  Street,  New  North,  New  Brick,  and  the  church  in \nCharlestown.  The  church  in  Hollis  Street  was  afterward  added.  Mr.  Gee \nbeing  at  this  time  confined  by  sickness,  the  father  of  the  candidate  was  re- \nquested to  give  the  charge. \n\n\n53 \n\nThe  conjunction  of  cliurch  and  society  in  the  management  of  their \ntemporal  concerns,  first  took  place  in  May,  1760 ;  at  which  time  it \nwas  agrecfl,  that  the  committee,  chosen  annually  on  the  first  Tuesday  of \nMay,  should  consist  of  tlic  deacons,  together  with  five  members  of  the \nchurch,  and  four  of  the  congregation. \n\n(20.)  p.  23.  The  preliminary  steps  to  the  choice  of  Dr.  Lathrop,  were \ntaken  by  the  church  and  society,  March  10,  1768.  It  was  intended  to  or- \ndain him  as  colleague  to  Mr.  Checkley,  who  had  been  for  a  long  time \ndangerously  ill,  and  died  on  the  19th  day  of  the  same  month.  The  elec- \ntion was  made  by  a  unanimous  vote,  both  of  church  and  congregation ; \nthe  number  of  the  former  being  twent3'-five,  and  of  the  latter  sixty-seven. \nThe  ordination  took  place  May  18,  1768.  The  council  was  composed  of \nthe  churches  of  Norwich  and  Lebanon,  Connecticut ;  the  Old  South,  the \nNew  Brick,  the  New  North,  and  the  churches  in  Hollis  Street  and  Brattle \nStreet.  Dr.  Sewall  was  moderator.  Dr.  Eliot  introduced  the  service  with \nprayer  ;  the  pastor  elect  preached  from  Philip,  i.  17 — knowing  that  I  am \nset  for  the  defenct  of  the  gospel ;  Dr.  Pemberton  prayed  and  gave  the \ncharge ;  Dr.  Sewall  then  prajed  ;  and  Mr.  Byles  gave  the  right  iiand  of \nfellowship. \n\nThe  practice  of  reading  the  lines  of  tlie  psalms  separately,  was  abolish- \ned May  26,  1771. \n\nIn  January,  1773,  a  monthly  church  meeting  was  established  for  encour- \nagement and  assistance  in  matters  of  religion. \n\nApril  16,  1786.  After  several  meetings,  the  church  renewed  their  cov- \nenant engagements,  with  a  new  \"  declaration  of  faith  and  form  of  confede- \nracy.\" At  the  same  time  a  system  of  discipline  and  order  in  regard  to \nBaptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  was  drawn  up  and  established.  The  chief \ndesign  of  this  was  to  remove  the  obstacles  which  prevented  the  access  of \nChristians  to  the  table,  to  abolish  the  half-way  covenant,  and  provide  for  the \nbaptism  of  the  children  of  every  baptised  parent, — receiving  no  publick \nconfession  of  faith,  except  from  those  who  design  to  keep  all  the  ordinances \nof  the  Lord.     Upon  this  system  the  church  has  ever  since  acted. \n\n\nNOTES  TO  SERMON  11. \n\n\n(1.)  p.  26,  I  BELIEVE  that  I  have  fairly  stated  the  controversy  at  thl? \ntime,  which  has  not,  even  yet,  lost  all  its  interest.  Some  small  circum- \nstances I  have  gathered  from  tradition,  but  principally  from  the  pamphlets \npublished  on  this  occasion,  which  I  found  in  the  Boston  Athenaeum, — to \nwhich  copious  repository  of  choice  and  rate  publications  relating  to  the \nhistory  of  this  country,  I  am  under  many  obligations.  The  first  is,  \"  An \nAccount  of  the  reasons  why  a  considerable  number  (about  fifty,  whereof \nten  are  members  in  full  communion)  belonging  to  the  New  North  church \nin  Boston,  could  not  consent  to  Mr.  Peter  Thacher's  ordination.\"  It  has \nthis  motto :  \"  Ministers  shall  not  be  vagrants,  nor  intrude  themselves  of \ntheir  own  authority  into  any  place  which  best  pleaseth  them.\"  It  is  a \npamphlet  of  sixty  pages,  being  a  collection  of  documents  interwoven  with \nan  angry  history  of  the  whole  matter.  In  reply,  there  is  \"  A  Vindication \nof  the  New  North  church  from  several  falsehoods  spread  in  a  pamphlet \nlately  published,  &c. ;  by  several  members  of  that  church  :\"  to  which  are \nadded,  two  postscripts  by  Mr.  Webb  and  Mr.  Thacher.  Then  was  adver- \ntised, but  I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  published,  \"  An  Answer  to  a  scan- \ndalous and  lying  pamphlet,  intituled,  a  Vindication,  &c.\"  The  New \nNorth  people  wrote  with  most  moderation,  though  they  were  clearly  in  the \nwrong ;  while  the  advocates  of  the  New  Brick,  though  on  the  right  side, \nlost  all  command  of  their  temper,  and  wrote  with  great  heat  and  passion. \n\nThere  was  also  published,  \"A  brief  Declaration  of  Mr.  P.  Thacher  and \nMr.  J.  Webb,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  their  church.\"  This  Avas  in  reply \nto  a  pamphlet  of  Increase  Mather,  entitled  \"  A  Testimony  to  the  good  order \nof  the  churches ;\"  blaming  the  proceedings  of  the  New  North  as  Anti-con- \ngregational, and  threatening  them  with  ecclesiastical  discipline  and  censure. \nWebb  and  Thacher  declared  their  intention  to  conduct  regularly,  accord- \ning to  Congregational  discipline,  and  defended  their  doings  as  such. \n\n\n55 \n\nThe  two  Malliers  sent  a  letter  to  the  dissatisfied  party  the  day  preced- \ning the  ordination,  earnestly  entreating  them  to  be  quiet,  and  do  nothing \ndisorderly.     It  appears  to  have  had  no  effect. \n\n\"July  19,  1722.  It  was  agreed  upon  and  voted,  that  the  sacrament  of \nthe  Lord's  Supper  should  be  administered  in  the  revolution  of  every  fourth \nsabbath  from  August  12,  1722.\" \n\n(2.)  p.  27,  TitE  names  of  those  gathered  into  a  church  state  at  this \ntime  Mere,  Alexander  Sears,  Solomon  Towusend,  William  Lee,  Nathaniel \nLoring,  Moses  Pierse,  Daniel  Pecker,  Josiah  Baker,  Henry  Wheeler,  John \nWaldo,  James  Tilestone.  S.  Townsend  and  W.  Lee  were  cliosen  the  tirst \ndeacons. \n\nThe  original  covenant  is  not  a  profession  of  faith,  except  so  far  as  a  be- \nlief in  the  Christian  religion,  and  in  the  doctrine  of  the  trinity,  is  asserted  ; \nbut  is  rather  an  engagement  to  walk  strictly  in  the  commandments  and  or- \ndinances of  the  gospel.  It  being  the  custom  of  many  churches  at  that  time \nto  reqiiire  a  relation  of  the  religious  experiences  of  those  who  offered  them- \nselves for  admission,  a  vote  was  passed,  (August  9,  1722,)  \"  that  we  would \nreceive  them  with,  and  encourage  their  making  of  relations  according  to  the \nusage  of  many  of  our  New  England  churches  ;  but  will  not  impose  them  on \nsuch  as  we  shall  find  averse  to  them.  But  upon  having  our  charity  satis- \nfied any  other  way,  we  will  look  upon  them  meet  for  our  fellowship,  and \nadmit  them  to  it.\" \n\nThe  persons  who  commenced  the  building  were  in  number  twenty-four, \nwhose  names  are  recorded  in  the  proprietors'  books.  The  number  increas- \ned to  forty  before  the  work  was  completed.  The  building  committee  (cho- \nsen December  12,  1720)  consisted  of  John  Frisel,  Thomas  Lee,  Jonathan \nMontfort,  Alexander  Sears,  James  Tileston,  James  Pecker,  and  Edward \nPell.  This  last  named  gentleman  drew  tiie  plan  of  the  house. — The  choice \nof  pews  was  made  May  8,  1721,  the  first  choice  being  given  to  John  Frisel \nand  William  Clark,  \"  for  their  good  will  and  great  benefactions  to  said \nwork  ;\" — then  to  the  building  committee  ; — and  then  to  the  other  proprie- \ntors in  an  order  determined  by  lot. \n\nAt  the  dedication,  Dr.  Increase  Mather  was  first  desired  to  preaci),  but \nexcused  himself  on  account  of  his  great  age.  He  commenced  the  morning \nservice  with  prayer,  which  was  closed  with  prayer  by  Mr.  Cooper.  The \nafternoon  service  commenced  with  prayer  by  Dr.  Colman,  and  vva«  closed \nby  Mr.  Prince. \n\nA  time-piece  was  presented  to  the  eliurcii  by  Mr.  Barret  Dyrc  in  June \nof  this  year.  It  kept  its  place  in  the  meeting-house  until  1820,  when  it  was \nremoved,  and  its  place  supplied  wiUi  a  uew  one  at  the  expense  of  Samuel \nParkmuu,  Esq. \n\n\n56 \n\nThere  was  no  cellar  under  the  house  until  the  year  1762.  It  was  com' \npleted  at  the  cost  of  a  thousand  pounds,  and,  after  some  difficulties,  paid \nfor  by  subscription. \n\nIn  front  of  the  pulpit  were  originally  two  pews,  the  one  for  the  Elder''s \nseat,  the  other  for  the  Deacon's  seat.  They  were  thrown  into  one  in  1766, \n\"  as  has  been  lately  done  at  the  Old  North,  and  at  Mr.  Cooper's,\"  (Brattle \nStreet.) \n\nA  second  gallery  was  originally  built  only  at  the  west  end,  and  never, \nI  believe,  on  either  of  the  other  sides.  This  was  closed  up  and  converted \ninto  a  hall  for  a  singing  school  and  other  purposes,  in  1808.  A  vote  passed \nin  January,  1751,  \"  to  build  an  upper  gallery  for  the  women  at  the  east \nend  of  the  meeting-house,  if  the  money  can  be  raised  by  subscription.\" \nThis  however  was  not  accomplished. — There  was  no  access  to  the  gallery \noriginally,  except  by  stairs  within  the  meeting-house,  of  which  there  were \nthree  flights  ;    at  the  north-west,  south-west,  and  south-east  corners.     The \n\nstairs  in  the  north-west  corner  were  removed  in  .     The  south  porch \n\nwas  so  altered  as  to  contain  stairs  for  the  accommodation  of  the  singers  in \n1801.  In  1821  it  was  taken  down,  rebuilt  of  a  larger  size,  so  as  to  contain \nstairs  of  an  easy  access,  and  those  which  remained  in  the  south-east  and \nsouth-west  corners  were  removed.  At  the  same  time  all  the  remaining \nsquare  pews  were  taken  down,  and  long  pews  erected  in  their  room. \n\nThe  first  bell  was  hung  in  1743,  and  the  same  year  the  meeting-house \nwas  for  the  first  time  painted.  This  bell  was  removed  and  sold  In  1780,  and \nthe  bell  of  the  Old  North,  which  was  larger,  was  hung  in  its  place.  It  was \ninjured  in  1792,  and  forbidden  to  be  rung,  except  in  case  of  fire,  till  it  was \nrecast  in  the  same  year,  and  was  the  first  bell  from  the  foundry  of  the  late \nPaul  Revere,  Esq. — which  appears  by  the  following  inscription  upon  it : \n\"The  first  church  bell  cast  in  Boston,  1792,  by  P.  Revere.\" \n\n(3.)  p.  27.  Mr.  Waldron  was  chosen  minister,  September  26,  1721, \nby  a  vote  of  the  proprietors,  fifty  out  of  sixty-three.  The  other  votes  were  for \nMr.  Gee.  At  his  ordination,  Mr.  Sewall  commenced  with  prayer  ;  Dr.  Cot- \nton Mather  preached  from  1  John,  iv.  7  ;  Dr.  Increase  Mather  gave  the \ncharge  ;  Mr.  Wadsworth  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  ;  and  Mr.  Waldron \nclosed  with  prayer. \n\n\"  August  23,  1725.  Voted,  that  Mr.  Waldron  be  supplied  with  constant \nhelp  for  six  months  ensuing  from  this  day.\" — A  vote  of  this  nature  was  fre- \nquently passed  in  both  churches,  while  there  Avas  but  one  minister  ;  it  being \nthought  that  the  strength  of  one  was  inadequate  to  the  whole  duty. \n\nMr.  Waldron  died  September  11,  1727. \n\n(4.)  p.  28.  January  16,  1727.  Mr.  Welsteed  was  chosen  by  a  vote \nof  fifty -four  out  of  sixty-four.     At  his  ordination,  Mr.  Sewall  and  Mr.  Coop- \n\n\n51 \n\nKV  prayed  ;  Dr.  Colman  gave  the  charge  ;  and  Mr.  Walter  the  right  hand  of \nfellowship.  \"  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  church  aftrr  thi?  ordination  was  to \nreconsider  and  renew  the  vote  about  relations,  passed  August  9,  1722. — A \ntruly  Christian  act.\" \n\nThe  reading  of  the  scriptures,  as  part  of  the  publick  service,  commeuced \nin  1729,  as  appears  by  a  vote  of  April  14,— \"  that  the  Bible  Capt.  Henry \nDeering  has  made  an  offer  of  to  the  church,  in  order  for  Mr.  Welsteed's \nreading  and  expounding,  be  accepted.\" \n\nDecember  22,  1736.  Mr.  William  Hooper  received  a  unanimous  call  to \nsettle  as  colleague  with  Mr.  Welsteed.  He,  however,  on  the  third  day  of \nthe  next  month,  received  a  unanimous  call  from  the  West  Church,  on  that \nday  gathered,  over  which  he  was  ordained  May  18th,  1737.  He  afterward \nreceived  Episcopal  ordination,  and  was  rector  of  Trinity  Church. \n\nIn  January,  1731,  fifty  pounds  were  collected  at  a  contribution  for  the \nrelief  of  the  inhabitants  of  Marblehead,  distressed  by  the  small  pox. \n\nMr.  Gray  was  elected  by  a  unanimous  vote,  April  3,  1738.  The  coun- \ncil at  the  ordination  consisted  of  \"  the  united  churches  in  Boston,  the \nchurches  of  Rumny  Marsh,  (Chelsea,)  Roxbury,  Cambridge,  and  Charles- \ntown.\"  The  pastor  elect  preached,  from  Isaiah  vi.  5 — 8  ;  Mr.  Welsteed \nand  Mr.  Webb  prayed  ;  Dr.  Colman  gave  the  charge ;  and  Dr.  Sewall  the \nright  hand  of  fellowship. — The  part  taken  by  Mr.  Webb  is  the  earliest  no- \ntice we  have  of  a  reconciliation  with  the  New  North  church. \n\n\"  August  22,  1739.  Unanimously  voted,  to  desire  Mr.  James  Halsy  to \ntake  his  proper  place  in  the  Elder's  seat. \n\n\"  Voted,  to  leave  the  affair  of  making  a  stairway  in  the  westernmost \nporch  with  the  committee.\"     This  was  never  done. \n\n(5.)  p.  31.  Dr.  Pemberton  was  chosen,  December  31,  1753,  by  a \nvote  of  fifty-four  out  of  fifty-six,  two  persons  not  voting.  The  vote  of  the \nchurch  was  unanimous.  He  had  resigned  his  charge  at  New  York,  by  ad- \nvice of  the  Synod,  on  the  18th  of  November,  and  Was  at  that  time  in  corres- \npondence with  this  church,  who  had  expressed  their  strong  desire  to  receive \nhim  as  their  minister.  Part  of  this  correspondence  appears  on  the  pages  of \nthe  proprietors'  records  ;  as  also  a  copy  of  the  doings  of  the  Synod,  by \nwhich  he  was  dismissed  with  honour,  and  recommended  as  \"  a  regular  min- \nister, of  an  exemplary,  pious  conversation,  who  has  to  an  uncommon  degree \nmaintained  the  dignity  of  the  ministerial  character ; — eminently  endowed \nwith  ministerial  abilities,  whose  labours  have  been  acceptable  and  highly \nesteemed  throughout  these  churches.\" \n\nThe  council  at  the  installation,  March  6,  1734,  consisted  of  the  First, \nthe  Old  South,  and  the  New  North  churches.  By  whom  the  several  parts \nwere  performed,  I  cannot  learn.  No  entry  is  made  upon  the  church  book \nof  records  during  Dr.  Pembertou's  ministry,  except  the  names  of  a  few  bap- \n\n8 \n\n\n58 \n\ntiscd  and  admitted  to  communion.  The  catalogue  of  church  members,  from \nthe  bei^inning,  is  exceedingly  imperfect,  so  that  no  estimate  at  all  can  be \nmade  of  the  number. \n\nIt  was  during  his  ministry,  [August,  1757,]  that  taxes  were  first  laid  for \nthe  support  of  the  gospel  in  this  society.  Dependance  had  been  previous- \nly had  upon  voluntary  contributions  collected  every  Sunday  ;  but  this \nmode  had  been  found  the  occasion  of  so  much  confusion,  embarrassment \nand  debt,  that  it  was  now  abolished.  For  many  years,  the  income  was  in- \nsufficient to  pay  Dr.  Pemberton's  salary,  and  he  every  year  generously  relin- \nquished his  claim  to  the  deficiency. \n\n\"  October  7,  1762.  Voted,  that  the  singers  sound  the  base  at  the  end  of \nthe  lines,  whenever  they  think  proper.\"  I  copy  this  vote  simply  because  I \ndo  not  know  what  it  means. \n\nIn  1763,  an  attempt  was  made  to  settle  a  colleague  with  Dr.  Pemberton, \nand  Mr.  Tennant  was  the  man  intended  for  the  place.  Circumstances,  how- \never, prevented  the  design  from  being  accomplished. \n\nIn  May,  1771,  the  first  Baptist  church  requested  that  the  use  of  the  New \nBrick  meeting-house  might  be  allowed  them  for  worship,  during  the  time \nthat  they  should  be  building  ;  and  accordingly,  from  June  23  to  December \n8,  the  two  congregations  worshipped  together,  their  ministers  preaching  al- \nternately the  half  of  each  sabbath.  Dr.  Stillman's  first  sermon  was  preach- \ned from  Psalm  cxxxiii.  1,  and  his  last  from  2  Corinthians,  xiii.  11.  In  this \nplace  also  it  may  be  mentioned,  that  in  June,  1802,  when  the  New  North \nsociety  were  about  rebuilding  their  meeting-house,  an  invitation  was  given \nthem  to  attend  worship  with  this  church,  and  the  two  congregations  united \nin  the  services  of  the  sabbath,  until  the  completion  of  the  new  meeting- \nhouse in  May,  1804. \n\n(6.)  p.  32.  The  British  troops,  during  the  blockade  of  Boston,  treated \nthe  churches  with  particular  disrespect.  The  steeple  of  the  West  Church \nthey  destroyed,  because  they  supposed  it  had  been  used  as  a  signal  staff; \nthe  Old  South  they  turned  into  a  circus,  or  riding  school ;  the  Old  North \nthey  took  down  for  the  sake  of  the  fuel,  of  which  its  massy  timber  afforded \nabundance  ;  \"  although  there  were  then  large  quantities  of  coal  and  wood \nin  the  town.  The  house,  which  was  built  in  1677,  was  in  very  good  repair, \nand  might  have  stood  many  years  longer,  had  not  those  sons  of  violence, \nwith  wicked  hands,  razed  it  to  the  foundation.''     Church  Records. \n\nThe  two  societies  worshipped  together  from  the  31st  of  March,  1776  ; \nbut  the  plan  of  perpetual  union  was  not  proposed  until  May  6th,  1779.  On \nthat  day,  which  was  the  day  of  the  state  fast,  a  vote  was  passed,  \"that  the \ntwo  said  churches  should  be  united  as  one  body,\"  and  a  committee  was  ap- \npointed, of  three  from  each  society,  with  the  deacons,  to  take  the  necessary \nmeasures  toward  accomplishing  the  affair.     The  committee  on  the  part  of \n\n\n59 \n\nthe  Old  Nortli  were,  Samuel  Austin,  Col.  Proctor,  and  Joseph  Kittel ;  of \nthe  New  Brick,  William  Paine,  Newman  Greenough,  and  Thoiiias  Hichborn. \n\nThe  deacons  were  three  ;  John  Tudor, Brown,  and Greenough. \n\nThe  committee  reported  on  the  27th  of  June,  and  the  union  took  place \nwithout  one  dissenting  voice,  in  the  most  amicable  manner,  and  under  the \nmost  auspicious  circumstances.  The  whole  proceedings  are  recorded  by \nDeacon  Tudor  with  great  minuteness. \n\nIn  January,  1780,  Dr.  Lathrop's  salary  was  raised  from  one  hundred  to \ntwo  hiindred  dollars  a  week  ;  in  May  to  four  hundred  ;  in  September  to \neight  hundred.  In  December,  £2000  were  raised  to  purchase  his  winter^s \nwood. \n\nThe  large  Bible,  which  was  used  in  the  Old  North  church,  was  presented \nby  the  committee,  in  behalf  of  the  society,  to  the  second  church  in  New- \nton, at  tlie  time  of  Mr.  Greenough's  settlement  there,  in  1781. \n\nIn  1781  I  find  record  of  a  baptism  by  immersion  of  a  child  about  ten \nyears  old,  at  the  particular  request  of  the  mother,  \"  a  bathing  tub  being \nprepared  for  that  purpose  in  the  meeting-house.\" \n\n(7.)  p.  33.  On  this  occasion,  the  Rev.  President  Kirkland  introduced \nthe  religious  service  with  prayer  ;  Dr.  Ware  preaciied  from  Philip,  iv.  17, \n/  desire  fruit  that  may  abound  to  your  account ;  Rev.  Mr.  Fiske  of  West \nCambridge  made  the  ordaining  j)rayer ;  Dr.  Allyn  of  Duxbury  gave  the \ncharge  ;  Rev.  Mr.  Parkman  presented  the  right  hand  of  fellowship ;  Dr. \nHolmes  of  Cambridge  made  the  concluding  prayer. \n\n\nI  HAVE  said  nothing  in  the  sermon  of  the  Synods  in  which  Increase \nMather  was  engaged.  At  the  time  of  his  arrival  from  England  in  1662,  the \ncountry  was  much  excited  and  divided  about  the  result  of  the  Synod  which \nhad  set  in  the  spring  of  that  year,  and  which  had  published  certain  proposi- \ntions relating  to  church  membership.  The  fiHh  of  these,  which  provided,  that \nthe  children  of  all  who  have  been  baptised  in  infancy,  and  are  not  scanda- \nlous in  life,  and  make  publick  profession  of  faith,  are  entitled  to  baptism, \n— was  the  occasion  of  warm  discussion.  Mr.  Mather,  though  but  a  young \nman,  distinguished  himself  in  the  opposition  to  the  Synod,  who  appointed \nMr.  Mitchel  of  Cambridge,  so  mtich  praised  by  Baxter,  to  answer  him. \nMather  was  convinced  by  the  arguments  of  Mitchel,  and  afterward  publish- \ned in  defence  of  the  proposition  he  had  opposed. — The  other  writers  in  the \ncontroversy  were  Dr.  Chauncy,  president  of  the  college,  against  the  Synod, \nwho  was  answered  by  Mr.  Allin,  of  Dedham  ; — and  Mr.  Davenport  of  New \nHaven,  who  was  answered  by  Mr.  Mather  the  elder,  father  of  Increase, \n\nHe  was  also  an  important  member  of  the  Synocl  of  1679,  by  which  he  was \nappointed  one  of  the  preachers,  and  moderator  at  its  second  session  in  1680. \n\n\n60 \n\nThis  was  the  Reforming  Synod,  called  together  to  consider  \"  What  are  the \nevils  that  have  provoked  the  Lord  to  bring  his  judgments  on  New  England  ; \nand  what  is  to  be  done  that  so  those  evils  may  be  reformed  ?\"  Mr.  Emerson, \nin  his  History  of  the  First  Church,  informs  us,  that  this  was  occasioned  by \nthe  long  continued  controversy  between  the  First  and  Old  South  churches, \nand  that  the  inquiry  was  in  fact  aimed  against  the  Old  South. \n\n\nERRATA. \n\nPage  20,  for  1684,  read  1685. \n\n22,  for  1745,  read  1743. \n\n-^—  —  for  September,  read  July. \n\n\nI \n\n\ni \n\n\nI \n\n\nft \n\n\n\\ \n\n\n\\ \n\n\n\\ \n\n\nI \n\n\n-ni^'A;  '  ''A  .  A \n\n\nir\\,^r\\, \n\n\nm^m_ \n\n\n^M \n\n\n2'^Qmt \n\n\n/■^  ^  ^ir-  V^l \n\n\nm \n\n\n\\!yr(\\--i^s^'''2!: \n\n\n■^^m, \n\n\n\\dmM&;i;ij \n\n\nI'l    V  ■;    I  T,A!.t \n\n\nft\" \n\n\ni^^^'^AA) \n\n\nT \n\n\n^fim \n\n\nj^ \n\n\n^A.-sA^'    ^ \n\n\n't^ \n\n\nm£'Z \n\n\ni  \\' \n\n\n'vvVi \n\n\n^V:V,\\ \n\n\n","title":"Two discourses containing the history of the Old North and New brick churches, united as the Second church in Boston, delivered May 20, 1821, at the completion of a century from the dedication of the present meeting-house in Middle street","updated_at":"2026-09-05T09:56:38.050034Z","urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:two-discourses-containing-the-history-of-the-old-north-and-new-brick-churches-united-as-the-second","version":1,"withdrawn_reason":null},"urn":"urn:lemay:boston:document:two-discourses-containing-the-history-of-the-old-north-and-new-brick-churches-united-as-the-second","version_history":[{"change_note":"accessioned from the Internet Archive, item twodiscoursescon02ware","changed_by":"archive-ingest 0.1.0","recorded_at":"2026-09-05T09:56:38.411028Z","version":1}]}